Legal Culture

The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peerreviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications.

The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peerreviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications.

The concept of insolvency remains a critical issue worldwide due to its economic and social implications. Generally, insolvency denotes the inability to pay debt upon demand. In both Nigeria and United Kingdom insolvency is a statutory ground for winding up of a company as a stipulated amount is stated in the Act whereby a company who is indebted to that amount or above but, cannot pay back upon demand may face severe consequences. This paper adopts doctrinal research methodology utilizing both Primary and secondary sources of data. This work finds that a thorough examination of the legal frameworks for insolvency procedures and practice in Nigeria and the selected countries are now geared towards saving companies with insolvency matters and not to kill or liquidate them.

Le thème de la culture juridique québécoise, qui traverse son oeuvre, relie les 32 textes du présent recueil, préparés pour rendre hommage au professeur, collègue et ami. Ces mélanges sont l'occasion de souligner la richesse de ses travaux. La liste de ses publications laisse apparaître des thèmes récurrents liés au droit des biens, à l'histoire du droit et à la culture juridique. À la lecture de ses écrits, ce sont autant les sujets abordés que la manière de les aborder qui frappent. Il a proposé des typologies capables de simplifier les enjeux juridiques les plus complexes. Il a marqué des centaines de jeunes et de moins jeunes par la clarté de ses exposés. Son Introduction au droit des biens ressemble davantage à une étude historique et critique qu'à un manuel de l'étudiant (ce qu'annonce la couverture du livre), bien que son caractère accessible le rapproche effectivement d'un manuel. Et ce n'est pas tout. Sylvio Normand a décodé nos codes civils et leur histoire, et tout ce qui entoure leur confection et leur réception en mettant l'accent sur leur matérialité, mais aussi sur les acteurs institutionnels et individuels qui ont participé à leur spécificité. Il a osé parler de poétique, de paratextes, de palimpsestes, de culture et d'acculturation. Il a jeté son regard aiguisé sur ce qui fait du Québec un terroir juridique particulier et surtout un terrain encore inexploré. Il nous a invités et nous invite toujours à découvrir de nouveaux récits. Les mélanges sont des recueils éclectiques, voire indisciplinés 1 . Ce qui unit tous les textes, ce sont des intérêts partagés par les auteurs et autrices avec la personne qu'ils honorent. Ainsi, plusieurs contributions du présent recueil s'intéressent à la culture du droit et à sa méthodologie. La codification, le rôle de la doctrine et la langue du droit y sont évoqués. D'autres 1. Voir : Françoise Waquet, « Les "mélanges" : honneur et gratitude dans l'Université contemporaine » (2006) 53:3 R Hist moderne et contemporaine 100. XIV LA CULTURE JURIDIQUE QUÉBÉCOISE s'attardent à l'histoire du droit de même qu'aux histoires racontées par le droit. D'autres encore abordent le droit des biens et des personnes, revenant sur des notions fondamentales ou les étudiant de façon transversale. Comme dans les travaux de Sylvio Normand, la culture juridique, l'histoire et le droit civil y sont souvent imbriqués. Nous avons donc résisté à la tentation de classer les contributions reçues. Elles vous sont présentées en ordre alphabétique, laissant aux lettres et au hasard le plaisir d'organiser ce bouquet de textes que les contributeurs et contributrices offrent avec amitié au dédicataire. Les mélanges sont connus pour célébrer les qualités de l'universitaire, parfois à l'excès 2 . Ils peuvent néanmoins être l'occasion d'une reconnaissance sincère, d'éloges mérités et d'une saine émulation. En l'occurrence, ils étaient une invitation à la collégialité, comme celle que Sylvio Normand a toujours manifestée à l'endroit de ses collègues. Plusieurs contributions à cet ouvrage sont ainsi le fruit de collaborations. Avant de conclure et de vous inviter à lire les textes recueillis, nous souhaitons souligner le travail du comité scientifique qui a conçu le projet d'ouvrage, défini la thématique et lu et commenté les contributions reçues. Ce comité est constitué de Mark Antaki, François Brochu, Louise Langevin et Jacinthe Plamondon, ainsi que des soussignées. Nous sommes reconnaissantes envers Eric Fokou pour la patience et la compétence avec lesquelles il a assuré la coordination du projet, ainsi qu'envers Alexane Tardif pour la révision des notes de bas de page. De même, nous sommes redevables à Stéphanie Altamirano et Hélène Dumais pour la révision linguistique.

