Maras Gangs

This article examines vigilante security governance in the Nigerian city of Jos. Focusing on the Vigilante Group of Nigeria (VGN) and Neighbourhood Watch, I explore how vigilantes in Jos have reproduced and enhanced their authority by positioning themselves as potential victims of violence perpetrated by criminal gangs. In order to understand how vigilantes cultivate their authority in the city, I propose the notion of hemato-politics (politics of blood). Hemato-politics is the strategic deployment of human blood as a biomaterial medium of exchange that enables vigilantes to trade hematic self-sacrifice for power and authority over their local communities. Hemato-politics is partly performed through the distribution and circulation of images of wounded bleeding bodies, which serve as a spectacular and persuasive visual technique that attracts sympathy and solidarity from communities. Vigilantes' authority is thus inextricably linked to their relationship with their communities, as mediated by an aesthetic of corporeality and visuality.

Si en Colombia el paramilitarismo se organizó en grupos armados al servicio del narcotráfico, que simulaban no tener conexión alguna con el Estado; al contrario, en Ecuador ha aparecido la paradelincuencia: grupos de militares, policías, funcionarios públicos que forman parte activa del crimen organizado, del narcotráfico, y que fingen no tener ninguna conexión con estos. La expresión: narcogenerales ecuatorianos, usada por el embajador de EEUU, es una forma de la paradelincuencia; a propósito, que en el país no hay ningún narcogeneral preso.

Dentre  as  diversas  manifestações  dos  chamados  Atores  Não  Estatais  Violentos  (ANEVs),  o  fenômeno  conhecido como Novo Cangaço (NC) emergiu no Brasil em torno dos anos 1990, tornando-se atualmente uma  ameaça  de  cunho  nacional.  O  NC  se  destaca  por  empregar  táticas,  técnicas  e  procedimentos  característicos  de  forças  militares,  demonstrando  um  elevado  nível  de  adestramento  e  disciplina  tática  não  usuais  ao  crime  comum.  Entretanto,  como  classificar  o  NC  à  luz  de  distintas  manifestações  de atores armados não estatais? O presente artigo propõe uma categorização do fenômeno em tela com fins de identificá-lo e classificá-lo corretamente. Esta categorização se estrutura a partir da definição de conceitos como Gangues de Terceira Geração (3G2), Insurgência Criminal e Terrorismo. Através da revisão de literatura referente aos conceitos mobilizados, o artigo conclui que o NC não se insere completamente em nenhuma das categorias analisadas, configurando uma espécie de híbrido criminal.

AGRADECIMIENTOS Estas páginas cierran un largo y sostenido esfuerzo de interrogación sobre la sociedad contemporánea. En el curso de su trayecto he con-traído una deuda de gratitud con varias instituciones y más de una persona. En cuanto a las instituciones, el primer ...

The Northern Triangle of Central America is currently the most violent region in the world. Youth in particular are bearing the brunt of this violence, the level of which is comparable to or higher than in the armed conflict settings of Iraq, Somalia, or Sudan. Young men and women are most susceptible to armed violence, and those living in marginal areas are particularly at risk. As a result of such exposure, youth can become both perpetrators and victims of the hostile environment.

In an era marked by rapid technological advancement and the convergence of human and machine capabilities, the nature of criminal behavior is evolving in unprecedented ways. This article investigates the concept of humanoid criminal behavior-a term used to describe illicit actions that either mimic human traits or exploit emerging technologies designed to replicate or manipulate human cognition, identity, and interaction. Such behaviors include the use of synthetic identities, AI-generated deception, deepfake technologies, and psychologically engineered social manipulation. These phenomena pose unique challenges to traditional law enforcement and intelligence frameworks, demanding innovative and covert investigative approaches. The paper critically examines a range of covert methodologies employed to decode and counteract humanoid criminal complexity. These include behavioral profiling, digital forensics, virtual surveillance, and intelligence operations that blend human and technical capabilities. By analyzing the effectiveness and limitations of these methods, the study highlights the need for adaptive strategies that can respond to the fluid and hybrid nature of modern threats. Furthermore, the article explores how global security preparedness must evolve to address these emerging risks.

