Local government elections

Invalid votes in local government elections in Poland, in particular at the regional level, are among the most pressing problems of the electoral process. The number of invalid votes is so large that it serves political conflict in which accusations of election fraud are formulated. These are scarcely justified, though, since over 70% of invalid votes in local parliament elections lack an “x” next to the name of any candidate (rather than the addition of another “x” on the ballot). The analysis of this issue indicates that the reason for such a high percentage of invalid votes can be found in some elements of the electoral system. Large constituencies, sometimes of up to a dozen districts, mean political parties marginalize the smallest units (i.e. rural and urban-rural communities) when drawing up electoral lists and running election campaigns. The candidates on electoral lists for local parliaments very rarely come from rural regions, which does not stimulate the interest of their...

La tesis tiene por objetivo: analizar el surgimiento e institucionalización de las organizaciones políticas regionales, desde mediados del siglo XX hasta la actualidad. En ese sentido, se trata de una historia política regional como un aporte para conocer de cerca la construcción de la representación política desde las regiones del país. Para diferenciarse de otros enfoques, la concepción general de la tesis puso énfasis en el proceso orgánico-institucional como una forma de redefinirlas, básicamente la anatomía de las organizaciones políticas regionales, siendo observadas como formaciones sociales con sus propios liderazgos, estructuraciones, relaciones internas y vinculaciones con el entorno. El principal hallazgo de la investigación es que las organizaciones políticas regionales en Junín, surgieron a partir de la década de los ‘50 del siglo XX, enraizadas al sistema político subnacional, bajo la forma de comités, frentes, listas electorales y movimientos “independientes”, en cont...

The article analyses the campaign, outcomes and consequences of the Polish presidential elections in May/June 2025. To the astonishment of many commentators at home and abroad, this all-or-nothing race was not won by the runaway favourite, the liberal mayor of Warsaw Rafał Trzaskowski backed by the governing centrist coalition under Donald Tusk. Instead, Karol Nawrocki, a strongly conservative political newcomer highlighting anti-immigration stances and reviving the traditional haughtiness of Polish nationalists towards Ukraine, turned the tides for the Law and Justice party (PiS) populating the uncomfortable opposition benches since autumn 2023. Although the competition proved once again the supreme political instinct of PiS chairman Jarosław Kaczyński, the fiasco is first and foremost the result of a completely failed strategy of the Polish liberals, which bears painful resemblances to the fatal US presidential election campaign run by the team around Kamala Harris in 2024. Pretty soon, Poland may yet again be perceived as a troublemaker by its European partners.

This study presents a comparative analysis of voter turnout in Guyana's Local Government Elections (LGE) held in 1994, 2016, 2018 and 2023 which revealed a declining trend: 48%, 47%, 37%, and 35% respectively. The sharp decline in 2018 generated significant public discourse, prompting the Guyana Elections Commission (GECOM) to issue an official statement attributing the low turnout to voter apathy and limited voter education. Grounded in both literature and stakeholder perspectives, this study aimed to identify the key determinants influencing voter turnout in the 2016, 2018 and 2023 LGEs. A mixed-methods approach was employed, combining survey data with expert interviews. The findings highlight that voter understanding of the local government system, perceived benefits of voting, apathy, and gender are significant predictors of turnout. Conversely, education level, registration barriers, and access to polling stations had limited influence. The study underscores the pivotal role of voter education in enhancing participation and informs policy development aimed at increasing electoral engagement. Expert interviews further reinforced the need for targeted civic education and active political party involvement. The study concludes with recommendations focused on strengthening voter and civic education initiatives as a strategic response to mitigate apathy and foster higher participation in future LGEs.

This research explores the impact of civic education on voter turnout in Guyana's Local Government Elections (LGEs), particularly in light of the prolonged 24-year gap between the 1994 and 2016 elections. Despite legal provisions requiring LGEs every three years, turnout has remained below 50%, indicating low civic engagement. Utilizing a mixed-methods, phenomenological approach, the study combines quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews with electoral stakeholders and content analysis of civic education materials. The findings reveal a significant correlation between civic knowledge and electoral participation. Key barriers include limited understanding of local governance, political interference, inadequate civic education outreach, and a general lack of trust in the process. Youths and men were less likely to vote, underscoring demographic disparities in engagement. The study recommends a holistic civic education strategy integrating school-based learning, targeted social media campaigns, and collaborative efforts among electoral bodies, government ministries, and civil society. The findings offer valuable insights for policy reforms at the Guyana Elections Commission and may inform strategic planning in similar electoral contexts across the region.