Pēc Latvijas Republikas proklamēšanas bija jāsāk valsts iestāžu izveides process. Tajā būtiski bija civildienesta, darbalaika un amatu kategoriju dalījuma likumi, kuri noteica pamatbāzi valsts ierēdniecībai, kā arī ietekmēja vienu no valsts darbinieku nozīmīgākajiem jautājumiem – atalgojumu. Raksta mērķis ir konstatēt valsts darbinieku atalgojuma galvenos attīstības posmus caur Valsts un pašvaldību darbinieku centrālās savienības darbību, tādējādi papildinot izpratni par vienu no Latvijas valsts aparāta funkcionēšanas pamatprincipiem  – ierēdniecības darbības motivāciju un apstākļiem. Līdz 1934.  gadam valsts darbinieku atalgojumu jautājumā var izšķirt četrus posmus, kuri bija pakļauti ekonomiskajiem faktoriem, Saeimas un Ministru kabineta pieņemtajiem veiksmīgiem vai neveiksmīgiem lēmumiem, kā arī sadarbībai starp Saeimu, Ministru kabinetu un tādām organizācijām kā Valsts un pašvaldību darbinieku centrālā savienība.

Primjenom prozopografskog pristupa analizira se skupina od osamnaest Dubrovčana koji su studirali pravo u drugoj polovici 14. i 15. stoljeća. Uz razne druge elemente njihova životopisa, posebno se ispituje kojem su staležu i sloju pripadali, gdje su studirali, jesu li se opredijelili za rimsko pravo, kanonsko pravo ili oba prava, jesu li doktorirali, kakav im je bio daljnji životni put. Na temelju toga rekonstruira se tipični profil dubrovačkog školovanog pravnika i izvodi zaključak o motivima za izbor pravnog studija. Dok je u mnogim talijanskim gradovima u 15. stoljeću školovana pravna elita preuzela važne položaje u pravosuđu, zakonodavstvu i upravi, 1 Dubrovnik je i nakon samostalnosti polučene 1358. nastavio slijediti mletački model, u kojem je vlast položena na političku moć staleža, a ne na specifično znanje profesije. 2 Nella Lonza, viša znanstvena suradnica u Zavodu za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Dubrovniku. Adresa: Zavod za povijesne znanosti HAZU,

Primjenom prozopografskog pristupa analizira se skupina od osamnaest Dubrovčana koji su studirali pravo u drugoj polovici 14. i 15. stoljeća. Uz razne druge elemente njihova životopisa, posebno se ispituje kojem su staležu i sloju pripadali, gdje su studirali, jesu li se opredijelili za rimsko pravo, kanonsko pravo ili oba prava, jesu li doktorirali, kakav im je bio daljnji životni put. Na temelju toga rekonstruira se tipični profil dubrovačkog školovanog pravnika i izvodi zaključak o motivima za izbor pravnog studija. Dok je u mnogim talijanskim gradovima u 15. stoljeću školovana pravna elita preuzela važne položaje u pravosuđu, zakonodavstvu i upravi, 1 Dubrovnik je i nakon samostalnosti polučene 1358. nastavio slijediti mletački model, u kojem je vlast položena na političku moć staleža, a ne na specifično znanje profesije. 2 Nella Lonza, viša znanstvena suradnica u Zavodu za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Dubrovniku. Adresa: Zavod za povijesne znanosti HAZU,

On February 2nd 2004, less than fifty days before the 2004 presidential election, a reader's letter in the Lianhe bao ( United Daily News) complained about the lack of cultural vision among the presidential candidates. The author examined the electoral campaigns of the two major parties: the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and could find no party position on cultural policy. "Where is the future for Taiwan's culture?", he wrote, "Even rice wine and plastic bags have had a policy, where is our cultural policy?" 1 As a matter of fact, cultural policy has always played an important role in Taiwanese politics. For example, the anti-communist principle and censorship were imposed in the 1950s as a means to control cultural expression; the Cultural Renaissance Movement (Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yundong) was launched in 1967 as a counterattack response to the Cultural Revolution developing in mainland China; in 1977, Chiang Ching-kuo included culture in the Twelve National Construction Projects to respond to social change; in 1995, Lee Teng-hui supported the Community Construction Movement (shequ zongti yingzao), to further his political idea of the "community of shared fate" (shengming gongtong ti) 2 . Quite often, money was poured into projects, and measures were implemented, yet dissatisfaction with the direction that culture-building has taken continues 3 . But what is at the source of this criticism? Most usually the confusion arising from the question of how "culture" is to be defined, and expectations of what "cultural policy" should be. A web of significance spun by the state Many have taken "cultural policy" as something straightforward that everybody understands. Generally speaking, the term is used to denote "arts policy", or is described as referring to "a policy dealing with cultural affairs". 4 Taking the anthropological point of view, "culture" encompasses almost everything. Whatever is distinctive about the way of life of a group of people, a community, a society, or a

Literature has gained a plethora of attention in EFL classes for the last decades. Teachers find themselves swinging between the pans of teaching literature for the sake of literature and using it as a means to teach the language. Consequently, a gap between language and literature emerges and calls for adequate teaching methodologies. This paper intends to explore the loopholes of teaching English through literary texts in the department of English at Abbess Laghrour University and proposes a project-based approach to teach literary texts. Data have been gathered by the means of a questionnaire administered to teachers of the English Department. The obtained results show that teachers encounter difficulties in teaching literary texts to reach language goals and they find that project-based learning can help them in enabling learners to make well-informed decisions, construct their personal identities, and helps them in better communication.

