Native American history

Már az ókorban megszületett az a felismerés, hogy az olvasás egy belső dialógus, amelynek során az olvasó valakivel beszélget, aki távol van, de mégis eljut hozzá a hangja. Teológiai kontextusban Isten a legfontosabb megszólaló, aki szavakat intézett az emberekhez, de nincs jelen kézzelfogható valóságában az olvasás során. Ezt a dialógust jellemezte így Cyprianus a 3. században: mind az ima, mind a Szentírás olvasása a hívő kötelessége, mert az imában szólhat a hívő Istenhez, Isten pedig az Írás által beszél a hívőhöz: "állhatatosan imádkozz, vagy olvass: itt te beszélsz Istenhez, ott Isten tevéled." (Cyprianus, Ad Donatum, 15, szerk. Manlio Simonetti-Claudio Moreschini, Brepols, Turnhout, 1976, 12. Ford. K. F. G.) Az olvasás és az ima mint a párbeszéd két komplementer eleme gyakran visszatérő gondolat lett az egyházatyák katekhétikus írásaiban. Aranyszájú Szt. János Kiss Farkas Gábor Az olvasás mint a dialógus tere a kora újkorban 54

This is a succinct, but thoroughly documented, history of what is known about the people called Mashkodensh (a.k.a. Mascouten) by the Odaawaa and "Fire People," by the Huron, who lived in NW lower Michigan at the time of French arrival, c. 1600, incorporating oral and written historical sources. Chusco's "Saugemau" is an important archival addition to our knowledge, but the French documents and other nineteenth century oral histories have been readily available and should have been standard, quoted in depth, references for Michigan archeologists. There is ample evidence the Meskwaki-Sauk-Kickapoo-Mascouten branch of Algonquian languages lived in the northern lower-Peninsula, and they are the only plausible option for middle and late Woodland sites in northern lower and eastern upper Michigan, until the late proto-historical period.

This book advances a disruptive claim:
the true foundation of sovereignty is belonging. 
States do not endure through force or law alone, but through their power to decide who counts as a member, who is permitted to enter, who may remain, who may return, and who is denied. 
From Canada to Israel and Palestine,
from the United States to Australia, Aotearoa New Zealand, Latin America, and Africa, settler-colonial orders have mastered this power. 
They have narrowed Indigenous autonomy through treaties of containment, imposed blood quantum and registration regimes, elevated the rights of settlers while erasing the rights of the Indigenous, and turned belonging into the quiet machinery of domination. 
Against this architecture stands another tradition. Indigenous nations have long practiced adoption as renewal: a sovereign act of inclusion that sustains life, heals divisions, and expands kinship. 
Adoption is not a marginal custom but the heartbeat of survival through epidemic, displacement, and war. 
To reclaim adoption is to expose the fiction of colonial sovereignty, to assert that membership is not the exclusive prerogative of empire, and to open futures beyond its reach. 

This work advances three propositions. 
First, the control of membership is the hidden frontier of settler power. 
Second, Indigenous adoption endures as a sovereign practice that has been suppressed but not extinguished. 
Third, the politics of belonging is the decisive terrain on which the struggle for freedom will be won or lost. 

The chapters that follow combine law, history, and Indigenous philosophy to trace recurring global patterns, to distinguish inclusive from exclusive models of belonging, and to propose strategies for recovery without violence. 
This is not a detached analysis. 
It is written to unsettle, to contribute to a living struggle, and to invite readers to imagine sovereignty not as exclusion but as the expansive renewal of belonging.

Au début du XIXe siècle, fragmenter la planète pour en révéler l’unité est un objectif important des sciences naturalistes alors en pleine expansion. Le colonel Jean-Baptiste Bory de Saint-Vincent, géologue, botaniste et zoologue, est aussi cartographe : il produit  en 1827 une belle mise en ordre cartographique et raciologique de l’écoumène. Cette double classification témoigne d’une pensée scientifique aux prises avec la mondialisation de la Terre et l’ordre politique et religieux de la France sous la Restauration.