This subject bibliography, which contains resources published between 2013 and 2025 with an emphasis on newer works, explores the evolving intersection of artificial intelligence (AI), logistics, and autonomous systems as they relate to transnational criminal and narco-terrorist organizations, with a primary focus on Latin American cartels. Specifically, it examines how AI- driven tools—such as machine learning, geospatial analytics, and natural language processing— are being leveraged both by illicit networks to optimize trafficking routes and by law enforcement agencies to disrupt them. The latter can, in turn, be ‘blue teamed’ by illicit organizations for countermeasures development. The work focuses on extracting, analyzing, and organizing the academic literature alongside news reports to better understand how contemporary AI—typically, but not exclusively, generative artificial intelligence (GEN AI)—is being weaponized and/or operationally employed by organized criminal organizations and across illicit flows.

"Cruces, Rifles y Volcanes": Violencia contra mujeres y niñas en El Salvador, es el capítulo 1, del tomo II (1-54) del libro De Género y Guerra: nuevos enfoques en los conflictos armados". En el capítulo "Cruces, Rifles y Volcanes" la autora Claudia Hasanbegovic presenta una aproximación a la violencia basada en el género contra mujeres y niñas en esa república centroamericana, ofreciendo cifras de varias de sus expresiones, y contextualizando el fenómeno en términos del legado de la guerra civil (1981-1992) que culminó en El Salvador con la firma de los acuerdos de paz en 1992, y de la existencia de diversas corrientes religiosas que tienen un impacto en las políticas públicas en materia de género, en especial, respecto de los derechos reproductivos.

En un país donde cada día miles de personas emigran escapando de diversas formas de violencia, que incluyen la violencia social relacionada con las maras y la violencia sexual entre otras, llamó la atención de la autora Claudia Hasanbegovic, la existencia y actividad de las "defensoras de derechos humanos de las mujeres y del medio ambiente". Estas mujeres, muchas de ellas sobrevivientes de violencia de género, en forma gratuita acompañan a otras mujeres y niñas que sufren violencia de género, y enfrentan junto con las mismas, muchos riesgos de represalias. Es por ello que, el capítulo ofrece también el trabajo empírico de la autora residiendo durante tres meses en El Salvador.

This article is an ethnographic account of the Primeiro Comando da Capital’s informal justice. I introduce a key aspect of the ‘debate’, a dispute resolution process, which has not been discussed yet: its selective and fragmented nature. This refines the idea of normative orders and the discussion on how informal justices shape legal pluralism in Latin America. I show that the effect of the PCC’s informal justice on governance should be analysed in
the light of the growing disconnection between two dimensions: on the one hand, its transcendent dimension relates to a set of behaviours and performances. It has shaped the city’s code of the street and has a self regulatory effect. On the other hand, the implication of the PCC’s members in dispute and arbitration is as selective as is the order of the police or the state. Access to the PCC’s institutions depends on individuals’ networks, their behaviours, gatekeepers, and broader political and territorial considerations that are not grasped by approaches in term of norms, criminal governance or legal pluralism. This increasingly selective system of justice led to new perceptions of the PCC in the 2010s and a form of disappointment with the organisation in some deprived communities.

This paper explores the emergence, organization, and socio-political context of the Panga Boys gang in Mombasa, Kenya, and its far-reaching impact on urban security, youth development, and community stability. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork conducted in key gang-affected subcounties, the study investigates the structural drivers such as poverty, unemployment, political marginalization, and weak governance that contribute to gang formation and proliferation. The Panga Boys gang is characterized by decentralized cells that engage in violent crime, drug trafficking, and extortion, with recruitment strategies targeting economically and socially vulnerable youth. The paper critically evaluates state and community responses, highlighting the ineffectiveness of punitive policing and the potential of community-led initiatives. It also discusses the challenges and possibilities for rehabilitating and reintegrating former gang members. Ultimately, the study underscores the need for multisectoral, rights-based, and context-specific strategies to address gang violence and promote youth empowerment in Kenya's urban peripheries.

Estas nociones deben ser especialmente atendidas en los procesos de desmovilización y reinserción del combatiente a la vida civil, pues la integración de construcciones de guerra y del tratamiento de la mujer en las relaciones familiares y comunitarias una vez desmovilizado, muy probablemente engrosará, con base en experiencias anteriores, las diferentes cifras relativas a la violencia contra la mujer y las consecuencias negativas en contra de estas. Planteando nuevos retos en la erradicación de todo tipo de violencia en prejuicio de la mujer, así como su máxima expresión: el feminicidio.