Better segments of mass people in developing countries are still unable to elect their representatives due to deficient political commitment of leaders and political unawareness. The present study aspires to explore political dynamics influencing leadership choice, and political instruments in influencing electorates in relation to activities of local political elites. National commitment to provide minimum democratic rights to secure their mandate has not yet been reflected in successive government's activities during election period. One decisive determinant of local election is the accessibility of choosing prospective leaders and barriers to manipulation of mandate that may develop because of location, monetary necessities, bureaucratic practices, use of various modes and technologies to attract voters, socio-economic distances between people & political parties and the gender biasness. The article argues that to enhance accessibility in selecting local statesmanship, fundamental changes are required not only in people's consciousness but also in the structure of election procedure.

The article explores the complex interaction between humans and physical and social space. The proportional changes of personal space throughout human life are analyzed from biological, philosophical, and sociological perspectives. Personal space is viewed as a dynamic phenomenon shaped by social conditions. The influence of culture, environment, and individual traits on personal space perception is emphasized.

Misinformation poses a significant threat to the integrity of political systems, particularly in competitive authoritarian regimes (CARs), where it can distort public perception and undermine democratic processes. This study focuses on the 2023 Turkish general elections-a context characterized by widespread misinformation. While extensive research has been conducted on misinformation in democratic systems, where press freedom and digitalization foster a mix of reliable and misleading information, this investigation targets the unique challenges and media consumption patterns in CARs. Utilizing a nationally representative survey after the 2023 elections, we examine the association between media consumption (traditional and online) and susceptibility to misinformation among government and opposition voters. Our findings reveal that partisan news consumption significantly influences belief in misinformation, with individuals tending to believe claims aligning with their political affiliations while rejecting opposing claims. Moreover, television remains a dominant source of information in Turkey, unlike social media, which shows a limited impact on misinformation beliefs but possesses a conditional corrective potential for certain electorate segments. This study underscores the enduring influence of traditional media in CARs and suggests that while the theory of selective exposure and partisanship is applicable, the constrained information environment significantly shapes public perceptions and misinformation dynamics.

April 1994 was a time of liberation and desperation in Africa. While Rwanda degenerated into genocidal slaughter, millions of South Africans celebrated freedom as they elected a democratic government to end apartheid. Ten years later, as the world quietly memorialized the ten year anniversary of the Rwandan genocide, South Africans launched a month-long celebration to commemorate ten years of democracy. The highlight of the celebration was the staging of the country's third democratic national and provincial elections on 14 April, followed by the inauguration of the president on 27 April, Freedom Day, in a 90-million Rand fete at the Union buildings in Pretoria.[2] Once again, the continent witnessed two extremes in the month of April: reflection and contemplation in Rwanda, contrasted against exuberant celebration in South Africa.

Σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 102 παρ. 2 του Συντάγματος της Ελλάδος η ανάδειξη των αυτοδιοικητικών αρχών της ελληνικής πολιτείας διενεργείται με μυστική και καθολική ψηφοφορία. Ωστόσο, ο τρόπος με τον οποίο διεξάγεται κάθε αυτοδιοικητική εκλογική αναμέτρηση και, ειδικότερα, η μέθοδος, δια της οποίας οι ψήφοι των πολιτών μετατρέπονται σε έδρες των συλλογικών οργάνων των οργανισμών τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης, δηλαδή το εκλογικό σύστημα, εντάσσεται στο πεδίο των αρμοδιοτήτων του κοινού νομοθέτη. Κατ’ αυτόν τον τρόπο, οι αυτοδιοικητικές εκλογές του 2019 διενεργήθηκαν για πρώτη φορά στην ιστορία του ελληνικού κράτους με το σύστημα της απλής αναλογικής. Τα αποτελέσματά τους, πάντως, και ειδικά εκείνα των δημοτικών εκλογών,  έπληξαν την εξισορρόπηση της σχέσης, που οφείλει να διακρίνει κάθε φορέα πολιτικής εξουσίας στη σύγχρονη δημοκρατική διακυβέρνηση, μεταξύ της γνήσιας αντιπροσωπευτικότητας και της διοικητικής αποτελεσματικότητας. Για τον λόγο αυτό στις αυτοδιοικητικές εκλογές του 2023 επαναφέρθηκε το σύστημα της ενισχυμένης αναλογικής προς αποκατάσταση της αποτελεσματικότητας και της κυβερνησιμότητας των αυτοδιοικητικών οργανισμών της χώρας.