This paper explores the intersection of English Literature pedagogy and Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS), proposing a reimagined approach that integrates indigenous epistemologies with contemporary literary studies. The study examines how oral traditions, storytelling techniques, community-based learning, and environmental consciousness inherent in IKS can enrich the teaching and interpretation of English literature. The role of indigenous languages, folklore, and spiritual narratives in literary discourse further strengthens the argument for a holistic approach to literature education. By decolonizing literary curricula and incorporating indigenous worldviews, educators can create a more inclusive, diverse, and culturally responsive literary pedagogy that aligns with the principles of sustainability, communal wisdom, and holistic education. IKS, deeply rooted in historical and cultural narratives, provides an alternative framework for understanding literature beyond the traditional Eurocentric model. Many indigenous cultures possess rich oral literatures, such as the griot tradition in West Africa [1] and the Dreamtime stories of Australian Aboriginal communities [2]. These traditions contribute to a collective understanding of history, ethics, and cultural identity, which is often neglected in Western-centric literary analysis. By incorporating such narratives into literary pedagogy, we can expand literary studies to recognize and value diverse modes of storytelling. Moreover, the ecological consciousness embedded in IKS presents a critical perspective for analysing literature. Indigenous philosophies emphasize an intrinsic connection between humans and nature, a theme evident in the works of indigenous writers such as Linda Hogan [3] and N. Scott Momaday [4]. Teaching literature through an ecocritical lens informed by IKS allows students to explore sustainability and environmental ethics in ways that resonate with contemporary global concerns. Additionally, integrating IKS in literature courses fosters a pedagogy of inclusivity, ensuring that diverse perspectives are acknowledged and valued. This paper thus aims to highlight the significance of rethinking literary pedagogy by integrating IKS, drawing on case studies, theoretical foundations, and practical applications. By challenging the dominance of Western literary frameworks and embracing indigenous epistemologies, the future of English literature teaching can move towards a more comprehensive and equitable educational paradigm.

My dissertation is a community-engaged history guided by an Advisory Council of Wandat/Wendat women including Chief Emeritus Janith Atrondahwatee English (Kansas), Principal Chief Judith Trǫnyáęhk Manthe (Kansas), Second Chief Louisa Yarǫnyewáʔe Libby (Kansas), Faith Keeper Catherine Taǫmęʔšreʔ Tàmmaro (Ontario), Faith Keeper Sallie Tewatronyahkwa Cotter Andrews (Oklahoma), and Faith Keeper and lawyer Barbara Datǫgya’ha Aston (Oklahoma). This methodological approach built on direct collaboration with these women underscores the project’s commitment to authentically representing their perspectives on their shared history.
It examines structures of power and control within North American Indigenous removal and diaspora, focusing on the responses of Indigenous women to the historic trauma of removal in nineteenth century America. I argue that Wandat women protested removal and erasure of the Wandat from their lands in Tsaʔⁿduskeh, Uhížuʔ (now Upper Sandusky, Ohio) and Wyandott City (now Kansas City, Kansas) in the wake of American expansion in the 1830s. These women fought for their land largely using petitions and letter-writing campaigns to preserve community culture and overcome generations of colonial threats. This research challenges pervasive Settler myths that portray Indigenous peoples as timeless entities confined to the edges of urban metropolises or isolated on reserves. My research demonstrates that Indigenous women maintained strong connections to their homeland(s), even after they were forced to leave.
Contrary to narratives of destruction and erasure, this research reveals the continued presence and agency of Indigenous women in city spaces. It reimagines spaces traditionally seen as Settler or colonial, such as Kansas City, Kansas, as Indigenous ones highlighting the roles of Wandat women in land ownership, agricultural development, and the establishment of cultural institutions like churches and schools. These actions both resisted colonization as well as contributed to the making of cities, states, and countries. Thus, my work positions Indigenous women as central actors in the creation and maintenance of place.

Machi Patawa, translated from the SAYOAH language, means "Divine Unified." It is a southern Aboriginal confederation composed of both tribally enrolled citizens from existing tribal nations and unenrolled descendants with documented genealogical and genetic ties to Southeastern U.S. tribes. Our mission is to preserve, revitalize, and innovate our ancestral traditions, languages, and cultural practices while providing community support, correcting historical inaccuracies, and challenging the colonial erasure of the original peoples of the American South. Many Machi Patawa citizens have genetic connections to ancient American remains as well as to human remains found along historic migration paths from Asia, Oceania, and Europe. Our population reflects deep biological diversity, and we honor all lineages within our citizenry, including ancestral ties to African Aboriginals and to Plains tribal nations further west. Despite these diverse ties, our confederation is grounded in the legacy of the dark-skinned Aboriginal peoples of the Southeastern United States. This claim is supported by multiple historical records and genetic datasets confirming our deep-rooted presence in this region long before colonial contact. As a closing gesture, we offer a glimpse into the SAYOAH language, the ancestral tongue of the Machi Patawa Confederation. These words reflect our living culture and linguistic heritage: SAYOAH Vocabulary Hichato-Hello Niwa-Bye To'kacheh ejesholi-What are you doing? Oo'echeh tokiyo-Where are you from? He'kacheh-How are you? Ahnegija-My name is... Boni-High hair (Afro) Rojayola-Will do Chomaniti-Good morning Hachihapo-Come back Kichi-River Hachimaki-Come up Chehnoko-You are beautiful Chofoehyo-Scalp them Sajodolo-Enemy here Kanivi chehmo kitivo-Talk to you later Viniwa-Thank you

Peter T. Gayford is a professional researcher whose work has focused on Native American land claims for two decades. Gayford has a research collection established at The Newberry Library in Chicago. The following work provides a history of Archange Ouilmette's reserve in Cook County, Illinois. The reserve was awarded in the 1829 Treaty of Prairie du Chien with the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi.

