Maoist Movement in Nepal

The character of the Gen Z protests in Nepal is not homogeneous. Youth from all walks of life have entered this struggle: Gen Z from privileged backgrounds, Indigenous communities, Dalit groups, Muslims, youth from Madhesh Pradesh, and other marginalized groups.

Almost all the protesters have directed their anger towards senior political figures in the country.

To ensure this Gen Z revolution is effective on the ground, Nepal will be required to rewire its system to make its constitution more practical for the broader population of the country, and at the same time build a stronger democracy and make public institutions work for the people.

Asia's representation at the ICC is pitiable. Currently, only six Asian States are Parties to the ICC: Cambodia, East Timor, Republic of Korea, Mongolia, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan, while Thailand, the Philippines, and Bangladesh have signed the Rome Statute but have yet to ratify it. Greater Asian participation is needed to ensure diverse cultures in the ICC. Supporting the ICC in Asia is crucial for the growing global fight against impunity and for the defense of fundamental human rights.

After a prolonged struggle among political actors, the Cabinet Meeting decided on June 24, 2007, that Constitutional Assembly (CA) elections would be held on November 22, 2007. This date coincides with the day the 12-point Understanding was signed between the SPAM - Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) - two years ago in New Delhi. A CA Monitoring Committee, headed by Subash Nembang, Speaker of the Interim Parliament (IP), has been established and is authorized to collaborate with the Election Commission (EC) regarding the CA polls. Another Committee to Monitor Peace Pact and State Restructuring has also been formed. The Constitutional Court is ready to be announced, and all the necessary laws for the CA have been passed.

In the current situation, the only option seems to be including the Maoists in the government and setting another date for the CA election after a negotiated settlement. In this context, the international community should refrain from intervening and interfering in Nepal's affairs and instead extend a hand in friendship for peace and development. Intervention leads to contradictions among all stakeholders, which is not a solution for present-day Nepal. What Nepal needs is the acceptance of co-existence, harmony, and the fulfillment of commitments made in the past.

Nepal is a landlocked, mountainous, multi-ethnic, and multi-lingual country similar to Switzerland. However, the Swiss federation was incorporated 160 years ago, ending the civil war between Catholic versus Liberal cantons. Nepal has different geopolitical structures, socio-cultural patterns, and economic disparities.
The Swiss federation is comprised of three-fifths (64%) German-speaking, one-fifth (20%) French-speaking, and 6% Italian-speaking people, whereas in Nepal, almost half (48%) of the population speak Nepali, 12% Maithili, 8% Bhojpuri, 6% Tharu, and 3% Awadhi, among others. Moreover, the German-speaking population is predominant in 17 cantons, French in 4, and Italian in one out of 26 in Switzerland, where only Nepali serves as the common official language for all castes and ethnicities. The 2001 census of Nepal states that 113 different caste/ethnic groups exist in Nepal who speak at least 92 different dialects, which is eighteen times less than India’s 1,652 dialects. If only those speaking Maithili, Bhojpuri, and Awadhi find a linguistic federal state in Nepal, could this positive discrimination not lead to conflicts in the future?
Such federal states may ultimately erode the Nepalese identity, unity, and harmony as each region may vie for supremacy. Our weak efforts could become a fertile ground for those who seek to "watch India and encircle China" the country. Otherwise, we risk inviting more communal violence, chaos, and bloodshed than in the past.

Part three of the CPA has 13 points dealing with the letter and spirit of the conflict management. The first one covers political, social, and economic transformation, but nothing of substance has been done. Similarly, the second states to conduct CA polls by mid-June 2007 in a free and fair environment, but the date was postponed affecting the sovereign rights of Nepali citizens. At first, the date was deferred for two weeks. As Maoists joined the IP and then IG, the Election Commission (EC) declared it not possible to hold the election because it would require at least 110 days preparing the election. The statement was made by the EC instead of the PM or the government and was under fire from all quarters. Maoists alleged that the domestic and foreign forces played behind the postponement fearing they would win.