The aim and objective of this paper is to analyse local government elections 2001 in district Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Local government is a very significant tier of governance in democratic societies. It manages the affairs of government at grass root level i.e. villages, towns, tehsils and districts. Pakistan inherited a more controlled and centralized local government system from British India after its inception in 1947. Unfortunately this important tier of governance did not developed with the passage of time in Pakistan. The devolution of power plan 2001 was an important step taken by General Pervez Musharraf. Reforms were introduced in civil bureaucracy and police and local bodies were strengthened. The study is based on qualitative method with Interviews, personal observations and common masses perceptions about the local government system in Pakistan. Results shows a power struggle between MNA's, MPA's and Nazims after the general elections in 2002. Bureaucracy with their colonial mindset succeeded in getting their powers back with the help of first tier of government.

Electoral reforms play a pivotal role in shaping the democratic landscape of India while ensuring free, fair and transparent elections. Over the years India has witnessed a series of legislative, judicial and institutional interventions aimed at addressing electoral malpractices and strengthening democratic integrity. This study critically examines key electoral reforms focusing on their effectiveness in enhancing transparency, reducing the influence of money and muscle power and improving voter participation. The paper explores the role of the Election Commission of India in implementing reforms such as Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs), Voter Verified Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT), and stricter enforcement of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC). It also analyzes judicial pronouncements on candidate disclosures, criminalization of politics, and electoral disqualifications. The impact of electoral financing mechanisms, including the introduction and subsequent debates around electoral bonds is assessed in the context of political transparency and accountability. Additionally, the study evaluates technological interventions, voter awareness initiatives and policy measures aimed at increasing electoral participation. While significant progress has been made challenges such as electoral fraud, vote-buying, misinformation and the regulation of political funding continue to pose concerns. This paper reviews global best practices and assesses their applicability within the Indian electoral system. By critically analyzing these developments the study provides insights into the strengths and limitations of existing electoral reforms and highlights areas requiring further policy interventions and legislative action.

Dans cette note, nous présentons les observations liminaires d’une enquête qui a été menée à la sortie des bureaux de vote le 9 février 2025. 859 électrices et électeurs ont été sondés. Il s’agit de statistiques descriptives et non analytiques. Un travail de statistique analytique sera mené prochainement.

This paper analyzes both the political discourse and reality of Czech civil society. It describes how the concept of civil society has emerged in a difficult ideological context and sets out how policy towards it has developed, also highlighting its economic role. Recent empirical evidence on the existing range of citizens' activities and their attitudes toward aspects of civic society and organizations within it is marshaled to estimate the potential for citizenship in the Czech Republic. Motto One feature of the Czech national character is a strong dislike of bureaucracy; its concurrent distinctive feature is the mystical belief that bureaucracy should care for everything and that it has full access to any available means to do so.... Any duty we take away from the government is political progress. The rise of democracy is feasible only in the form of civic autonomy.

El Frente Amplio uruguayo volvió a ganar unas elecciones presidenciales. Los cinco años en la oposición no terminaron de lastrar a esta fuerza política con más de medio siglo de existencia. Por el contrario, se vio reforzada y pudo presentarse a los comicios de 2024 celebrados en Uruguay como una opción política competitiva frente al Partido Nacional y sus socios de coalición. El presente artículo, en consecuencia, busca mostrar que el triunfo del Frente Amplio con Yamandú Orsi como su candidato no se comprende sin el proceso de autocrítica que llevó a cabo en sus años en la oposición y la capacidad de resiliencia que le otorga su compleja estructura partidaria.