The Ojibwa also known as the Chippewa and Saultaux are a Anishinaabe people today located in southern Canada, the northern Midwest and the Northern Plains. Their language is Anishaabemowin in the Algonquian language family. The Anishaabe are a larger group that includes the Nipissing, Oji-Cree, the Odawa, Potawatomi, as well as the Ojibwa. The Ojibwa’s original homeland was around the outlet of Lake Superior, which the French called Sault Ste. Marie because of its rapids. Those who subsequently moved into the prairie provinces of Canada retained the name Saulteaux.
The Southeastern Ojibwa or Mississagua are the Ojibwa people living around the northeastern shore of Lake Huron and Georgian Bay in present-day Ontario, Canada. The Southwestern Ojibwa, popularly known as the Chippewa, live in a region from where Lake Superior and Lake Huron met at Sault Ste. Marie extending along the northern shore of Lake Huron as far east as Lake Nipissing and including the Upper and Lower Peninsulas of present-day Michigan. The Northern Ojibwa and Saulteaux expanded north of Lake Superior replacing the Cree and Assiniboine in the late seventeenth century following the expansion of the fur trade into central Canada.

The Ottawa (Odawa) and Potawatomie are linguistically and culturally related to the Ojibwas. The homeland of the Ottawa was on both sides of Lake Huron and the lower Michigan peninsula. Champlain encountered them in 1615 near the French River in Ontario, and they entered the fur trade with the French, which forced them to migrate to the west by the Iroquois. By the end of the seventeenth century, they regained their homeland. During the French and Indian War, the Ottawa entered the Three Fires Alliance with the Ojibwa and Potawatomi to fight on the French side against the British and in the Pontiac rebellion of 1763. Later they fought for the British in the Revolutionary War and the War of 1812. They were known for their porcupine-quilled baskets.

The Potawatomi’s original homeland was along the eastern shore of Lake Michigan from the St. Joseph River north to Grand Traverse. In their alliance with France they expanded to both sides of Lake Michigan and into a territory ranging from central Wisconsin to Detroit. They shared this expanded territory with their allies the Ottawa and Ojibwa. Other sections they shared with the Kickapoo, Sauk, and Menominee. Between 1816 and 1839 they ceded their territory to the United States. By 1841 many had moved to Kansas, where they became known as the Prairie Band Potawatomi. Some then moved the Oklahoma Indian Territory in 1867, where they became known as the Citizens’ Band Potawatomi. Some groups remained in southern Michigan, northern Wisconsin, and northern Michigan as well as in Upper Canada.

South of Lake Superior on the west side of Lake Michigan, there were the “distantly related and usually friendly” Menominee. The Menominee were an Algonquian-speaking tribe whose central village was at Mini’Kani near the mouth of the Menominee River. Their territory extended from the Escanaba River in the north to the Milwaukee River in the south and as far west as the Mississippi River. They were divided into three phratries (descent groups with a common ancestor): the Bear phratry, the Big Thunder phratry, and the Wolf phratry. The first chiefs descended from the Bear phratry, and the war chiefs from the Thunder phratry. Within each phratry were sub-phratries and totems, each with an animal name.

To the south of the Menominee were the Souian-speaking Winnebago, also known as the Ho-Chunk. Winnebago was the name used by the Potawatomi; their name for themselves was Ho-Chunk. Their territory homeland included parts of Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, and Illinois. They shared many of the culture traits as the Algonquian-speaking neighbors.

To the south of the Winnebago were the Fox. The French called them the Renards (“Foxes). The Ojibwas called them the Outagami (“People of the Opposite Shore”). They called themselves the Mesquakie (“the people of the Red Earth”). They spoke a dialect of the Algonquian language family that was similar to that spoken by the Sac (or Sauk) and the Kickapoo.

Before the arrival of Europeans, the Fox participated in intertribal trade networks extending from the Great Lakes to the Mississippi Valley. Their original homeland was in Michigan, but they were driven into Wisconsin by the Ojibwa. They settled along the Wolf River in Wisconsin, but by 1700 they scattered from Green Bay up the Fox River to the Wisconsin River. Their trade with the French was more tenuous than that of the Potawatomi and Miami, who were later arrivals to the region. The Ojibwas, who were their traditional enemy, excluded them from trade with the French coureurs de bois. The Potawatomi at Green Bay also tried to prevent French traders from visiting the Foxvillages. The Dakota to the west were also enemies for decades.

Southwest of Lake Superior in western Wisconsin and Minnesota and as far west as the upper Red River, the Ojibwas were separated by a prairie buffer zone from their enemies the Dakota (a.k.a. Sioux) and from the Red River to the west with the Cree, Assiniboine, and the Métis or Gens Libre of mixed French and mostly Cree ancestry. They were the descendants of the former employees of the old French North West Company and its rival the X.Y. Company that merged in 1804-1805.