The 23-point Understanding was signed by (1) NC Acting Chairperson Sushil Koirala, (2) CPN-UML General Secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal, (3) Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Chairperson Prachanda, (4) Janamorcha Nepal, Chairperson Amik Sherchan, (5) Nepal Workers and Peasants Party Narayanman Bijukchhe, (6) General Secretary of Nepal Sadvbhawana Party (Anandidevi), on behalf of the party, Shyam Sundar Gupta, and (7) Chairperson of United Left Front CP Mainali.

This article explores India's 'long wars'-the counter-insurgency campaigns the state imposed on recalcitrant populations and territories. Existing critical debates have focused on colonial and imperial counterinsurgency waged by developed Western states and empires. Yet these powers hardly command a monopoly on how these are fought, rationalised, or imagined. Indian counter-insurgency campaigns are a key case in point. The aftermath of British colonial rule led to a revivification of rather than an end to counterinsurgency. Indian counter-insurgency thinking betrays similar logics of differentiation to those of the British. However, an engagement with Indian counter-insurgency archives reveals that the political economy of (post-)colonial rule results in its own particular sets of inclusions and exclusions. We tease out these tensions and anxieties that underpin India counter-insurgency by exploring how India's long wars in its northeastern states have been rationalised and explained away among Indian counter-insurgents, namely through references to 'diversity' and 'democracy'. Such references index a politics premised on a disavowal of violence, which represents a weapon of war. This disavowal, narrated through exceptionalist claims, manifests itself through distinct modalities with their own tensions and even contradictions, leading to India's own complicated relationships with notions and practices of coloniality.

Nepal's peace process would be at a critical juncture if the recent 23-point Understanding between the Maoists and SPA is not considered a guiding principle to conclude the CA polls. The government would not only lose national and international credibility but also risk breaking ties within the SPA. The Prime Minister's moral and political standing would collapse. The Maoists may resort to a People's Revolt, and pro-monarchial forces could emerge as an alternative to the SPA. The Tarai region could erupt, leading to secession.

There are three types of forces. The first, the strongest, comprises groups that have split from the Maoists, aiming to achieve similar heights through arms and violence. The second type consists of those who fear being marginalized, having done little for Madhes in the past while in mainstream political parties and senior government positions. The third group includes fundamentalists and criminal groups trying to exploit the situation.

The alliance of the Madhesi separatist and other groups has led to a decline in their influence. The Madhesis wish a democratic, peaceful, prosperous, and stable republic Nepal; they are not in favor of eliminating the Pahades living in Madhes. They also fear that such actions can bring retaliation to Madhesis living in the cities and towns of the hill regions. Therefore, they wish the decision by ballot, not the bullet. If the mainstream political parties want to hold free, fair, and impartial ballot, the SPA first appoints officials to the local governing bodies, which will resolve half of the current problem uniting all of them and another half through constructive dialogue. If the bullet overtakes on the ballot, Nepal shall intensify the socio-cultural and regional divisions further, inviting more chaos, bloodshed, a devastated economy, and possible disintegration of the state itself. Nepal should learn a lesson from multi-ethnic, mixed-culture, linguistic diversities, and a unitary state like Kenya.

How and from when has India's role become prominent in Nepal's politics? A clandestine and severely criticized Treaty was reached between the then PM Mohan Shamsher and the Indian Ambassador, Chandrashekhar Prasad Narayan Singh, on July 1, 1950. The Treaty was signed with the consent of the then Indian PM Jawahar Lal Nehru to sustain the Rana regime for a long run. However, an armed revolution was initiated against the Rana regime from Indian terrain immediately, as India supported the democratic movements in Nepal. No government has been in power in Nepal without India's support. Against the interest and expectation of the people in general, most of the leaders and government favor Indian power and politics to remain in power for a long-time.