Electoral democracy has provided opportunities for candidates from individual path. Therefore, political parties do not become the single way to win the political election.  This paper explores the victory of individual candidates in Pidie, Aceh, amid the  difficulty of individual candidates winning against candidates from political parties  which happened in other regions. This paper argues that the victory of individual candidates was strongly influenced by the risk of the policy performance of the ruling party in the previous period. The findings of this research are (1) individual candidates  have no difference with political party’s candidate as they are not coming from social  activist who bring alternative issues to the citizen. It only differs from its administrative requirements. (2) Pidie is an area where the majority of political parties support one candidate, so the presence of individual candidates becomes an alternative. (3) People's voting behavior in post-conflict areas tends to lead to rational choice, where past government policies become a consideration in voting in the next election. Thus,
individual candidates in the context of regional elections will not affect the quality of democracy that takes place in Indonesia. Furthermore, in the positive side, people are increasingly maturing in politics because they make performance considerations the basis of their political choices. But the positive side is that people are increasingly maturing in politics because they make performance considerations the basis of their political choices. Strengthening the model of rational choice voting behavior will support the quality of elections and democracy that takes place in Indonesia.

The CSIR has been involved in South African election night predictions since 1999 using a cluster prediction model based on the segmentation of the electorate according to voting behavior. In this paper these clusters are exploited in another way. Different clusters are related to different demographic groups, and an analysis is made how these different groups change their affiliation between subsequent elections. The changes in affiliation are determined by calculating a trend matrix, a new tool in elections that was introduced by one of the authors a few years ago. By comparing trend matrices between municipal (2006, 2011) and national elections (2004 and 2009) one can establish whether the observed trends are incidental or have a more generic character. It is felt that a better understanding of the voter behavior through such analyses can enhance the value of elections and thereby promote democracy.

Invalid votes in local government elections in Poland, in particular at the regional level, are among the most pressing problems of the electoral process. The number of invalid votes is so large that it serves political conflict in which accusations of election fraud are formulated. These are scarcely justified, though, since over 70% of invalid votes in local parliament elections lack an “x” next to the name of any candidate (rather than the addition of another “x” on the ballot). The analysis of this issue indicates that the reason for such a high percentage of invalid votes can be found in some elements of the electoral system. Large constituencies, sometimes of up to a dozen districts, mean political parties marginalize the smallest units (i.e. rural and urban-rural communities) when drawing up electoral lists and running election campaigns. The candidates on electoral lists for local parliaments very rarely come from rural regions, which does not stimulate the interest of their...

The problem of “stolen elections” is not limited to the USA. In many countries, disputes over election results are causing growing unrest, undermining the legitimacy of democratic processes. This trend risks making elections impossible and escalating into social upheaval or even civil war. It seems that these nations, through global collaboration, could design a blockchain-based voting system that would be more secure and trustworthy than current methods. With the help of AI tools like ChatGPT, in partnership with international organizations, we can explore and create a solution to restore faith in electoral integrity worldwide.

Anvers est la plus grande ville flamande et belge depuis la fusion des communes. Longtemps agencée à une confrontation entre partis catholique et socialiste, le paysage politique a considérablement évolué ces 30 dernières années avec notamment une perte d'influence notable des partis historiques et une montée en puissance du Vlaams Blok, désormais Vlaams Belang, et d'Agalev, aujourd'hui Groen. Dans la période contemporaine, c'est la percée de la N-VA sous la conduite de Bart De Wever et celle du PTB-PVDA qui ont frappé les imaginations. Cette dernière pourrait rendre encore plus complexe qu'en 2018 l'établissement d'une majorité.

Depuis la fusion des communes, Gand est la deuxième plus grande ville en Flandre et en Belgique. De très longue date – dès le XIXe siècle –, catholiques, libéraux et socialistes ont une implantation forte. Et à partir de 1921, les trois partis historiques sont « dans le jeu » dans la ville. En revanche, dans les communes limitrophes, le Parti catholique puis le CVP sont régulièrement dominants. Depuis la fusion des communes – 1964 et 1976 – la famille sociale-chrétienne a perdu beaucoup de son influence à rebours de la montée en puissance des socialistes. Mais en 2018, la dynamique s’est grippée et la négociation pour la majorité communale fut chaotique. Ce faisant, l’Open VLD a mis la main sur le maïorat. En 2024, Libéraux et socialistes font liste commune – Voor Gent – mais ne sont pas pourtant pas sûr d’être premier face à la puissance de Groen et la croissance du Parti du travail (PVDA).

Charleroi est la plus grande ville de Wallonie depuis la fusion des communes de 1976, qui fut ardemment contestée au ‘pays noir’.
Fortement encadrée politiquement et syndicalement par le pilier socialiste, le paysage politique de la ville a évolué ces dernières années : l’étiage socialiste a reculé, même dispersé le vote de droite radicale s’est amplifié, et de nouveaux venus se sont partiellement affirmés. Dans la période contemporaine, c'est particulièrement le cas du Parti du travail de Belgique, qui se situe désormais autour de 20%.