On February 2nd 2004, less than fifty days before the 2004 presidential election, a reader's letter in the Lianhe bao ( United Daily News) complained about the lack of cultural vision among the presidential candidates. The author examined the electoral campaigns of the two major parties: the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and could find no party position on cultural policy. "Where is the future for Taiwan's culture?", he wrote, "Even rice wine and plastic bags have had a policy, where is our cultural policy?" 1 As a matter of fact, cultural policy has always played an important role in Taiwanese politics. For example, the anti-communist principle and censorship were imposed in the 1950s as a means to control cultural expression; the Cultural Renaissance Movement (Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yundong) was launched in 1967 as a counterattack response to the Cultural Revolution developing in mainland China; in 1977, Chiang Ching-kuo included culture in the Twelve National Construction Projects to respond to social change; in 1995, Lee Teng-hui supported the Community Construction Movement (shequ zongti yingzao), to further his political idea of the "community of shared fate" (shengming gongtong ti) 2 . Quite often, money was poured into projects, and measures were implemented, yet dissatisfaction with the direction that culture-building has taken continues 3 . But what is at the source of this criticism? Most usually the confusion arising from the question of how "culture" is to be defined, and expectations of what "cultural policy" should be. A web of significance spun by the state Many have taken "cultural policy" as something straightforward that everybody understands. Generally speaking, the term is used to denote "arts policy", or is described as referring to "a policy dealing with cultural affairs". 4 Taking the anthropological point of view, "culture" encompasses almost everything. Whatever is distinctive about the way of life of a group of people, a community, a society, or a

This paper presents a prospective analysis for the elevation of the Pakistani judicial system to a top-ranked global status. Despite its constitutional foundation and common law heritage, the judiciary in Pakistan faces systemic challenges, including case backlogs, procedural delays, and issues of institutional independence. The study posits that a targeted reform agenda, drawing lessons from top-performing global judiciaries, is essential to address these deficiencies. By comparing the operational models and structural elements of judicial systems in the USA, Canada, the European Union, the United Kingdom, Russia, and China, this paper identifies key areas for reform in Pakistan's legal framework. These areas include judicial independence, case management, the integration of technology, and the implementation of robust alternative dispute resolution mechanisms. The analysis incorporates a review of international court rankings to benchmark Pakistan's current standing and to provide a clear objective for reform. The conclusion offers a set of strategic recommendations aimed at modernizing the judiciary, enhancing public trust, and aligning Pakistan's legal system with global best practices for the expeditious and equitable administration of justice. All citations are formatted according to the Canadian Guide to Uniform Legal Citation (the "McGill Guide").

This paper presents a comparative analysis of the court structures and civil procedural rules in Pakistan and Canada. Despite a shared common law heritage as former British colonies, the two nations have developed distinct judicial architectures reflective of their unique constitutional and socio-political contexts. The analysis reveals that while both systems feature a multi-tiered judicial hierarchy culminating in a Supreme Court, they diverge fundamentally in their constitutional organization of judicial power and their approaches to civil litigation. By examining the historical foundations, court structures, and key procedural mechanisms such as the initiation of suits, pleadings, and evidence this study elucidates the core similarities and critical divergences between the two systems. The conclusion underscores how these differences are shaped by and reflective of each country's legal and political evolution. All citations adhere to the Canadian Guide to Uniform Legal Citation (the "McGill Guide").

El discurso de género cumplió una doble función: si bien fue instrumentalizado por los sectores hegemónicos para legitimar la subordinación femenina, también se convirtió en una herramienta jurídica clave para abogados defensores de mujeres acusadas de defraudar la renta del tabaco y aguardiente. Este estudio demuestra cómo ese mismo discurso, lejos de operar únicamente como mecanismo de subordinación, fue movilizado estratégicamente en el ámbito judicial para reducir o anular la responsabilidad penal de las acusadas entre 1830 y 1850. A partir de un análisis cualitativo de expedientes judiciales, legislación fiscal y normativa penal en la provincia del Cauca, y apoyado en las categorías de análisis propuestas por Joan W. Scott sobre la construcción del género, así como en los modelos pragmático-discursivos de Paul Grice y Shoshana Blum- Kulka, se examina cómo los argumentos legales apelaban a representaciones de género para influir en los fallos judiciales. El artículo sostiene que este uso del discurso de género permitió atenuar las penas impuestas y revela el carácter ambivalente de las nociones de feminidad en el derecho penal decimonónico, ofreciendo una nueva perspectiva sobre las interacciones entre género, derecho y poder en la historia jurídica colombiana.