This brief demonstrates how humanitarian diplomatic tools and practices have become particularly important during humanitarian negotiations with armed groups to foster the conditions required for negotiations to begin, and to provide incentives for armed groups to come to the negotiating table.

Desde mediados de la década de 1990, los periódicos guatemaltecos han publicado fotografías de hombres con el cuerpo tatuado a quienes identifican como mareros. La movilización de estas fotografías juega un rol clave en la socialización de ideas acerca de quiénes son estos sujetos y qué hacen, lo que da pie a la formación de una mirada pública del crimen como fenómeno concomitante a la posguerra. La formación de la referida mirada pública, a su vez, devino en un componente nodal de una nueva contrainsurgencia en la forma de lucha contra el crimen, de la cual la nota roja operó como uno de sus dispositivos retóricos. La discusión que ofrezco se centra en el desempeño de los dos periódicos representativos del género:

Intelligence fusion centers are one approach to providing intelligence, indications and warning, and analytical support to government agencies at all levels of government, and across jurisdictional boundaries, to address a range of issues, including terrorism and violent extremism. This article provides a case study of the Los Angeles Terrorism Early Warning Group (LA TEW). The LA TEW was a pioneer in developing and providing comprehensive, all-source intelligence support to a metropolitan region. The TEW model included law enforcement (police and corrections), fire service, emergency medical services, public health, and emergency management agencies, along with a network of subject matter experts to provide insight into terrorist threats, extremism, critical infrastructure protection and emerging threats. The LA TEW also developed a range of analytical models and approaches to provide intelligence support for civil protection and counterterrorism that are reviewed in this article.

This article provides an exploratory social network analysis (SNA) mixed methods case study of an MS-13 (alternatively, MS13) street gang clique (MS-13 regional component) in Southern California. It specifically uses longitudinal analysis looking at a before and after ego network comparison punctuated by the event of the replacement of a leadership figure within MS-13 known as a “shot-caller.” This leadership shift led to an organizational change and was initiated outside the clique by MS-13 regional Los Angeles leadership in a meeting event. The researchers built the networks from detailed court documents, including the 127-page Racketeering Influenced Corrupt Organization (RICO) indictment United States of America v. Balmore et al. (2017) filed in the Central District of California. The regional MS-13 leadership appeared to have effective intelligence on this sub-group of the overarching MS-13 network based on key metrics after the shift, including a reduction in the diameter (number of steps across the network) of the “after” ego networks. Our findings provide a small indicator that some components of MS-13 may have a more hierarchical networked structure than previously identified, calling for more research into this area.

Claudia Sheinbaum's victory in June marked a watershed moment for Morena (Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional, Movement for National Regeneration), the party she had helped build since 2011. Together with its allies in the coalition Juntos Haremos Historia (Together We Will Make History), Morena won seven out of nine disputed state governments and achieved a supermajority in both chambers, with the help of some political "arrangements." Around the globe, the result was celebrated as a symbol against the resurgence of far-right politics elsewhere. Nonetheless, the election was arguably the most violent in Mexican history. Thirty-six candidates were murdered, and over one thousand candidates and precandidates withdrew due to political violence. Ballot boxes were stolen, and some 175 voting booths could not be installed due to high levels of insecurity and conflict. But violence was not the only hindrance to electoral democracy.

Este texto tiene por objetivo analizar las dinámicas de violencias, concepciones jurídicas y la judicialización de transfeminicidios, entre 2016 a 2020 en El Salvador, registrados en doce procesos judiciales disponibles al público. Esta es una investigación cualitativa que utilizó como principal técnica de investigación el análisis documental. En la judicialización se ejecutó el siguiente neologismo: "Stricto jure; contra victima et pro reo". Cuando no se consiguió establecer la transexualidad verdadera en las víctimas, subjetivamente se les culpabilizó por su homicidio por su identidad de género y condiciones de vida; beneficiando a los perpetradores con penas menores.

A narco-State is any country whose “political institutions are influenced -in a significant way- by the power and wealth from narcotics’ trafficking and whose leaders, simultaneously, occupy positions as governmental officials protected by their legal empowerment, and as members of illicit narcotics’ trafficking networks.”  Regrettably, that is the Mexico that was left behind by Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) and that is being sustained by President Claudia Sheinbaum whose legal and historic obligation is now to dismantle the narco-State.     
Beyond building the narco-State, AMLO made out of Mexico a “para-dictatorial” government, that is a “democratic government that is at the service of organized crime’s dictatorships, sustains them, seeks to legitimize them, and does not fulfill its international obligations, thus betraying and hindering its national interests.