Buku ini terlahir dari sebuah kegamangan dalam
menyikapi peran media sebagai jembatan informasi,
komunikasi dan aspirasi dari setiap eleman
masyarakat, satu terhadap yang lainnya. Khususnya,
buku ini memberi gambaran kritis pada tempat dan
subyek di mana media harus berada dan mampu
mewartakan kebenaran secara berimbang kepada
khalayak masyarakat.

Σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 102 παρ. 2 του Συντάγματος της Ελλάδος η ανάδειξη των αυτοδιοικητικών αρχών της ελληνικής πολιτείας διενεργείται με μυστική και καθολική ψηφοφορία. Ωστόσο, ο τρόπος με τον οποίο διεξάγεται κάθε αυτοδιοικητική εκλογική αναμέτρηση και, ειδικότερα, η μέθοδος, δια της οποίας οι ψήφοι των πολιτών μετατρέπονται σε έδρες των συλλογικών οργάνων των οργανισμών τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης, δηλαδή το εκλογικό σύστημα, εντάσσεται στο πεδίο των αρμοδιοτήτων του κοινού νομοθέτη. Κατ’ αυτόν τον τρόπο, οι αυτοδιοικητικές εκλογές του 2019 διενεργήθηκαν ύστερα από πολλές δεκαετίες με το σύστημα της απλής αναλογικής. Τα αποτελέσματά
τους, πάντως, και ειδικά εκείνα των δημοτικών εκλογών, έπληξαν την εξισορρόπηση της σχέσης, που οφείλει να διακρίνει κάθε φορέα πολιτικής εξουσίας στη σύγχρονη δημοκρατική διακυβέρνηση, μεταξύ
της γνήσιας αντιπροσωπευτικότητας και της διοικητικής αποτελεσματικότητας.

Politicians from the new Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) have repeatedly claimed that many people are voting for the AfD out of protest because they are missing a left-wing conservative alternative like the BSW. After the first election results with participation of the BSW, it can be checked whether the BSW was able to win over a part of the AfD voters.

As a norm, the formation of political parties constitutes one of the many segments in the consolidation of democracy in modern politics. Invariably, there are different typologies of political parties. The choice of each type is informed by a confluence of factors. Each of these types of political parties has its own characteristic features. Within this context, this paper, focuses on one of the new political parties in South Africa, the National Freedom Party (NFP). The main purpose of this article is to discuss the tenets, as well as the pros and cons of patron-based political parties using the NFP, as an example. The article looks at how the party was established, how it has performed in different elections, the intraparty challenges it has wrestled with and how it resolved them. Using a qualitative approach, the article takes a closer look at the developments that took place in the NFP before the 2016 Local Government Election (LGE). Based on the enumerated chain of events, it a...

The Bosnian electorate failed to make a choice that would bring real change, in spite of signs throughout 2014 that the discontent for the current political setup was about to reach a tipping point. "Voting for moderate parties, which would base their programmes on other than Daytonlinked demands, is simply too risky. People opt for the devil they know rather than the devil they don't", argues Jessie Hronesova.

Better segments of mass people in developing countries are still unable to elect their representatives due to deficient political commitment of leaders and political unawareness. The present study aspires to explore political dynamics influencing leadership choice, and political instruments in influencing electorates in relation to activities of local political elites. National commitment to provide minimum democratic rights to secure their mandate has not yet been reflected in successive government's activities during election period. One decisive determinant of local election is the accessibility of choosing prospective leaders and barriers to manipulation of mandate that may develop because of location, monetary necessities, bureaucratic practices, use of various modes and technologies to attract voters, socioeconomic distances between people & political parties and the gender biasness. The article argues that to enhance accessibility in selecting local statesmanship, fundamental changes are required not only in people's consciousness but also in the structure of election procedure.