As the Portland City Council considers the proposal to remodel PGE Park for Major League Soccer, we (an architect and a Goose Hollow neighborhood board member) feel strongly that the architecturally unique and neighborhood-friendly sightlines into PGE Park must be preserved.
Where once there was an enormous, cinder block wall along Southwest 18th,
the last remodel of the park opened up that side of the stadium to the
neighborhood. That change has created an egalitarian and friendly
relationship with the stadium -- with glimpses of the field and the fans that
make them part of the neighborhood. Now we are threatened with an
excluding wall once again in a place where the visual connection between
street and stadium is critical to the vitality of this place. Fans sitting inside the stadium talk about how nice it is to see the action of the city, the skyline, and the MAX rolling by as they watch games. Visitors to Portland comment on how refreshing it is to catch a moment of a game as they pass by; that it says much about the open-minded nature of our city. Conversely, there is something small-minded about not preserving that view. It is not beyond the wit of a good architect to design a functional stadium that preserves that vital link between stadium and city street.

Feature interview with Dr. Tracy Prince about her book on Goose Hollow, with histories of Tanner Creek, the early days of Portland, Chinese vegetable gardens, and famous residents, including Foreword author, Mayor Bud Clark. Book launches at Powells Bookstore and block party at the Goose Hollow Inn.

English (ENG)
‘Americans Are Incapable of Any Culture’: A Note on Readings of the Racial Question in Kant. /
This article reviews recent interpretations of the race question in Kant, focusing especially on the different ways statements like “Americans are incapable of any culture” have been connected to his broader philosophy. Some scholars view this as a radical incompatibility with Kant’s overall thought, while others see it as a distinctive feature of his system, linked to his interest in the natural sciences. The article challenges these interpretations by examining Kant’s partial reference to Antonio Ulloa, which supports the statement but has been surprisingly overlooked by commentators. This reference offers a crucial reading experience, as it compels one to clarify one’s overall understanding of an author’s work. Contrary to the logical fiction of a systematically organized work centered on a single intention, and also against the idea of clearly separated phases, the article highlights the possibility of multiple temporalities within a single work, including delays and shifts in intention.

Français (FR)
Cet article revient sur les récentes interprétations de la question raciale chez Kant, en insistant particulièrement sur les différentes manières de relier des énoncés tels que « les Américains sont incapables de toute culture » au reste de sa philosophie. Certains y voient une incompatibilité radicale avec la pensée kantienne dans son ensemble, tandis que d’autres y reconnaissent un trait caractéristique de son système, lié à son intérêt pour les sciences naturelles. L’article remet en question ces interprétations en examinant la référence partielle de Kant à Antonio Ulloa, qui soutient cet énoncé mais a été étonnamment négligée par les commentateurs. Cette référence offre une expérience de lecture cruciale, car elle oblige à expliciter sa compréhension globale de l’œuvre d’un auteur. À rebours de la fiction logique d’une œuvre systématiquement organisée autour d’une intention unique, et aussi de celle d’une succession de phases distinctes, l’article met en lumière la possibilité de temporalités multiples au sein d’une même œuvre, incluant des retards et des décalages d’intention.

Honor played a vital role in southern culture and was not taken lightly, for one of the reasons the South seceded was that southerners believed their honor had been insulted. The traditions of the South demanded control of land and the independence to act for the good of family and community. The South began to feel the pressure of servitude to political forces that denounced practices like slavery, particularly in debates over the spread of slavery in western territories. Secession, then, can be understood as an effort to restore southern honor. 1 One of Virginia's leading gentlemen, Robert E. Lee, joined the Confederacy in 1861. With him, he brought not only his extraordinary military talents but an unwavering sense of honor and virtue that he possessed not only in wartime but throughout his entire life. For Lee, honor required action for the overall public good. Lee had devoted thirty years of his life to the U.S. Army yet during the Civil War he forfeited his Arlington Plantation along the Potomac River, had sons and relatives captured, and suffered physical hardships himself. If the Confederate cause was to succeed, Lee felt that private citizens and public figures would have to cooperate, sacrifice, and accept their duty. During the Civil War, the Confederate States of America learned quickly that the many independently functioning factions within their ranks did not have a cohesive intent or purpose. While Lee depended on honor and virtue to sustain the South, the very concept was virtually lost in the face of war. Lee, like so many others, lost sight of the Confederate vision as the difficulties of their individual situations were intensified.

Honor played a vital role in southern culture and was not taken lightly, for one of the reasons the South seceded was that southerners believed their honor had been insulted. The traditions of the South demanded control of land and the independence to act for the good of family and community. The South began to feel the pressure of servitude to political forces that denounced practices like slavery, particularly in debates over the spread of slavery in western territories. Secession, then, can be understood as an effort to restore southern honor. 1 One of Virginia's leading gentlemen, Robert E. Lee, joined the Confederacy in 1861. With him, he brought not only his extraordinary military talents but an unwavering sense of honor and virtue that he possessed not only in wartime but throughout his entire life. For Lee, honor required action for the overall public good. Lee had devoted thirty years of his life to the U.S. Army yet during the Civil War he forfeited his Arlington Plantation along the Potomac River, had sons and relatives captured, and suffered physical hardships himself. If the Confederate cause was to succeed, Lee felt that private citizens and public figures would have to cooperate, sacrifice, and accept their duty. During the Civil War, the Confederate States of America learned quickly that the many independently functioning factions within their ranks did not have a cohesive intent or purpose. While Lee depended on honor and virtue to sustain the South, the very concept was virtually lost in the face of war. Lee, like so many others, lost sight of the Confederate vision as the difficulties of their individual situations were intensified.