There have been wide ranging discussions in public about the clandestine advice from the ruling class of India to form a strong Madhes alliance, resulting in the formation of the United Madhes Democratic Party (UMDP) on Feb 9. The UMDP is a coalition of the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, a splinter of the Nepal Sadbhawana Party, and the Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party. On the same day, the UMDP presented a 6-point demand to the Nepal government with a 3-day ultimatum. These demands include autonomous.

There have been wide ranging discussions in public about the clandestine advice from the ruling class of India to form a strong Madhes alliance, resulting in the formation of the United Madhes Democratic Party (UMDP) on Feb 9. The UMDP is a coalition of the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, a splinter of the Nepal Sadbhawana Party, and the Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party. On the same day, the UMDP presented a 6-point demand to the Nepal government with a 3-day ultimatum. These demands include autonomous.

What is a nation? Is it synonymous to a state? What is the role of nationalism in bolstering nationhood? What are the variants and dynamics of nationalism? It is quite difficult to devise scientific or objective definitions of these concepts. Nevertheless, there are several attempts to come up with explanations of these shifty notions.

Nepali people have been carrying out a vibrant and continuous struggle for the Constituent Assembly. The declaration by King Tribhuvan in 1951 to conduct CA polls was bypassed eight years later by his successor, King Mahendra, who instead announced parliamentary elections. Prominent leader of the Nepali Congress (NC), the late Bishweshwar Prasad (BP) Koirala, some factions of the then Communist Party of Nepal, and other parties participated in the parliamentary polls, bowing down their heads in front of the then king's vested unethical interest and desire. The bitter fruit of this participation was borne after three years, as Mahendra staged a coup and established the autocratic so-called 'party-less' Panchayat system. After a lapse of 51 years, in 2001, CPN (Maoist) proposed CA polls among other demands during the first talks with the Multi-party system government led by NC. However, the Deuba government out rightly rejected the proposal, and the talks were broken.

Nepal is once again on the international stage. The former insurgent Communist Party of Nepal or CPN (Maoist) won an unexpected victory, both numerically and ideologically, in the CA elections on April 10, 2008, after introducing themselves with the 10-year “protracted People's War” and a 2-year long post-conflict flexible security situation and instability. The international community, following the Big House Media (BHM) propaganda that the Maoists would lose, has been astounded. The suspended King Gyanendra, who had been nonchalantly dining with generals, is now quivering.  The Nepali Congress (NC), ruling for almost 18-years after the popular movement in 1990, has become a fish out of water, even though it was demanding CA polls 60 years back. Madhav Nepal, who regarded himself as the strong founder of the CPN (UML), has resigned from the post of General Secretary on the moral grounds of the party's defeat.

April 10, 2008, marked a momentous day in Nepal with the surprising victory of the Maoists party in the country's first Constituent Assembly (CA) election in nearly six decades. While most electoral analysts predicted a tight competition between the centrist Nepali Congress (NC), the country's oldest political party, and the Communist Party of Nepal Unified Marxist-Leninist (CPN-UML; hereafter referred to as "UML"), it was the Maoists – once a banned terrorist organization – who emerged overwhelmingly victorious, leaving uncertain the fact of the current King Gyanendra and the  monarchy. While marred by sharp, if limited, physical  and ideological confrontations among the Maoists and its opposition parties, the CA election was spectacular for the world insofar as it was held in relative peace, with an estimated voter turnout of about 60 percent, including record number of youth and woman. Despite complaints of vote –rigging and manipulation from NGO activists, security officials, and other watchers, a number of organizations monitoring the elections- the United Nation Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) and the Asian Network for free Elections (ANFREL), among some 856 groups-expressed satisfaction over the historic CA poll and applauded voters for their participation. Even former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, who visited Nepal twice prior to the polls and a third time during the time election, deemed the process a success.