Every human being on the face of the earth believes that when they are meted out with discrimination of any form, they deserve justice. Frankly, we all deserve justice! But, can justice be availed by everyone irrespective of their standing in society or is it reserved for a select few upon whom is bestowed the benevolence of powers that be, notwithstanding that the results may be fraught with malevolence? This paper aims to analyse, firstly, the 2023 Supriyo @ Supriya Chakraborty vs Union Of India case of the Supreme Court of India which expounds on a queer person's right to marry, secondly, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the context of the Hamas attack on October 7 th 2023, and lastly, the novella The Old Man and the Sea by Ernest Hemingway so as to test the thesis that the concept of justice is a fiction. The paper adopts a multidisciplinary approach that mainly focuses on the field of law while placing a minor reliance on politics and literature. The paper employs close textual analysis and comparative study guided by deductive reasoning to prove the thesis.

Нормативно-правовая культура является важной частью культурного наследия любого народа. Монгольские и шире -тюрко-монгольские народы обладают древними традициями правосознания, которые формировались в контексте традиционной культуры охотников, кочевников-скотоводов, воинов. Особый пласт традиционной нормативно-правовой культуры кочевников и охотников, пропитанной шаманистскими воззрениями составляют магические приемы и сакральные предметы. Совокупность таких предметов довольно широка и разнообразна -в нее входили метеориты («небесные стрелы»), почитаемые животные и части их тел, разные виды оружия. Комплекс традиционных представлений, запретов, обычаев и обрядов, можно охарактеризовать как меры, направленные на борьбу с правонарушениями и способствующие защите интересов в споре сторон. В данной статье внимание уделено магическим приемам и средствам, направленным на борьбу с воровством в среде кочевников.

Una cosa es segura, cierta, indivisible como el nacimiento del mundo y los pasos de los profetas en las tinieblas, nosotros no queremos morir así, con la modestia de la rosa y la tristeza del racimo de uva que aún no ha sido vendimiado. No queremos morir por cualquier fútil razón que pondría orden en el universo y tendría la virtud de convertir en oro todos los urinarios de Texas. Por eso metemos nuestro dedo en el ojo del dueño del tiempo y protestamos: no queremos que nadie nos enseñe a vendar nuestras heridas. Por nuestra estupidez, el arcaísmo, la rudeza y la arrogancia, nuestra falta de sensatez y la pasión que sentimos por el temor, el resplandor del sufrimiento y la vena de tristeza en nuestros corazones, no queremos festivales de duelo para nosotros, ni vuestras manifestaciones de admiración por nuestro rostro vigoroso y pálido, por nuestro líquido impetuoso y caliente, por nuestros testículos calientes y las bolsas que se marcan en nuestros pantalones. No queremos vuestra comodidad, vuestra coquetería, vuestra alta estatura que no mejorara nuestra descendencia de natural rechoncho. Sobre todo no queremos ser fuertes como vosotros que os meáis por los bordes del universo, divertidos ante los hombres que entregan el alma. Queremos enrollarnos en nuestra arena y morir por encima de ella como los valientes salteadores, los locos, los pillos, los poetas. Queremos quedarnos allí, de cara al sol feraz y bueno para poblar la tierra, y seguir escribiendo sobre las tablillas de arcilla. Queremos vivir otro día, ni muy largo gracias a vosotros, ni muy corto por culpa nuestra. Queremos un año, un año sólo sin vosotros, porque todos vosotros estáis solos. Compartimos con vosotros la ley de la fuerza: tal vez sea ésta la razón de vuestro furor; porque formamos parte de esa ley universal que dice que el poderoso es capaz de aniquilar el mundo, pero el débil puede aniquilarlo también.

O  artigo  examina  os  ecos  da  ascensão  de  Felipe  II  de  Castela  ao  trono  de Portugal  nas  discussões  ocorridas  nas  Cortes  de  Castela  de  1583-1585. Considerando  a  crise  sucessória  portuguesa  (1578-1580)  e  a  rebelião  do bastardo d. Antônio, discutiremos a proposta de fazer possível a navegação do rio Tejo para Lisboa a partir de Toledo, apresentada nas Cortes como uma forma de  integrar  comercialmente Portugal e  Castela -mas que, na prática,  também serviria  para  o  envio  rápido  de  tropas  em  caso  de  insurreição  em Portugal.  A análise  aqui  proposta  discute  como  as  Cortes  de  Castela  serviram  como  uma caixa  de  ressonância  das  tensões  políticas  dos  primeiros  anos  do  Portugal Habsburgo, refletindo o temor de novas rebeliões lusas por parte de Felipe II e dos procuradoresdas Cortes.