This note examines the historical evolution of cross-border crime through the case of Samuel Ross (Sam) Mason, an 18th-century river pirate who capitalized on economic instability, weak governance, and jurisdictional chaos to build a criminal enterprise along the Mississippi River. By analyzing Mason's operations, the paper explores the systemic factors that allowed organized crime to flourish without strong state control and coordinated law enforcement. His case is compared with modern transnational organized crime, including drug cartels, human trafficking networks, and money laundering, which exploit similar legal loopholes and economic vulnerabilities in contemporary global systems. The paper draws historical parallels between early piracy, smuggling, and criminal economies with today's illicit activities.

Si la delincuencia se extendió como una peste peor que la pandemia, fue porque al sistema inmunológico que defiende a la sociedad, que es la Policía, le habían bajado las defensas. (Presidente del Círculo Policial. El País, 19 de diciembre de 2020) Uno de los policías, totalmente fuera de sí, se sacó su equipo reglamentario e "invitó a pelear" a las mujeres presentes, golpeándose el pecho y realizando otros gestos agresivos. Mientras esto sucedía, otro policía apuntaba con su escopeta a los vecinos/as. (INDDHH, Resolución No. 930/2021 del 27 de abril de 2021) I.

El objetivo general de este trabajo es identificar contenidos legendarios, narraciones donde la realidad y la ficcién se imbrican, de cardcter politico, los cuales aparecen en la literatura especializada sobre las pandillas guatemaltecas y su violencia. El fin que persigo es reconocer si tales inciden o no en la mistificacién de esos grupos. De forma particular, busco resaltar la importancia de leer a las y los dieciocheros y mareros "desde abajo" para evitar su tergiversacién y para comprender sus emplazamientos politicos y los mecanismos de poder que despliegan en los espacios donde estdn presentes. El texto estd dividido en trés apartados. En el primero, se expone la relacién entre las leyendas, la violencia y las pandillas. En esa misma seccién, se delimita el concepto de violencia y se explican dos formas de observacién y de andlisis del Barrio 18 (B-18) y de la Mara Salvatrucha (Ms-13). A saber, la mirada "desde arriba", que privilegia marcos de comprensién que favorecen la vigilancia y la criminalizacién de estos grupos, y el examen que parte "desde abajo", el cual considera las 16gicas, los sentidos intergrupales y los contextos especificos para develar de manera més precisa al fenémeno. En la segunda parte, se presentan ejemplos de relatos legendarios sobre las y los actores(as) en cuestién. En concreto, se aborda el caricter trasnacional y el origen de las y los dieciocheros y mareros en Guatemala, la violencia de las mujeres y 1. Agradezco a Fabidn Campos, Ailsa Winton y Donatto Badillo por las criticas y las recomendaciones que bondadosamente me ofrecieron. También estoy en deuda con Luis Bedoya, Rodolfo Gonzélez y Yuri Escamilla, por abrir los espacios de debate. Este articulo es producto de los trabajos realizados y de las discusiones suscitadas en el marco del proyecto Conacyt A1-S-39611. "Guatemala en guerra, 1960-1996. Procesos, actores y debates actuales".

En este artículo se plantean, desde tres preguntas detonadoras, los puntos de vista de investigadores especialistas en el Antropoceno, sobre los debates y discrepancias que este concepto ha suscitado en las ciencias sociales, particularmente en Latinoamérica.