The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly (CA) overwhelmingly voted in favor of republicanism by 460 to 4 members. The meeting finally ended at 23:25 hrs on May 28, 2008, ousting the 449-year-old Shah Dynasty (initiated by Drabya Shah in 1559)  . Before voting, Girija Prasad Koirala, Acting Head of State and Prime Minister of the Government of Nepal (GON), tabled a six-point proposal. The proposal stated, “Nepal shall turn into an independent, indivisible, secular, inclusive, and federal democratic republic with sovereignty and state authority vested in the people.” The meeting abolished all rights and privileges of the king and his royal family members, putting them in the same category as common Nepali citizens. The meeting accepted the proposal to direct the GON to drive out ex-king Gyanendra and his personal secretariat from Narayanhiti Royal Palace within 15-day and take care of the safety of national properties remaining inside.

Conflicts over regional, religious, and ethnic identities, political struggles and emancipatory movements, class struggles, and struggles over livelihoods play out in urban space, but they also question the “grand narratives” regarding the temporization of space. By pointing this description of space in time, the stories of conflicts and struggles in Nepali emerging cities stress a line of reasoning wherein one could analyze rural-urban and urban-regional linkages and global flows concomitantly.

The neighboring country Nepal has been in the news for some time now due to the Madhesi agitation, which has resulted in nearly 50 deaths since August. The Tarai region, which shares a border with India, is known as Madhesh, and its residents are referred to as Madhesis. Many Nepalis hold India responsible for their domestic crisis.

The 30-year party-less Panchayat period is considered one of the most important phases in our recent history. Even though Nepali nationalism can be traced back to Prithvi Narayan Shah, whose military campaign in the 18th century unified various principalities, the Panchayat period shaped a particular 'national identity' that remains contested today. And a lot of grievances against the Nepali state-especially from marginalised groups such as Janjatis, Madhesis and Dalits-have their roots in this period.

The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly (CA) overwhelmingly voted in favor of republicanism by 460 to 4 members. The meeting finally ended at 23:25 hrs on May 28, 2008, ousting the 449-year-old Shah Dynasty (initiated by Drabya Shah in 1559)  . Before voting, Girija Prasad Koirala, Acting Head of State and Prime Minister of the Government of Nepal (GON), tabled a six-point proposal. The proposal stated, “Nepal shall turn into an independent, indivisible, secular, inclusive, and federal democratic republic with sovereignty and state authority vested in the people.” The meeting abolished all rights and privileges of the king and his royal family members, putting them in the same category as common Nepali citizens. The meeting accepted the proposal to direct the GON to drive out ex-king Gyanendra and his personal secretariat from Narayanhiti Royal Palace within 15-day and take care of the safety of national properties remaining inside.

The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly (CA) overwhelmingly voted in favor of republicanism by 560. The meeting finally ended at 23.25 hrs on May 28, 2008 ousting the 449 year old Shah Dynasty (initiated by Drabya Shah 1 in 1559). Before voting, Girija Prasad Koirala, Acting Head of State and Prime Minister of the Government of Nepal (GON) tabled a six-point proposal. The proposal says, "Nepal shall turn into an independent, indivisible, secular, inclusive, and federal democratic republic with sovereignty and state authority vested in the people." The meeting abolished all rights and privileges of the king and his (royal) family members and put them in the same category as common Nepali citizens. The meeting accepted the proposal to direct the GON to drive out ex-king Gyanendra and his personal secretariat from Narayanhiti Royal Palace within 15-days and take care of the safety of national properties remaining inside. The same meeting decided to develop the royal palace into a historical museum. The meeting declared, "Nepal shall mark Jestha 15, 2065 (May 28, 2008) Republic Day every year as per the Nepali calendar. It extended tribute to the martyrs whose sacrifice contributed to bring about republic in Nepal. The proposal scrapped all deviance in constitutional provisions, laws, administrative rules and regulations effective from the same day. The CA also passed a separate bill to make new arrangements for a president as Head of State by amending the Interim Constitution (IC). The President works as the patron of the IC and controls the Nepal Army, but shall mobilize the army and impose emergency upon recommendation of the cabinet. The position of president shall remain until the CA promulgates the New Constitution. There are 27 monarchies, mostly constitutional with a few in the absolute form, still existing in the world somewhere. There are 10 in Europe, six in Asia, six in the Middle East, two in Oceania and three in Africa.