Exploring the hunting acumen of Native Americans from extant resources of frontier journals throughout the contact period. Through stasis of rigid ancient lifeways, historical accounts are another source of data to understand more ancient people groups of the artifacts in our possession today. Snapshots taken of Native hunting behaviors, techniques, tools and species intent through eyewitness accounts can be thought of as portals to learn about more archaic cultures when continuity is established or evidenced. Through observation, worship and parody of animals, North American Indigenous people groups were some of the most adept hunters  the world has ever known. This treatise brings data points from a wide range of sources to round out speculation and assumptions from other archaeological diagnostics.

The objective of this study was to test the limitations of lithic raw material identification and diagnosis of thermal alteration with regard to materials commonly identified at prehistoric sites in Minnesota.  The study was conducted to assess how well these different aspects of lithic analysis can be carried out using only macroscopic techniques with the aid of a 10x hand lens.  Though more sophisticated methods exist by which material types may be differentiated (microscopy, spectroscopy, trace element analysis, etc.); the most accessible, affordable, and utilized method is macroscopic analysis with the aid of a 10x hand lens.  The results of the study indicate that macroscopic observation with the aid of a 10x hand lens can be an effective method with regard to differentiating and identifying most lithic raw materials commonly encountered at archaeological sites in Minnesota.  A set of five gray, tan, and cream colored cherts contributed 68 percent of the errors in this study and highlight the need for improved classification methodologies for this group of Paleozoic cherts.  Though some raw materials exhibit diagnostic changes due to heat exposure, on the whole, diagnosis of heat-treatment remains an ambiguous venture in Minnesota.  Further studies are needed to ascertain additional defining factors that might aid in the correct diagnosis of thermal alteration.

There is much more known about Lower Michigan, after Odaawaa occupied Mackinac c. 1672, than during the proto-historical period. Nonetheless, there is something of a mystery, possibly apocryphal, as to how Ottawa and Chippewa (as they were called) came to share West Michigan. This paper presents the available documentation from French, British, and early American periods, through the 1836 Treaty, with consideration of continuing tensions as Little Traverse Ottawa moved into Grand Traverse Chippewa territory during the 1840s.

The Land we live in is our own": Indigenous Conceptions of Space in Eighteenth-Century Florida by James Hill I n 1792, Okillissa Chupka, the me ¯kko or headman of the town of Coweta Hitchiti, sent a message to Spanish King Carlos IV. Decyring Spanish officials' recent intereference in Coweta diplomacy, he asserted that "the Land we live in is our own & we are determined to have whom we wish in it." Statements like Okillissa Chupka's are not rare or uncommon in the documentary record. Indigenous leaders maintained the right to control who entered, left, or resided in their territory. All too frequently, scholars of Florida history have ignored the sovereign claims of Indigenous polities. However, Okillissa Chupka was one of a chorus of Indigenous leaders that boldly asserted and physically enacted their territorial claims to Florida throughout the eighteenth century. 1 European colonial claims continue to shape how most scholars periodize Florida history, particularly how they define distinct periods of territorial control: Florida's "Spanish Period (1565-1763)," "British Period (1763-83)," "Second Spanish Period (1784-1821),"

The focus of this thesis is on Historic Period Native American villages within the Middle Rock River. For the purpose of this thesis, the Middle Rock River is the portion of the Rock River Valley in north central Illinois. There are very few sites in the Middle Rock River dating to the time when both Native Americans and Europeans/Euro-Americans occupied it. This is contrary to the several Native American villages recorded in historical documents. Why have these villages not been found archaeologically? Using historical documents, previous archaeological research and my own original research, I explore three explanations 1.) The sites: to ephemeral, 2.) reoccupation destroyed the sites, and 3.) the area has not been researched enough. Additionally, I use historical documents to answer questions of ethnicity, behavioral patterns and culture contact, all of which could be used in future research to create a predictive model to locate Historic Period Native American sites.

Archaeological investigations of Apple Island in Orchard Lake, Oakland County, Michigan, were casually begun in the early decades of the 20th century when the owners of the centrally located Campbell family farm plowed up and then reinterred a Native American burial accompanied by a pewter bowl filled with white shell beads. 2000 and 2003 discontinuous shallow excavations conducted by local middle school students under the direction of Michael Stafford of the Cranbrook Institute of Science, yielded quantities of animal bone and a scattering of European trade goods. Stafford assigned these to a “Fur Trade” site but never fully reported on the site or its contents. In 2008 excavations supported by the Greater West Bloomfield Historical Society and the University of Detroit - Mercy, were conducted by West Bloomfield School science teachers, directed by David S. Brose. Careful stratigraphic and geomorphological analyses documented the extent of the 18th century occupation and revealed a...