On November 24, 1946, the first municipal elections in Belgium since the end of the Second World War were held. The Communist Party of Belgium (PCB-KPB), which had had relatively little presence in the municipalities until then, achieved what was to be its best electoral and political performance at this level. After the election, the communist leaders reported a significant electoral leap compared to the previous local elections-1926, 1932 and 1938-and they claimed that they had won twenty mayoral positions and that more than one hundred of their candidates had been elected as aldermen. Compared to prewar elections, the result was an undeniable step forward and a potential lever for increased influence. But did this really turn out to be the case ? This article tackles the question from two perspectives. The first concerns the data analysis of the election. What were the PCB-KPB's actual electoral and political results ? This is a highly complex question as no database for the 1946 municipal elections exists. Furthermore, information about the communal councils is often patchy or even missing. The second perspective concerns the PCB-KPB itself, notably in terms of its ambitions : how did the PCB-KPB experience and analyse its results on November 24, 1946 ?

À partir des données collectées au cours d’une enquête de terrain conduite en Jordanie pendant les élections législatives de 2020, j’étudie les modalités de campagne et les stratégies de mobilisation électorale des candidats. Je m’intéresse en particulier à leurs pratiques territoriales, c’est-à-dire à l’organisation de leurs campagnes dans l’espace de la circonscription électorale. En suivant trois candidats dans leurs circonscriptions respectives, je montre d’abord que le choix de l’électorat et de l’espace de mobilisation dépend de leurs représentations de la configuration électorale, de leurs trajectoires ainsi que des ressources et moyens en leur possession. J’analyse ensuite la façon dont ce choix affecte leurs méthodes d’investissement du territoire, tant en termes de répertoires d’actions (porte-à-porte sur un territoire limité, mobilisation d’un électorat catégoriel « a-spatialisé » sur des thèmes précis, délégation à une organisation partisane) que de localisation de ces pratiques à travers la circonscription.

Partai Keadilan Sejahtera is one of political party which take part of political dynamics in Indonesia. One of political dynamics that occur is the winning of PKS's cadre, he is Ahmad Heryawan who selected in Jawa Barat head election in 2013. The winning became interesting when Ahmad Heryawan can win the political struggle in the condition that PKS get corruption case which attack the internal party. Researcher try to elaborate many factor which influence Ahmad Heryawan winning within corruption case of beef imports. The purpose of research is to know many factor that influence Ahmad Heryawan winning in Jawa Barat head election in 2013. This research involve nine of informant who take part the process of Jawa Barat head election. The typical of this research is qualitative type with descriptive analysis model. The data retrieved by way of interview process and document from PKS and KPUD Jawa Barat. Based on research result, there are five factors that affect Ahmad Heryawan winning in Jawa Barat head election. The five factors are imaging factor of Ahmad Heryawan, Deddy Mizwar's factor as mass getter, achievement factor of Ahmad Heryawan and incumbent position, the power of political party engine, and the winning team power. Moreover, there are some supporting factors such us chances of winning Ahmad Heryawan that greater than the nearest rival in the vote, Rieke Diah Pitaloka. This occurs because PDIP late in preparing cadres. From the overall factors, imaging factor is the most dominant.

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Partai Keadilan Sejahtera is one of political party which take part of political dynamics in Indonesia. One of political dynamics that occur is the winning of PKS's cadre, he is Ahmad Heryawan who selected in Jawa Barat head election in 2013. The winning became interesting when Ahmad Heryawan can win the political struggle in the condition that PKS get corruption case which attack the internal party. Researcher try to elaborate many factor which influence Ahmad Heryawan winning within corruption case of beef imports. The purpose of research is to know many factor that influence Ahmad Heryawan winning in Jawa Barat head election in 2013. This research involve nine of informant who take part the process of Jawa Barat head election. The typical of this research is qualitative type with descriptive analysis model. The data retrieved by way of interview process and document from PKS and KPUD Jawa Barat. Based on research result, there are five factors that affect Ahmad Heryawan winning in Jawa Barat head election. The five factors are imaging factor of Ahmad Heryawan, Deddy Mizwar's factor as mass getter, achievement factor of Ahmad Heryawan and incumbent position, the power of political party engine, and the winning team power. Moreover, there are some supporting factors such us chances of winning Ahmad Heryawan that greater than the nearest rival in the vote, Rieke Diah Pitaloka. This occurs because PDIP late in preparing cadres. From the overall factors, imaging factor is the most dominant.

An obstacle to the implementation of Condorcet voting methods in political elections is the perceived complexity of these methods. In this note, we propose a simple Condorcet voting method for use in a Final Four election, i.e., after a preliminary process in which up to four candidates qualify for the election. In the Final Four election, voters submit rankings of the candidates. If one candidate beats each of the others in a head-to-head majority comparison using the voters' rankings, that candidate is elected; if not, then among the candidates with at most one head-to-head loss, the candidate with the smallest loss is elected. We analyze this voting method from the perspective of voting theory. It avoids some standard objections to the related Minimax voting method, and it has advantages over the Instant Runoff method that has already been implemented in a number of cities and states.