A presença de crianças1
enquanto atores envolvidos em manifestações de violência, sejam elas conflitos
armados, narcotráfico, terrorismo, entre outras formas, não é um fenômeno novo. Contudo, somente
a partir do aprofundamento e alargamento da agenda de Segurança Internacional, sobretudo com a
abordagem de Segurança Humana protagonizada pela ONU, que essa agenda passa a ganhar notoriedade
internacional nas décadas de 1980-1990.
● A América Latina ocupa um espaço de dupla marginalização e silenciamento na geopolítica dessa
agenda, seja porque os níveis de discussão, acompanhamento, monitoramento e formulação de políticas
no âmbito multilateral, em sua grande maioria, estejam voltados para experiências africanas e asiáticas.
Seja também porque o envolvimento das crianças latinoamericanas em manifestações de violência
na região são exemplos de casos complexos que combinam formas de recrutamento infantil “mais
tradicionais” com características e rearranjos autóctones ou manifestam-se de maneira singular.
● Segundo os últimos Estudos Globais sobre Homicídios do Escritório de Drogas e Crime das Nações
Unidas, o crime organizado tem concentrado o maior número de homicídios quando comparado aos
conflitos armados e ao terrorismo combinados, sendo as Américas a região com as maiores taxas de
homicídio do mundo, onde o crime organizado é responsável por ao menos 50 % dos homicídios
(UNODC, 2023, 2019). Os Estudos ainda indicam que 15% dos homicídios mundiais residem sobre
as crianças. Nas Américas, indivíduos a partir dos 15 anos estão sob o maior risco de serem vítimas
de homicídio, bem como maior risco de se envolverem com atividades ilícitas (UNODC, 2023, 2019).

En este documento de trabajo publicado por el CESOP en marzo de 2020 se relativiza el concepto weberiano de monopolio legítimo de la violencia en el mundo contemporáneo, haciendo una prospectiva sobre el fenómeno hacia mediados del presente siglo. Conforme el cambio climático, la crisis energética y lucha por los recursos naturales se intensifiquen, en aquellos países con una baja institucionalidad las organizaciones criminales podrían socavar el poder de los Estados y suplantarlos. A partir de los trabajos de Steven Metz, Mary Kaldor y Jacques Attali, Bellota plantea que las células del crimen organizado en América Latina actúan como bandas insurgentes que, en vez de estar motivadas por una ideología o una causa social legítima, disputan a los gobiernos el control de la economía, el territorio y los recursos naturales mientras corrompen el tejido social y capturan autoridades, jueces y fuerzas de seguridad. El poder y los alcances que tendrá la delincuencia organizada en un futuro, de seguir esta tendencia hacia la disgregación, replantean la utilidad que actualmente toma el concepto de feudalización del poder. Particularmente en América Latina. Para el caso de México, Bellota utiliza dicha categoría para explicar el imperio criminal que se asentó en el estado occidental de Michoacán.

Latin American governments are increasingly adopting mano dura initiatives to combat gangs, organized crime, and insecurity. While mano dura has been a concept of increasing empirical interest, there seems to be limited conceptual clarity about the wide spectrum of strategies developed to combat crime and associated fear. This article proposes a definition of mano dura that has three different dimensions, each of them containing specific elements. The form of mano dura depends on formal, informal, and rhetorical practices. Drawing on 46 scholarly works in the social sciences, we develop our definition anchored in the knowledge of Latin American policing strategies, contributions on responses to crime in the region, and the conceptual development literature. With the purpose of supplementing our effort to standardize the usage of the term with the need to retain a degree of conceptual differentiation, we also offer a stylized model to better classify policing strategies in Latin America. In our stylized model, the numerous ways policies and narratives as well as their implementation (or not) interact can be grouped into four broad categories: full mano dura, institutional mano dura, performative mano dura, and covert mano dura.

Este estudio no hubiese sido posible sin la colaboración de diferentes personas e instituciones que contribuyeron de diferente forma a su realización, a quienes les expresamos nuestros sinceros agradecimientos. Su publicación no pudo llevarse a cabo sin el apoyo financiero de la Fundación Heinrich Böll y el respaldo de su representante local, Lorena Argueta, a quien agradecemos por la confianza y el especial interés mostrado en la investigación, gratitud que hacemos extensiva a Marco Pérez, Coordinador de Proyectos, por su diligencia en la gestión administrativa del proyecto. El estudio no se habría llevado a cabo sin la disponibilidad de diversos funcionarios, ex funcionarios, y especialistas en el tema de seguridad, prevención y rehabilitación que accedieron a ser entrevistados y compartieron generosamente sus conocimientos, apreciaciones y perspectivas sobre las políticas de seguridad en el país. Asimismo, agradecemos a diferentes instituciones que registran estadísticas delincuenciales y otros hechos de violencia y a los responsables de las secciones estadísticas, por habernos facilitado el acceso a los datos. Especial mención al comisionado Mauricio Ramírez Landaverde, al inspector jefe Saúl Tobar y al comisionado

Este documento de discusión no es una publicación oficial del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo. Su propósito es servir como base para la discusión de aspectos importantes de política económica respecto al programa del banco en la Región. Las opiniones y conclusiones contenidas en este documento pueden no necesariamente no coincidir con las políticas y opiniones del BID, su Directorio o sus países miembros. Debido al uso de datos de otras instituciones multilaterales, las cifras presentadas pueden diferir de datos nacionales esencialmente por diferencias en definiciones, convenciones estadísticas y métodos de compilación.