Archaeological investigations of Apple Island in Orchard Lake, Oakland County, Michigan, were casually begun in the early decades of the 20th century when the wners of the centrally located Campbell family, farm plowed up and then reinterred a Native American burial accompanied by a pewter bowl filled with white shell beads. 2000 and 2003 discontinuous shallow excavations conducted by local middle school students under the direction of Michael Stafford of the Cranbrook Institute of Science, yielded quantities of animal bone and a scattering of European trade goods. Stafford assigned these to a “Fur Trade” site but never fully reported on the site or its contents. In 2008 excavations supported by the Greater West Bloomfield Historical Society and the University of Detroit Mercy, were conducted by West Bloomfield School science teachers, directed by David S. Brosc. Careful stratigraphic and geomorphological analyses documented the extent of the 18th century occupation and revealed a s...

This course introduces students to the methods and theory of archaeology and its unique perspective to anthropology's comparative and holistic approach to the human experience that of deep time. The course will include case studies from around the world and from many different time periods to introduce students to the research process and field and lab methods (including survey, excavation, dating methods, and laboratory analyses) that archaeologists use to explore fundamental questions about the human past. We will critically and creatively consider the roles of diverse social theories and stakeholder voices in shaping archaeological research. By the end of this course, students will not only grasp the scientific and humanistic aspects of the discipline of archaeology, but also appreciate how archaeologists' long-range view of the written and unwritten past can profoundly influence understandings of what it means to be human.

À travers une lecture croisée de la pensée de Nietzsche et de Foucault autour de la question des animaux, nous proposerons une lecture « généalogique » des rapports homme-animaux, où l’espèce apparaîtra comme un enjeu stratégique pour penser une situation de domination. La problématique des pulsions et des instincts servira comme charnière entre la perspective nietzschéenne et celle de Foucault, en nous permettant de mettre en parallèle, d’une part, la manière dont Nietzsche utilise des termes issus de la zoologie de son époque – comme celui de Züchtung (élevage) et de Zähmung (dressage) – pour rendre raison des processus d’incorporation pulsionnelle et, de l’autre, la manière dont Foucault envisage les corps, dans leur matérialité à la fois historique et biologique, comme une surface d’inscription des rapports de pouvoir. Il sera alors question de penser l’articulation entre la docilité qui est en jeu entre les hommes et la docilité qui est supposée devoir structurer les rapports des hommes aux animaux, dans la mesure où ces deux typologies de docilité se réalisent à travers un enracinement biologique d’instances de domination partagées au sein d’une même culture, quoique les résistances qu’elles rencontrent et les techniques qu’elles déploient soient, et seulement jusqu’à un certain point, différentes.

One day in 1866 the McIntosh family learned that they were free. Prior to that day Jackson and Hagar McIntosh and their eight children had labored for their owner, Roley McIntosh. He was the micco (generally translated as “king”) of the town of Coweta in the Creek Nation in present-day Oklahoma. Roley McIntosh, like some of the wealthiest men in the nation, had taken up arms for the Creek faction that had allied itself with the Confederacy in the American Civil War. The nation was split as another faction fought alongside Union forces. When Roley McIntosh’s side lost and a treaty of peace with the United States emancipated Creek slaves, he sent word that Jackson and Hagar McIntosh, their children, and his other slaves were freed. The good news did not stop there, however. More than six decades later one of the McIntosh daughters, Nellie, would still recall hearing the momentous news that “we . . . can take up some land for our own selves.”

After the war the McIntoshes stayed on the same land they had once farmed for their master. The land they farmed became their own because of the nature of Creek citizenship and land tenure. The 1866 treaty of peace between the federal government and the Creek Nation (also known as the Muskogee Nation) declared that freed slaves were full Creek citizens. Moreover, the treaty explicitly stated that black Creek citizens would enjoy “an equal interest in the soil.” Black people constituted about 13 percent of the nation of 14,300 people—about 1,780 former slaves and at least 60 people (certainly many more) who were free prior to the war. The treaty meant that they could carve farms out of the national lands just as other citizens could. All lands belonged to the nation as a whole, but Creek farmers enjoyed exclusive use (usufruct) rights over the land they tilled and planted.

The notion that the United States threatened to invade the Canadian colonies after the Civil War persists to this day. Alleged British and Canadian support for the Confederate States angered Washington so much that Canadians feared military action. This menace started the Confederation movement that created the Dominion in 1867. This article argues otherwise by pointing to the careful diplomacy during the war-and rapid changes afterwards-each worked against the threat of a war. Tensions rose and fell with events such as the Trent Affair of 1861 and the St. Albans Raid of 1864, but each country otherwise sought to avoid trouble. Neither side deployed troops to the border during the war. After Appomattox, Union soldiers headed north but only to return home. Demobilization, combined with military deployments to the former Confederacy and the West, and resolute diplomacy afterwards, further prevented conflict. Not even the Fenian raids of 1866 and 1870 could disturb the peace.