This  work  examines  the  echoes  of  Philip  II  of  Castile's  rise  to  the  throne  of Portugal  in  the  discussions  held  at  the  Castilian  Cortes  of  1583-1585. Considering the Portuguese succession crisis (1578-1580) and the rebellion of the bastard d. Antônio, we will discuss the proposal to enable navigation on the Tagus  River  to  Lisbon  from  Toledo,  which  was  presented  at  the  Cortes  as  a means to commercially integrating Portugal and Castile -but which, in practice, would also serve for the rapid deployment of troops in the event of an uprising in Portugal.  The  analysis  proposed  here  discusses  how  the  Castilian  Cortes functioned  as  a  sounding  board  for  the  political  tensions  of  the  early  years  of Habsburg Portugal, reflecting the fear of new Portuguese rebellions onthe part of Philip II and the representatives of the Cortes.

Every public power including the prosecutorial power is open to abuse if a strong checking mechanism is not made available in place. Among the prosecutorial powers, decisions to prosecute and withdrawal of charges are the most vulnerable decisions to abuse. This research covers the use of prosecutorial power in case of withdrawal of homicide charges. The main underlying objective is to indicate whether the prosecutor is abusing its power in exercising withdrawal of homicide charges or not. Practically speaking, withdrawal of homicide charges has become a source of contention among the community, prosecution and the judiciary for years. Families of the deceased have screamed for justice when charges are withdrawn especially on the public interest basis. Though the issue seems sensitive and substantively counterproductive to the justice system, it doesn’t, however, attract due attention leaving the problem to linger that motivated the researcher to conduct a study in this area.
The research is a case analysis one which is totally dependent on the secondary data source viz. document review. The documents reviewed are collected from the North Western High Court and Supreme Court of Tigray. The cases collected are reviewed qualitatively after briefed in the way convenient for interpretation. The primary way of gathering data, interview, has also been employed in a limited way to make some points clear that are included in the withdrawal decision of the prosecutor.
Withdrawal of charges is exercised by the prosecutor when a prosecution already begun becomes inexpedient and the interest of the public outweighs the justice sought on the individual cases. This research demonstrated that the public prosecutor or simply the head of the Justice Bureau had applied its power abusively that’s found to be illegal, unjustified and inconsistent to the HRs pledges and commitments. It had not only misused its power but also in some way stripped the jurisdiction of the court. The research discovered varieties of remedies to such misuse of power which relate with quashing the withdrawal decision and giving adequate effective remedy to the victim involved. Internal review, judicial review, private prosecution are remedies to the first scenario while the later one is left for further work. The High Court has tried its best to check such abusive power though the Supreme court made meaningless by reversing decisions of its subordinate illegally through non- procedural means.
Finally, the researcher has recommended the Justice Bureau of Tigray to submit itself to the laws and be consistent with the spirit of the law of the land and international HRs instruments which Ethiopia is a party. It needs also to consult with its subordinate, the investigative police and the victim’s families when considering public interest. The Supreme Court of Tigray should also discern the reality that the prosecutorial decision can be abused and need to be checked. As the final guarantor of HR, it should play its constructive role in ensuring the individual right to life by considering withdrawal decisions of the prosecutor carefully asper the laws of the country.
Key Words; Head of the Justice Bureau, Judicial Review, Prosecutorial Power, Prosecution Service, Remedy to Abuse of Power, Withdrawal of Charges.

This article analyzes the practices of the Brazilian Criminal Justice System based on ethnographic data from two doctoral research projects. The first research investigated the legal interaction rituals in custody hearings and criminal trial proceedings, while the second explored the training and preparation trajectory of state judges and public prosecutors. The objective is to understand the actions and practices of the Criminal Justice System through three theoretical categories: symbolic interdependencies, legal sensitivities, and moral boundaries. The methodology included participant observation, ethnographic description, semi-structured interviews, open and in-depth interviews, focus groups, and document analysis. The results show that the symbolic interdependencies between agents and institutions, the legal sensitivities formed during professional training, and the moral boundaries defined in legal rituals are crucial for producing the effects of criminal law, revealing the complexity and nuances of social dynamics in the context of the Brazilian Criminal Justice System.