The SSR and DDR models have shown that both can be effective tools for resolving conflicts, depending on the actions of the involved parties. Success in the DDR and SSR processes has been seen when former violent groups, structures, and individuals are willing to transform the conflict through peaceful means. The organizations facilitating and
mediating the peace process have played a crucial role, with a focus on promoting peace rather than pursuing political agendas or causing trouble. The primary goal of initiating the peace process in a conflict-affected nation is the Disarmament and Demobilization (DD)
of militants. Successful DDR implementation involves reducing military spending, redirecting military research and development efforts, converting arms industries, demobilizing and reintegrating fighters, retraining troops, promoting democratization and professionalization, and safely disposing of surplus weapons.

Genuine peace efforts should involve grassroots initiatives alongside top-down strategies. People's participation, particularly from marginalized and vulnerable groups, at various levels (local, district, regional, national) is crucial for inclusive peace-building. Peace negotiation teams should have the mandate and authority of the people, with national facilitators or mediators overseeing the process, supported by international experts. International actors should refrain from provocation and respect the local aspirations for peace. Building coalitions, utilizing unofficial networks, engaging in shuttle diplomacy, and exploring referendum options are essential for a rights-based and participatory peace process. Failure to adopt these approaches may lead to polarization, division, and ultimately, conflict.

Indigenous peoples in Nepal, known as Janajatis, encounter discrimination, limited political representation, and socio-economic hardships such as poverty and low literacy rates. Madhesis are people living in the flat-land which is simply called Tarai region of Nepal, with socio-cultural ties to Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal in India. Over the centuries, Nepal has a hierarchical society with various caste categories, including high castes, upper meso-castes, lower meso-castes, higher untouchables, lower untouchables, pure, and impure castes.

Nepal's transitional justice process is frustrated owing to a lack of political will and entrenched impunity. Despite the formation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in 2015, there has been little progress in resolving war crimes. This article critically explores Nepal's efforts to address impunity through the TRC, focusing on the role of political players, international pressures, and comparative lessons from other post-conflict nations. The research contends that the future of Nepal's TRC depends on genuine political commitment, independent judicial systems, and victim-centred justice. The recommendations include legal reforms, increased international participation, and the incorporation of restorative justice approaches.

In light of recent high-level military visits, including General Ashok Raj Sigdel, Chief of the Nepali Army, to India in December 2024 and General Upendra Dwivedi, Indian Army Chief, to Nepal in November 2024, the longstanding military cooperation between Nepal and India warrants a closer examination. This research revisits the role of military diplomacy in Nepal-India relations during the 2015 economic blockade, focusing on the strategic, diplomatic, and military actions taken by the Nepali Army in managing civil-military dynamics. Specifically, it explores how the Nepali Army leveraged diplomatic engagements and bilateral military cooperation to address the blockade, focusing its expanding role in diplomacy beyond traditional defence. Emphasis is placed on the importance of military diplomacy in alleviating the blockade's effects, ensuring regional stability, and advancing Nepal's national interests. The theoretical framework is grounded in military diplomacy and civil-military relations, with particular attention to how the Nepali Army utilized military-level dialogue, negotiations, shuttle buses, and fuel support. From an epistemological standpoint, the research adopts a civil-military approach, using empirical evidence to evaluate the effectiveness of military diplomacy during the crisis. Axiologically, the study examines the ethical responsibilities of the military in fostering peace, protecting civilians, and upholding Nepal's sovereignty. The findings provide valuable insights into the role of military diplomacy as a tool for crisis management, offering recommendations to enhance Nepal-India relations and improve strategic military operations during future crises. This research contributes to understanding how military diplomacy strengthen national security and regional cooperation in times of geopolitical challenges.