The Dynamics of Culture Change and it's Reflection in the Archaeological Record at Espiritu Santo de Zuniga, Victoria, Texas (41VT11). Committee Chair: Susan deFrance During the summer and fall of 1995 test excavations were completed at the presumed second location of the Espiritu Santo mission. This location along the Guadalupe river in present-day Victoria County, Texas was occupied from 1726 to 1749 by Franciscan missionaries and Aranama and Tamique Indians. The archaeological record of the mission offers a unique opportunity to examine the processes of change at work and their effects on both the mission Indians and the friars. Through the examination of the material and faunal remains, questions of the effects of contact and long term interaction are addressed. This research adds to our knowledge of the mission era in southeast Texas and contributes to the cultural history of Texas.

In June of 2021, the University of Texas at San Antonio Center for Archaeological Research (CAR) was retained by the Cityof San Antonio to produce a comprehensive archival and historical research report addressing issues related to burials andcemeteries at the Alamo and surrounding Alamo Plaza area. This effort was directed by the City Manager’s Office (CMO) insupport of the Alamo Citizen’s Advisory Committee (ACAC).CAR, with the direction, coordination, and support of the CMO and the City Archaeologists with the Office of HistoricPreservation, met with three members of the ACAC representing history and archaeology to respond to questions and provideregular updates. The first of these meetings was held on June 29, 2021, and they continued through the end of September 2021.In addition to coordination with the three ACAC members, CAR was also tasked with making three presentations to the entireACAC. These occurred on September 14 and November 4 of 2021, and on April 11, 2022.The report provides a comprehensive archival and historical synthesis relative to specific research topics. The results include adiscussion of the several communities that occupied the site, in particular the Franciscan Mission from 1724-1793; the Pueblode Valero from 1793-1810 and the Compañia Volante de San Carlos de Parras from 1802-1835.The report examines Spanish Colonial and Mexican burial practices together with archaeological analogs from other local andregional sites as a predictive indicator for potentially new encounters with human remains and as an explanation for remainsreported in the archival records. Included with the particular examination of the mission period, this report recapitulates theentirety of the listed burials from Mission San Antonio de Valero along with several analyses of those records. In addition tothe recapitulation and analyses, all of these records have also been made available online for anyone interested in using them.Period archival records were exhaustively examined to attempt to collect every known written account of human remainsreported in the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first centuries either from the Alamo buildings or within or adjacent to AlamoPlaza. This same comprehensive treatment was also applied to the archival documents and narratives related to the dead fromthe Battle of the Alamo.This work product was not conducted under a Texas Antiquities Permit, and no recommendations regarding National Registerstatus or eligibility or landmark designation are provided. All supporting research conducted for this report, report drafts,internal and external correspondence, and figures are retained at the CAR curatorial repository on the UTSA Main Campusfound under accession #2589.This work product was not conducted under a Texas Antiquities Permit, and no recommendations regarding National Registerstatus or eligibility or landmark designation are provided. All supporting research conducted for this report, report drafts,internal and external correspondence, and figures are retained at the CAR curatorial repository on the UTSA Main Campusfound under accession #2589.
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(PDF) An Archival and Archaeological Review of Reported Human Remains at Alamo Plaza and Mission San Antonio de Valero, San Antonio, Bexar County, Texas. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/363484678_An_Archival_and_Archaeological_Review_of_Reported_Human_Remains_at_Alamo_Plaza_and_Mission_San_Antonio_de_Valero_San_Antonio_Bexar_County_Texas [accessed Nov 12 2024].

I n the spring of 2003 the United States, backed by Britain, invaded Iraq, a country with the second largest oil reserves in the world. The United States is now working to expand Iraqi oil production, while securing for itself an increasingly dominant position in the control of this crucial resource as part of its larger economic and geopolitical strategy. Earlier, the same US administration that invaded Iraq had pulled out of the Kyoto Protocol, designed to limit the growth in the emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases responsible for global warming-a phenomenon threatening all life as we know it. It is no wonder, then, that the last few years have seen a growth of concern about ecological imperialism, which in many eyes has become as significant as the more familiar political, economic and cultural forms of imperialism to which it is related. In 1986 Alfred Crosby published a work entitled Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900, that described the destruction wrought on indigenous environments-most often inadvertently-by the European colonization of much of the rest of the world. 1 Old World flora and fauna introduced into New World environments experienced demographic explosions with adverse effects on native species. As the subtitle of Crosby's book suggested, his historical analysis dealt mainly with 'biological expansion' and thus had no direct concern with imperialism as a political-economic phenomenon. It did not consider how ecology might relate to the domination of the periphery of the capitalist world economy by the centre, or to rivalry between different capitalist powers. Like the infectious diseases that killed tens of millions of indigenous peoples following Columbus' landing in the Americas, ecological imperialism in this view worked as a purely biological force, following 'encounters' between