În cadrul sistemului ştiinţelor sociale, un loc important este deţinut de ştiinţele juridice datorită faptului că acestea studiază fenomenele politico-juridice ale societăţii. Dreptul Constituţional constituie o ramură fundamentală a Dreptului alcătuită dintr-un ansamblu de norme juridice, cuprinse prioritar în Constituţie, prin care se reglementează raporturile sociale din domeniul instituirii şi exercitării puterii de stat, asigurându-se înfăptuirea puterii suverane a poporului. Ştiinţa Dreptului Constituţional are ca obiect de studiu organizarea societăţii în stat, raporturile din domeniul instituirii şi exercitării puterii politice. Ştiinţa Dreptului Constituţional este studiată de disciplina ştiinţifică academică denumită "Drept Constituţional şi instituţii politice". În paginile care urmează am analizat "momentele" apreciate ca fiind de importanţă deosebită, din punctul nostru de vedere, cu privire la organizarea politică şi juridică a teritoriilor care alcătuiesc, în contemporaneitate, statul naţional unitar român. Pentru realizarea demersului nostru am utilizat şi doctrina aparţinând altor ramuri ale ştiinţelor juridice, cum ar fi Ştiinţa Dreptului Administrativ şi elemente de administraţie publică. O importanţă capitală în fundamentarea întregii lucrări a avut-o recurgerea la tezaurul de cunoştinţe înmagazinat de două ştiinţe juridice istorice: Dreptul Roman şi Istoria Dreptului Românesc. Pentru realizarea coeziunii dintre capitolele lucrării şi subdiviziunile acestora (secţiuni; paragrafe) am urmărit, în mod activ, evoluţia Istoriei politice a Statului Român şi totodată raporturile entităţilor etatice de pe teritoriul actual al ţării Cucerirea Daciei de către romani În urma incursiunilor dacilor la sud de Dunăre, ca de altfel şi ale romanilor în nordul fluviului, cele două armate se înfruntă la Tapae (anul 88 e.n.). În urma bătăliei se încheie o pace prin care regele dac Decebal se recunoaşte rege clientelar al Imperiului Roman primind în schimb de la Imperiu ajutor tehnic şi subsidii. Imperatorul roman Marcus Ulpius Traianus a purtat două războaie pe teritoriul Daciei. Primul război daco-roman s-a desfăşurat în perioada 25 mai 101 e.n. până în toamna anului 102 e.n. şi a avut drept consecinţă anularea stipulaţiilor păcii încheiate de imperatorul Diocleţian. Prizonierii, dezertorii şi tehnicienii sunt restituiţi autorităţilor romane de către regele dac. O parte din statul dacrespectiv zona subcarpaticăa fost anexată de Imperiu şi repartizată celor două provincii romane sud-dunărene: Moesia Superior şi Moesia Inferior iar o garnizoană militară romană a fost mutată pe teritoriul Daciei. Ca urmare a celei de-a doua conflagraţii daco-romane (primăvara anului 105 e.n. -vara anului 106 e.n.) regele dac, Decebal, s-a sinucis şi a fost creată provincia imperială Dacia, condusă de un guvernator delegat de imperator (legatus Augusti pro praetore). Dacia înglobată în cadrul Imperiului cuprindea: aproape întreaga Transilvanie, Banatul şi vestul Olteniei. Provincia era apărată iniţial, în răsărit, de limesul Alutanus (Izlaz, jud. Teleorman -Boiţa, jud. Sibiu); ulterior prin prelungirea sa cu limesul Transalutanus (Dunăre-Roşiori de Vede-Piteşti -Câmpulung Muscel -Carpaţi). Sub autoritatea guvernatorului provinciei Moesia Inferior au fost plasate: estul Olteniei, Muntenia şi sudul Moldovei. Imperatorul Marcus Ulpius Traianus îşi ia titlul de "DACICUS" şi inaugurează la Roma, în amintirea crâncenelor Provincia a fost condusă în timpul imperatorului Marcus Ulpius Traianus de un guvernator denumit legatus Augusti propaetore. Aşa fiind, porţiunea din statul dac cucerit şi anexat Imperiului Roman a format iniţial o singură provincie. După moartea violentă a guvernatorului roman C. Iulius Quadratos Bassus imperatorul Hadrian a numit un guvernator cu puteri depline şi extraordinare în persoana lui Q. Marcius Turbo. Sub guvernarea acestuia Dacia a fost împărţită în două provincii (anul 120 e.n.) pentru a se preveni o eventuală răscoală. Astfel au fost create două entităţi: Transilvania şi nordul Banatului au format Dacia Superior iar Oltenia, sud-estul Transilvaniei şi zona de sud-est a Banatului au fost incluse în provincia Dacia Inferior. Izvoarele arheologice şi inscripţiile descoperite atestă faptul că după răscoala din 119 e.n. -120 e.n. o parte din pătura bogată a populaţiei autohtone s-a înţeles cu autorităţile romane. Răscoala produsă în anii 157 e.n. -158 e.n. determină pe imperatorul Antoninus Pius ca în anul 158 e.n. să reorganizeze Dacia în trei provincii, astfel: * Dacia Malvensis, care includea Oltenia şi vestul Munteniei; cu capitala la Malva; * Dacia Apulensis, care cuprindea partea de sud a Transilvaniei şi o parte din Banat; cu capitala la Apulum; * Dacia Porolissensis în care au fost incluse teritorii din nordul Transilvaniei de astăzi; cu reşedinţa la Porolissum. Organele de conducere ale provinciei Dacia romană. Dacia fiind aşezată geografic la extremitatea Imperiului Roman a constituit o provincie