This paper offers an overview of the political context of the State of Exception including the further dismantling of democracy and the rule of law, and how the decree may be contributing to the development of a more deeply criminalized state. At the time it was implemented in late March 2022, the State of Exception represented a crackdown on the gangs who have terrorized Salvadorans for two decades, but it can no longer be accurately viewed as such. Rather, we argue that it is now better characterized as a strategy to facilitate political and criminal gain on the part of President Bukele and his associates under the guise of an emergency gang response strategy.  In short, to the extent that the State of Exception has disarticulated gangs, they have been replaced by a “State Mafia.”

Published by Interesse Nacional as "Fracasso de pressão por democracia pode abrir precedente para invasão da Venezuela" on August 14, 2024: https://interessenacional.com.br/portal/fracasso-de-pressao-por-democracia-pode-abrir-precedente-para-invasao-da-venezuela/

Entrevista a Amparo Marroquín Parducci, profesora del Departamento de Comunicación y Cultura de la Universidad Centroamericana de El Salvador. La comunicación gubernamental del miedo, las dimensiones simbólicas de la construcción de pandillas y pandilleros, y las intervenciones posibles de la academia en los contextos políticos actuales son algunos de los temas abordados.

On Sunday, 21 July 2024, Milton Morales Figueroa, general coordinator for the tactical strategyand special operations unit of the Secretaría de Seguridad Ciudadana la Ciudad de México (Secretary of Citizen Security of Mexico City) (SSC-CDMX), was assassinated in themunicipality of Coacalco, Estado de México (Edomex). Morales Figueroa was a key intelligence official in the fight against organized crime.

Transnational Organized Crime exploits the complex relationships of local and global networks comprised of a range of criminal car- tels, mafias, gangs, and corrupt state actors. This article will look at the links among these criminal enterprises and state actors, at municipal, sub-state, and state levels in Latin America to frame the contours of this segment of the global illicit political economy. The networks of alliances and co-operation among criminal cartels, transnational gangs, mafias, and state actors will be assessed. This includes criminal alliances of cartels and gangs with global mafias, the presence of criminal governance, transnational (and third gen- eration) gangs, and links with hybrid threats and influence opera- tions involving state actors. Examples will be drawn from Mexico, Central America, Venezuela, and Brazil. These examples will look at global links between cartels and gangs with transnational mafia such as the ‘Ndrangheta, as well as the use of strategic crime and corruption by states such as Russia, China, and Iran. Methods include a mix of quantitative methods, such as social network analysis (SNA), and qualitative cases studies.

The aim of this article is to probe the entanglements between politics and organised crime. Drawing from historical, sociological and anthropological perspectives, the article distinguishes four useful pathways to address the political significance of state-crime relations: the functionality of organised crime in local governance, in the functioning of the nation state, in the construction of global hegemonies and in the predatory economic processes configurative of modern capitalism. The article underlines the key but overlooked importance of organised crime and illegal economies in the creation of modern social orders.

Ajay K. Mehra a political scientist by training, is Director (Honorary) of Centre for Public Affairs, a platform for public discourse, along with several public intellectuals. He has been a fellow at the University of Maryland, USA (1991 for 6 months), Salzburg Seminar, Austria (1992). He has researched and written extensively on public security, institutions and governance. Ajay K.