This study aims to determine the impact of socialization of the elections by the Election Commission of Surabaya against society 's political participation in the election of Governors in 2013. Study was a descriptive study with a quantitative approach. The study population were all citizens of the District Gayungan registered as voters remain in the governor election in 2013. In this study, using a sample area and sample groups , the study sample was 100 people registered as voters. Research instruments such as questionnaires , observation , and interviews. The results of the analysis indicate that the description for the socialization of Surabaya City Election Commission on governor elections in 2013 , its implementation is going well. Political participation in society Gayungan Pilgub 2013 well categorized. Coefficient of correlation between two variables was calculated using the formula product momment , with results that are .239 in the low category. If dipresentasekan obtained a value of 23.9 % means that socialization Commission Surabaya affect political participation in society Gayungan governor election in 2013 of 23.9 %. T value (1.99) > t table (1.98) , so the hypothesis that reads : " socialization of Elections by the Election Commission of Surabaya has no effect on the political participation of the people in the governor election in 2013 " .

El artículo presenta un abordaje de la evolución del cargo de alcaldía municipal a partir del año 2002, seguido de un repaso del proceso de aprobación de cada una de las reformas electorales presentadas. Finalmente, se plantean posibles hipótesis de trabajo a partir de los resultados electorales de 2024.

This paper will review the comparison of loyalty of Abangan and Santri voters to two contestants in East Java Pilgub 2018. The reason, East Java Pilgub 2018 was followed by two contestants who both came from Nahdlatul Ulama. But on the other hand, political contestation in East Java cannot be separated from the cultural political dynamics scattered in the four corners of Mataraman, Tapal Kuda, Arek and Madura. These four regions certainly have the characteristics and loyalty of different voters both politically and sociologically. The political map certainly cannot be separated from Clifford Geertz classical study of the typology of the "aliran" politics (politik aliran) in Java. The method used in this paper is Library Research. The main information in this study was obtained through the analysis of the publication of the results of Kompas R&D survey in February and May 2018. The result of comparison analysis of loyalty of voters will not only know the extent of loyalty support of cultural groups on both candidates but see the tendency of reorientation of voting behavior in each cultural

This paper will review the comparison of loyalty of Abangan and Santri voters to two contestants in East Java Pilgub 2018. The reason, East Java Pilgub 2018 was followed by two contestants who both came from Nahdlatul Ulama. But on the other hand, political contestation in East Java cannot be separated from the cultural political dynamics scattered in the four corners of Mataraman, Tapal Kuda, Arek and Madura. These four regions certainly have the characteristics and loyalty of different voters both politically and sociologically. The political map certainly cannot be separated from Clifford Geertz classical study of the typology of the “aliran” politics (politik aliran) in Java. The method used in this paper is Library Research. The main information in this study was obtained through the analysis of the publication of the results of Kompas R&D survey in February and May 2018. The result of comparison analysis of loyalty of voters will not only know the extent of loyalty support of ...

The position of vice regent in Grobogan Regency is still not filled. This happened because the elected regent of Grobogan Edy Maryono passed away 3 days before he was appointed vice regent. In summary, the purpose of this paper is to discusses why in Grobogan District until now has not been filled filling Regent Representative Period 2016-202, and to know the mechanism and procedure of filling the position of Vice Regent who is unable to remain. The approach method used in this research is the normative juridical approach. Based on the discussion, the mechanism and procedures for the succession upon the permanently incapacitated vice-regent have been regulated in article

The article presents the concept of valence campaigning which is based on references to non-programmatic components of political image, such as competence and integrity. The analysis covers the premises for introducing references to these characteristics in the campaign derived from the strategic position of competing political parties. The empirical section contains the results of measurement of the frequency of these appeals in the pre-election rhetoric of parties participating in parliamentary campaigns in Poland between 2007 and 2019. The Comparative Campaign Dynamics Dataset was used for the study. The results show that the high frequency of arguments related to competence results primarily from the advantageous position of a party in the polls as well as its earlier participation in the government. Integrity is mainly emphasized by new parties and, unexpectedly, the ones involved in scandals in the past.