imperială, subordonată direct imperatorului, acesta exercitându-şi atribuţiile prin delegaţi. În Dacia, delegatul imperatorului avea titlul de legatus Augusti cetăţenii romani, dintre cetăţenii romani şi peregrini precum şi raporturile dintre peregrini. Guvernatorul avea aptitudinea de a judeca în materie penală şi de a dispune executarea sentinţelor, inclusiv a celor care prevedeau pedeapsa cu moartea (Jus gladii). Cetăţenii romani din Dacia nu se aflau sub autoritatea guvernatorului cât priveşte infracţiunile pedepsite cu moartea. Aşa fiind, cetăţenii romani aveau dreptul de a solicita să fie judecaţi la Roma (provocatio ad populum). După Constituţia imperatorului Caracalla din anul 212 e.n., când dreptul la cetăţenia romană a fost recunoscut tuturor locuitorilor Imperiului Roman (cu excepţia peregrinilor dediticii), senatorii oraşelor (decurionii) aveau dreptul de a fi judecaţi la Roma. Funcţiona pe lângă guvernatorul Daciei, fiind consultat în chestiunile deosebite intervenite în conducerea provinciei. Concilium provinciae (denumit mai târziu Concilium trium Daciarum) era prezidat de către preotul provinciei Dacia (flamen provinciae, sacerdos provinciae sau coronatus trium Daciarum). Consiliul provinciei includea delegaţii unităţilor administrative din Dacia (civitates). Atribuţia fundamentală a acestui consiliu consta în organizarea şi supravegherea permanentă a cultului imperial. Cultul imperial, fiind o practică de ordin religios, acea scopul de a determina locuitorii provinciei să adopte o poziţie de ataşament în raport cu persoana imperatorului roman, acesta din urmă reprezentând un simbol al unităţii Imperiului Roman. Civitates (unităţile teritorial -administrative) prin trimiterea delegaţiilor îşi asumau şi obligaţia unor contribuţii financiare necesare pentru întreţinerea cultului imperial. * * * Din cele trei organe centrale de conducere a provinciei Dacia doar guvernatorul provinciei concentra puterea de stat, Consiliul Consultativ şi respectiv Consiliul Provinciei aveau atribuţii restrânse, majoritatea de ordin consultativ (facultative). În provincia Dacia existau şi organe de conducere la nivel local. Cum am mai amintit, teritoriul dac încorporat Imperiului a fost împărţit în unităţi administrativ-teritoriale denumite CIVITATES. Aceste unităţi includ atât teritorii urbane cât şi teritorii rurale, după cum centrul administrativ al regiunii se află într-un oraş sau într-un sat. I). Unităţi administrativ -teritoriale urbane. Coloniile şi municipiile erau oraşe care constituiau reşedinţele teritoriilor urbane. Coloniileerau oraşe cu populaţie formată din cetăţeni romani sau din latini, care beneficiau de quasi -totalitatea drepturilor conferite cetăţenilor romani, cu excepţia dreptului de proprietate asupra terenurilor agricole. În provincia Dacia primele colonii au fost: Ulpia Traiana (Sarmizegetusa); Apulum (Alba -Iulia); Napoca (Cluj); Potaissa (Turda) şi Dierna. Cu timpul şi alte oraşe au dobândit statutul de colonie: Drobeta (Turnu -Severin); Romula etc. Teritoriile atribuite coloniilor dobândeau condiţia "jure italico" fiind scutite de plata impozitelor către stat. Municipiile -constituiau centre urbane în care majoritatea populaţiei era formată din autohtoni, existând în Magistraţii oraşelor nu aveau imperium. În colonii, adunările decurionilor erau conduse de către duumviri. Conducerea supremă a coloniilor era încredinţată celor doi magistraţi denumiţi duumviri. Atribuţiile acestora erau limitate şi se circumscriau la controlul gestiunii financiare şi la administrarea generală a oraşului. Din punct de vedere jurisdicţional judecau procese civile (pretenţii având cuantum relativ redus) şi luau măsuri privind detenţia în procesele penale. Existau şi alte categorii de magistraţi în teritoriile urbane, respectiv edilii şi chestorii. Edilii (duumviri aediles) -câte doi supravegheau lucrările edilitare şi asigurau buna funcţionare a pieţelor. De asemenea, edilii aveau dreptul de a soluţiona litigii civile (până la valoare de 1000 de sesterţi). Chestorii (quaestores)aveau în atribuţii controlul fondurilor băneşti a coloniei sau a municipiului. Curatorii -nu constituiau o categorie de magistraţi propriu-zişi. Erau desemnaţi de imperator pentru a verifica gestiunea finanţelor oraşului. În această categorie includem aşezările rurale cu regiunea adiacentă. Satele mari erau denumite vici iar satele mici (cătunele) erau denumite pagi. Terenul dependent de aceste aşezări era denumit territorium. Unele sate s-au dezvoltat devenind comune urbane precum: Porolissum, Rotaissa, Ampium sau Tibiscum. Altele au rămas în continuare centre rurale ajungând să deţină o importanţă economică pregnantă (ex: Cumidava, Sucidava, Micia, ş.a.). După cucerirea romană Dreptul în provincia Dacia s-a manifestat atât sub forma dreptului scris cât şi sub forma cutumei (obiceiului juridic). Evident că după cucerire romanii au introdus în provincie normele dreptului roman (Jus Civile). Locuitorilor Daciei le erau acordate...