This paper examines the role of NGOs within the context of global power dynamics, particularly in relation to ideological and political frameworks in which NGOs function as Imperial Ideological Apparatuses. Utilizing Gramsci's typology of civil and political society as a starting point, it explores how NGOs have become key actors in reinforcing capitalist hegemony and maintaining global hierarchies. The analysis delves into the relationships between NGOs, capitalist core governments, international institutions, and wealthy donors, highlighting the shift from national to global civil society. The paper critiques the depoliticizing practices of NGOs, suggesting they act as agents of moralization and contributors to the reproduction of global inequalities. Emphasis is placed on the moral and ideological dimensions of NGOs' work, which often mask deeper political and economic interests tied to the neoliberal agenda and imperial power structures.

The end of shah dynasty and the beginnings of a secular democratic republic In Nepal 1990 - 2008
The background and the primary reasons behind the highly complex and politically charged efforts by the good King Birendra that had resulted in the establishment of a constitutional Monarchy in 1990, which paved the way for a civil war to commence in Nepal and caused many drastic political changes that resulted in King Birendra’s assassination in 2001 and terminated the centuries old Nepali monarchic rule by 2008. The establishment of a secular democratic republic in that year, which was initiated and dominated by a political party with definite Maoist tendencies but without any totalitarian aspirations, created a new set of cultural, social and economic development opportunities for Nepal to fulfill the basic needs of its people.

The study is focused on the evolution of the middle class in Nepal from a political perspective. It is an interdisciplinary and mixed method of study. The new middle class in this study is defined in a multidisciplinary approach specific to education, consciousness, and activeness. The study argues new middle class in Nepal is raised in politics for the fulfillment of the issues and interests of a new generation that are missed by the established political parties. It further argues it is raised with a specific time, and context favored by its size and issues. Their unique issues of politics, and tools of democratization favour to be an alternative political party but to be tested in their practices. The objective of the study is to shed light on the rise of the new middle class in Nepalese politics and its significance in global politics. The study is based on secondary sources and document analysis as well as nonparticipant observation methods are used. It concludes that emerging parties can be an alternative agency of the new middle class if the new groups come together on common departure, agency, and issues with loyalty on their agenda and practices consistently.

The call of our time is to safeguard the accomplishments of the 1990 People's Movement, to restore sovereignty to the people, and to work towards the middle ground to resolve the nation's core problems. History teaches us that recognizing, adopting and adhering to the middle path ...

在傳統的藏傳佛教社會中，寺院佔據了一個無可取代的位置：它既是宗教的中心，也是經濟的據點，更是教育的殿堂；傳統以出家人與寺院的數量，以及宗教活動的多寡，作為整體國家的目標。其中，最主要的宗教政策便是以「大型寺院化」（mass monasticism）為宗旨。在1950年代的整個藏區，高達十五間寺院容納超過千名的僧人，其中又以格魯派拉薩三大寺為主，光是這三大寺的僧人數量就超過二萬人。
自1959年開始，佛教不再是西藏社會的中心，寺院也失去了在傳統社會中所扮演的教育功能，世俗教育在中共的推廣下逐漸普及化。在1978年後寺院各種機能逐漸恢復運作，即便規模遠不及以往的程度，但在西藏仍然佔據了重要的位置，而格魯三大寺則恢復了生機。藏傳佛教的寺院教育是傳承佛法的重要方式，而面對新時代與新局勢的挑戰，藏傳佛教寺院教育在中共入藏後做了哪些改變是本論文的研究重點，並且以三大寺的色拉寺為主要研究對象。
色拉寺是三大寺中研究最透徹的寺院，而且其硬體在文化大革命中沒有受到徹底的破壞，而且其僧人的處境可被視為西藏寺廟的縮影。色拉寺在1959年前聚集八千到一萬位僧人，是當時世界第二大的寺院。解放軍進入拉薩後，雖然色拉寺被轟炸，在文化大革命中也被荒廢和掠奪。然而在私人捐贈的資助下，色拉寺已部分重建，居住近五百位僧人。在南印度的拜拉庫比已重建新的色拉寺，有近二千位僧人。

The idea that modernity is a break with tradition is a misconception.... Some people might think that tradition and modernity are opposites. They weleome modernity destroying tradition. But it doesn't work that way. You can have tradition and modernity at the same time. I'm in fact a little of both (Yogesh Raj, personal communication, 6 February 1999).