Praca powstała w wyniku realizacji projektu badawczego o nr UMO-2018/31/D/ HS5/01171 fi nansowanego ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki. Dane zostały zebrane w wyniku realizacji projektów DE 1667/4-1 i DE 1667/4-3 fi nansowanych przez Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG).

Nie ma wątpliwości, że recenzowaną publikację można nazwać dziełem. Nie ze względu na jej objętość (332 strony, wliczając bibliografię i indeks osób), ale z powodu kompleksowego ujęcia problematyki wyborów na poziomie gminnym w Polsce. Autor skrupulatnie przedstawia rozmaite ujęcia teoretyczne problematyki wyborów samorządowych, proponuje własne hipotezy z nich wywiedzione i weryfikuje je w odniesieniu do instytucji regulujących rywalizację polityczną, zachowań wyborców, wybieranych osób oraz roli partii politycznych. Jest to kolejna ważna dla polskich nauk o polityce książka wydana nakładem Wydawnictwa Naukowego Scholar obok takich pozycji, jak Europa pokomunistyczna Jerzego J. Wiatra (2006), Jakość rządzenia w Polsce pod red. Jerzego Wilkina (2013), Partycypacja wyborcza w Polsce Mikołaja Cześnika (2007) czy Cz y głosowanie jest racjonalną decyz ją? Marty Żerkowskiej-Balas (2017). Charakteryzując książkę Gendźwiłła, należy koniecznie zaznaczyć, że pojęcie "wyborów lokalnych" autor stosuje wyłącznie w odniesieniu do wyborów odbywających się w gminach oraz miastach na prawach powiatu. W książce nie są analizowane wybory do rad powiatów czy sejmików wojewódzkich. Autor wyłącza je poza ramy analizy, chociaż uzasadnienie

Розглянуто політичні симпатії у історично сформованому регіоні Західної Галичини-у Малопольському і Підкарпатському воєводствах. Поділено польські політичні партії на осі праві-центр-ліві. Доведено, що в обох регіонах історично сформованого регіону Західної Галичини, особливо в Малопольському і Підкарпатському воєводствах, виграють парламентські вибори праві або правоцентристські політичні партії. З 2005 року консервативний ПіС постійно в цих регіонах вигравав вибори до Сейму. Розраховано Ідеологічне позиціонування електорату на Малопольського та Підкарпатського воєводств на всіх виборах до Сейму. Опрацьовано у межах персонального гранту "Електоральні преференції населення Західної та Східної Галичини на території Україні та Польщі та у 1991-2016 роках: спільне та відмінне" від Фонду К. Скубішевського. Ключові слова: політичні партії, Республіка Польща, ідеологія, праві партії, парламентські вибори.

Alle bisherigen Meinungsumfragen sprechen dafür, dass die Wähler keinen Machtwechsel wollen-und dies, obwohl Tusk und die PO bei weitem nicht alle Versprechen erfüllt haben, die sie im Wahlkampf 2007 gegeben hatten. Mehr noch: von dem bürgerlich-demokratischen Aufbruch, der sich mit der Wahl 2007 andeutete, ist kaum noch etwas zu spüren. Tusk zieht hinter den kulissen die fäden und tritt ab und zu mit Grundsatzerklärungen an die Öffentlichkeit, verliert aber mehr und mehr den kontakt zu den Bürgern. so drohen der PO und der koalition am ehesten Gefahren von innen, wie die »Glücksspielaffäre« gezeigt hat.

PersPektywa euroPejska* Streszczenie: Artykuł porusza zagadnienie zróżnicowania pozycji politycznej burmistrza w państwach europejskich i implikacji, jakie niesie rola burmistrza w poziomych relacjach władzy dla funkcjonowania lokalnych scen samorządowych. W pierwszej części odnosimy się do pomiaru pozycji burmistrza uwzględniającego odmienne uwarunkowania instytucjonalne-m.in. sposób wyboru, zakres kompetencji względem organu uchwałodawczego czy łatwość odwołania przed upływem kadencji. W dalszej kolejności wskazujemy, jak ów odmienny kontekst pozycji politycznej burmistrzów przekłada się na kilka wybranych aspektów ich aktywności, m.in. skłonność do formalnego afiliowania w szeregach partii politycznej, percepcję własnej autonomii w codziennym zarządzaniu gminą przez samych burmistrzów oraz możliwość wieloletniego trwania na stanowisku.