Let Their Spirits Dance "We're pilgrims of Aztlán, heading east, following the rising sun, on our own quest, una manda, searching out an invisible trek in a maze of voices calling, prayers, magical words, singsong chants of the ancient world, good wishes, broken promises, pain, traveling through the whiteness of Aztlán. My mother, the beginning of it all, is blind to all she's done. We're pilgrims on a journey to America's wailing wall. Only our faith will get us there."-Stella Pope Duarte 2 The Vietnam War Memorial was surrounded by controversy when the design was first revealed, some calling it a "black gash of shame and sorrow," a "degrading ditch" or a "tombstone" in reaction to the unconventional nature of the site (Sturken 51). The appearance of the two black walls, sunken low into the ground that met in the middle, functioned as a visual opposition to the phallic monuments constructed out of white stone that dominated the Washington Mall already, and was seen as a degrading or shameful form of honoring those whose lives were lost in the war. For many Americans, the black wall etched with the names of fallen soldiers who fought in a failed and unwanted war, embodies the same despair and loss associated with the mourners at Jerusalem's Wailing Wall. Just as Jews go to this site to mourn and bemoan the destruction of the sacredness of the temple, Americans journey to the Vietnam War Memorial to heal old wounds, and mourn not only the death of so many soldiers, but also the social stigmatization endured by veterans of that war. Marita Sturken explains, "the memorial has tapped into a reservoir of need to express in public the pain of this war, a desire to transfer

Randolph Scully who taught me much and prodded me to do better when I needed it. Finally, I'd like to thank my family including my in-laws Charles and Patricia Wright and my parents John L. and Phyllis Knoerl who provided so much support over the years. My brother Dr. John J. Knoerl has been my role model since I was born and helped create the maps in this dissertation. Most importantly, my wife Nancy, my son Ian, and my daughter Kathryn made the process possible through their patience and love over the last seven years. They sacrificed much without complaint and understood when I went off on research trips to the Great Lakes, while I kept the family dining room table covered in books, articles, logbooks, and countless scraps of paper, and when I sequestered myself to write. All three of them are great scholars in their own right. Nancy is an experienced and patient teacher. Ian inspired me with his passion for his own research, and Kathryn with her love of writing and learning. I hope to emulate all of them over the future course of my academic career. v

The dispossession at the core of the fur trade is barely perceptible, especially when recounted as part of the genesis narrative of British North American capitalism and stateformation. By focusing on the exploitation of Indigenous peoples' labour by company traders, I make this dispossession more conspicuous, revealing it as neither a direct nor a uniform process, but rather fragmented and driven by a host of legal, economic, and geopolitical factors. To achieve this, dialectical materialism is the preferred mode of analysis. Such a perspective brings into relief the uneven and combined nature of legal and economic transformation, disclosing the inner dimensions of dispossession that are the principal legacy of the fur trade and British North American settler-colonialism alike. At stake in this study is not only a comprehensive account of the processes of dispossession, but also a commentary on the insidiousness of these processes-that is, an inside look at how customary reciprocity was distorted through exploitative practices that served of dispossession."

The dispossession at the core of the fur trade is barely perceptible, especially when recounted as part of the genesis narrative of British North American capitalism and stateformation. By focusing on the exploitation of Indigenous peoples' labour by company traders, I make this dispossession more conspicuous, revealing it as neither a direct nor a uniform process, but rather fragmented and driven by a host of legal, economic, and geopolitical factors. To achieve this, dialectical materialism is the preferred mode of analysis. Such a perspective brings into relief the uneven and combined nature of legal and economic transformation, disclosing the inner dimensions of dispossession that are the principal legacy of the fur trade and British North American settler-colonialism alike. At stake in this study is not only a comprehensive account of the processes of dispossession, but also a commentary on the insidiousness of these processes-that is, an inside look at how customary reciprocity was distorted through exploitative practices that served of dispossession."

The 'New-Jerusalem Reflector' states that the building of the TEMPLE OF NEPHI is to be commenced about the beginning of the first of the year of the Millennium. Thousands are already flocking to the standard of Joseph the Prophet. The Book of Mormon is expected to astonish the natives!!-Abner Cole 1 As A NEW FAITtt's PURPORTED "Gold Bible" began rolling off the presses at the E. B. Grandin print shop, the public was curious to know the nature of that faith. Protestant sects proliferated wildly during the Second Great Awakening, particularly in the fertile soil of upstate New York's "Burned-over District:' And restorationists, like the Christian primitivist Disciples of Christ, who aimed to restore the New Testament Church, were a familiar breed among them. Such sects provided the best model for what the public might expect Palmyra's new faith to become, but actual information was still hard to come by.