Development, an ambiguous sociopolitical concept, has become entrenched in the imaginations and vocabulary of the people of Nepal for decades. Its Nepali translation, bikās, is commonly believed to have come into existence with the American Point Four assistance in 1951, followed by a plethora of technical and financial assistance offered by various countries. That development is to be achieved mainly through foreign-aided interventions that will ultimately propel the country to economic prosperity and social wellbeing akin to the West is the dominant view in Nepal. Such a view makes development a fairly recent phenomenon. It also makes development a concept that is ahistorical. This study is an attempt to refute such ahistoricity. It explores the history of the modern sociopolitical concept of development as it was adopted in Nepal in the late Rana period of the 1920s and was semantically augmented in the successive political periods right up to the end of the Maoist 'People's War' in 2006. Being a conceptual history, it studies bikās diachronically and synchronically. Diachronically, it pursues the concept across almost a century to trace continuities and discontinuities in the semantics of bikās, while synchronically it pauses at each political period and reflects on how bikās has been understood at a particular historical juncture. In other words, this study explores how the concept carries elements from the past, assimilates into the present and projects into the future. Apart from the methodological prerequisites of pairing diachronic and synchronic approaches, this study also takes into consideration the onomasiology and semasiology of bikās. It explores parallel expressions around bikās such as the ideas of unnati and pragati (both denoting progress) and of sabhyatā (civilization) and teases out their semantic layers. This historical study focuses extensively on written data, with interviews supplementing it only when required. Official correspondences, newspapers, dictionaries, books and booklets, pamphlets, etc., that survive at the Madan Puraskar Pustakalaya in Kathmandu, the Nepal National Library at Harihar Bhavan in Kathmandu, and the National Archives of India in New Delhi have informed this study. For recent historical contents, the sources used were books published from 1990 to 2013 and digital archives such as the Digital Himalaya and the website of the National Planning Commission, accompanied by occasional interviews. However, this is not just a semantic history of bikās or an attempt to trace the changing meaning of a sociopolitical concept. The evolution of bikās as a concept is tied to socio-structural transformations. This is because conceptual change, a slow process when compared to the fast pace of political changes or even the gradual pace of social changes, occurs through accumulated meanings resulting from political and social changes. A result of the reciprocity of conceptual and sociopolitical changes is that while Nepal's sociopolitical transformations from the 1950s to the present have contributed to the semantic expansion of bikās, such an expansion has, in turn, facilitated sociopolitical transformationsin this case, deepening of democracy in Nepal. Outlining this reciprocity between sociopolitical transformations and conceptual changes in bikās is the aim of this research.

xfd| f dfG%] s] fxL klg dGqL, ;f+ ;b gePsfn] hlt sfd u/] klg xfdLn] d' No gkfpg] /x] %f} + , z] kf{ hflts} dGqL / ;f+ ;b ePsf] eP xfd| f] klg s] xL x" g ;SYof] . aelxp+ lrt" jfAE cfª l/tf z] kf{ -sflGtk" /, ;] K^] Da/ 28, 1998_ "Whatever work we do we do not get the credit we deserve because we do not have our ministers, members of Parliament, something could have happened if there were Sherpa minister and MP."