Este texto tiene por objetivo construir un perfil de crímenes, de víctimas y perpetradores de homicidios contra personas LGBTI+ por medio del análisis de 33 documentos judiciales públicos entre los años 2000 y 2020; utilizando las categorías: a) crímenes: año de judicialización, clasificación penal, geografía, local de ocurrencia, uso de alcohol/drogas, causa de muerte y motivo atribuido; b) víctimas: sexo, edad, identidad sexual o de género y ocupación; c) victimarios: edad, sexo, ocupación, estado civil, residencia y organizaciones delincuenciales. El perfil obtenido muestra que las víctimas tenían 32 años en promedio, fueron identificadas como “hombres” y tanto identidades transfemeninas como homosexuales fueron los principales objetivos. En cuanto a los mayores locales de ocurrencia destacan las vías públicas de zonas urbanas. Además, se observa que existió mayoritariamente una participación colectiva, utilizando armas blancas y de fuego como método de asesinato. Y, respecto al motivo atribuido a los crímenes, predomina la homofobia en las Maras, teniendo 22 años en promedio los perpetradores, solteros, quienes se dedicaban, principalmente, al área de mecánica automotriz. https://revistas.ufrj.br/index.../dilemas/article/view/59537

This essay outlines the current counterinsurgency model, with an emphasis on its domestic application in the United States. It shows that many contemporary counterinsurgency practices were developed by police agencies inside the U.S., and illustrates the transfer of theory, strategy, and technique from domestic police to the military-and back. The essay also examines the state's use of nongovernmental or nonprofit agencies, as one element of counterinsurgency strategy, to channel and control political opposition. The conclusion briefly considers the strategic implications for social movements, especially as we learn to recognize and respond to political repression. Introduction: expect repression Oppositional political movements inevitably face-and therefore ought to expectrepression at the hands of the state. But, while quick to condemn the most obvious and violent manifestations of this repression, especially when directed against peaceful groups, the institutionalized left has been slow to grasp the strategy underlying the state's approach. We tend to characterize repression as the state's response to crisis, rather than seeing it also as a means to preserving normalcy. Hence, it has been very difficult to recognize it in quiet times, and when it does appear it seems like an exception, an excess, a panicked over-reaction.

This essay outlines the current counterinsurgency model, with an emphasis on its domestic application in the United States. It shows that many contemporary counterinsurgency practices were developed by police agencies inside the U.S., and illustrates the transfer of theory, strategy, and technique from domestic police to the military-and back. The essay also examines the state's use of nongovernmental or nonprofit agencies, as one element of counterinsurgency strategy, to channel and control political opposition. The conclusion briefly considers the strategic implications for social movements, especially as we learn to recognize and respond to political repression. Introduction: expect repression Oppositional political movements inevitably face-and therefore ought to expectrepression at the hands of the state. But, while quick to condemn the most obvious and violent manifestations of this repression, especially when directed against peaceful groups, the institutionalized left has been slow to grasp the strategy underlying the state's approach. We tend to characterize repression as the state's response to crisis, rather than seeing it also as a means to preserving normalcy. Hence, it has been very difficult to recognize it in quiet times, and when it does appear it seems like an exception, an excess, a panicked over-reaction.

This essay outlines the current counterinsurgency model, with an emphasis on its domestic application in the United States. It shows that many contemporary counterinsurgency practices were developed by police agencies inside the U.S., and illustrates the transfer of theory, strategy, and technique from domestic police to the military-and back. The essay also examines the state's use of nongovernmental or nonprofit agencies, as one element of counterinsurgency strategy, to channel and control political opposition. The conclusion briefly considers the strategic implications for social movements, especially as we learn to recognize and respond to political repression. Introduction: expect repression Oppositional political movements inevitably face-and therefore ought to expectrepression at the hands of the state. But, while quick to condemn the most obvious and violent manifestations of this repression, especially when directed against peaceful groups, the institutionalized left has been slow to grasp the strategy underlying the state's approach. We tend to characterize repression as the state's response to crisis, rather than seeing it also as a means to preserving normalcy. Hence, it has been very difficult to recognize it in quiet times, and when it does appear it seems like an exception, an excess, a panicked over-reaction.

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Resumen Las maras Salvatrucha y Barrio 18 son dos pandillas juveniles violentas con amplia presencia en América Central y Estados Unidos. Estos grupos reciben atención creciente por parte de los académicos debido a sus progresivos vínculos transnacionales y los inusitados niveles de violencia que utilizan; este artículo plantea que su expansión a través de las fronteras nacionales se explica en gran medida por su capacidad para generar un atractivo marco de referencia identitario que resuena positivamente en el repertorio cultural de los jóvenes del área centroamericana. La política de deportaciones del gobierno estadounidense, las medidas de "mano dura" implementadas por algunos gobiernos de la región y los movimientos migratorios están facilitando la difusión de esas identidades en el espacio centroamericano a lo largo de la última década.

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