Political leaders vie to govern the nations, and the comparative standing of the nation rests on how they take up the governance and deliverance. This has applied to every nation from the ancient times to present days that got moved from exclusive ruling by the Chieftain or the King. While democracy got evolved with discontent on absolute decisions, communism evolved in situation of industrialization not improving the status of the workers. And following the end of two world wars there was a run for development and fall of communism in the face of globalization with a few exceptions.  In essence it was all tied to the political set up in general and the ways of governance taken by the political leadership in particular.  Nepal is one such example that stood in pre-historic times and with Gorkha principality taking over Kathmandu in 1768 the unification process led it to the stature of Gorkha empire.  It was forced to cede the territory by expanding colonial British Raj in the sub-continent through a treaty in 1816. After periods of political wrangling, leadership taking power in 1846 put Nepal in isolationist mode. Political shift occurred in 1950 towards democracy which got moved to different setups. The hegemonic interest of India led to change in 1990 and its sphere of influence overriding onto the political leaders caused the country moveout of monarchy in 2008. What has not changed is the parties colliding for extraction while the erosion of the economic base within the country since 1997 has continuously forced out Nepalis onto foreign employment. 
(summarized version of book published through Amazon in October 2024: Efficacy of Political Regimes: Nepal in the Backdrop of Happenings in the World)

This paper examines whether there is a presence of the Matthew Effect in development programs run by the governmental and non-governmental sector in Nepal. The Matthew Effect is a social phenomenon by which the relatively ‘elite’ of any community are benefitting more than others, thus creating a bigger divide between the rich and the poor. More specifically, the paper examines whether the national development plans and non-governmental development projects are creating an environment that is fostering more inequality.

The ten-year civil war in Nepal began in 1996 when the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (or CPN-M, also known as the Maoists) launched a violent insurgency against representatives of the government of Nepal. The Maoists justified their fight through an ideology that defined violent political struggle as an extension of class warfare against elite domination of political and economic life. The Maoists grew in areas where a vacuum of government prevailed, directing their attacks against illequipped state institutions, including the police and army, as well as civilians. The conflict increased in scope and intensity over time, and King Gyanendra responded in 2005 by disbanding Parliament, instituting a pan-Nepal political emergency and directing the Nepal Army to attack the Maoists. However, these measures turned popular support against the king and brought the Maoists, political parties and civil society together to demand a return to democracy. Massive nonviolent demonstraIn November ...

After popular uprisings that started in 1989, Nepal declassed the 200-year old absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy in 1990 and entered into an era of parliamentary democracy. The road to democratization was to be proven tumultuous when the Maoists launched an insurgency in 1996. In 2003, citing democratic government's inability to end the bloody insurgency and political parties' utter ineptitude in governance, King Gyanendra dismissed the parliament and retook the reign in an attempt to re-establish absolute monarchy. Just three years after, the Maoists and an alliance of seven political parties reached an agreement to end the insurgency, abolish monarchy and rewrite the country's constitution declaring Nepal a Federal Republic, and launched yet another peaceful movement against the monarchy. In the face of formidable protests against which the military refused to use lethal force, the king relented and Nepal was declared a democratic republic in 2016. The process of democratization in one of the poorest countries in the world has proven to be an arduous task. The lingering feudal social mindset from the era of absolute monarchy, initial absence of proper institutions to foster democracy, rampant corruption, lack of order, to name a v few factors, have raised questions about Nepal's prospects for democratic consolidation. This thesis will apply theories on democracy, democratization, and democratic consolidation to explore Nepali democratization and assess where Nepal stands in the process. In particular, this thesis will delve into rule of law and civil libertiestwo critical indicators of democracy-in the current Nepali context to see how strong the case for democratic consolidation in that country can be made. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ………………………………………………………………………………………. viii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………………………………… 1 Democracy, democratization, & democratic consolidation …………………………………………………. 2 Three waves of democratization ……………………………………………………………………………. 4 Structuralist & institutionalist: Two approaches to study democratization …………………………………. 5 Is Nepali democracy on the path to consolidation? …………………………………………………………. 6