Quali sono i princìpi ideali e i nodi concettuali alla base della riflessione di Luigi Einaudi sul ruolo delle istituzioni nella costruzione e nel mantenimento della società liberale? Quale, a suo avviso, l’equilibrio fra competenza tecnica e visione politica nella progettazione delle istituzioni e nell’esercizio dell’attività deliberativa? In che modo egli ha declinato in concreto tali idee nella sua attività all’interno delle istituzioni nelle fasi cruciali della crisi dello stato liberale e della nascita della Repubblica? Sono queste le domande alla base dei contributi raccolti in questo volume, frutto di percorsi di ricerca originali compiuti in occasione del 150° dalla nascita dell'economista piemontese. L’approccio utilizzato è prevalentemente quello dell’analisi storica, nella convinzione che la piena comprensione della riflessione e dell’azione di Luigi Einaudi non possa prescindere dalla capacità di farne emergere “costanti” e “variabili” rispetto al contesto e alla sua evoluzione nel tempo.

Paşa'nın hakimiyeti altına girdiğinde, siyaseten başlayan dönüşümler hukuki değişimleri de gün yüzüne çıkarmaya başladı. Bu bağlamda Dürziler ile Marunilerin evlilik, boşanma ve miras meselelerini içeren ahval-i şahsiyyeleriyle ilgili davaları da birçok farklı süreçlerden geçmiş, Dürziler kendi geleneksel hukuklarını İbrahim Paşa döneminde de korumaya çalışmışlar, Maruniler ise gelişen politik süreçle birlikte hukuki statülerinde de özerklik kazanmaya başlamışlardı. Bu çalışma Mısır hakimiyeti döneminde Dürzi ve Marunilerin hukuki statülerini ele almakta, Osmanlı yönetiminde meydana gelen değişimlerin bu iki mezhep üzerindeki hukuki etkisini göstermektedir.

Аннотация. Статья посвящена анализу особенностей правовой пропаганды как направления деятельности органов советской прокуратуры регионального уровня в период перестройки. Отдельное внимание уделено тому обстоятельству, что систематические выступления прокурорских работников оказывали важное воспитательное воздействие на граждан СССР. Прокуроры и следователи, пропагандируя советские законы, формировали у населения гражданскую позицию, нетерпимость к любому, даже незначительному, факту правонарушения. Ключевые слова: правовая пропаганда, правовое воспитание, органы прокуратуры, университет правовых знаний, перестройка Благодарности: Исследование выполнено при поддержке РФФИ и Псковской области, проект № 18-49-600001. Для цитирования: Фролов В.В. Правовая пропаганда как направление деятельности органов прокуратуры СССР в годы перестройки (на примере Псковской области) // Вестник Томского государственного университета.

En este ensayo se defiende que Alchourrón y Bulygin no se equivocaron al adoptar a la concepción semántica (hilética) de normas y al sostener que ésta es consistente con la teoría jurídica positivista. No obstante, es cierto que no proporcionan argumentos acerca de cómo se relaciona la concepción semántica con la tesis positivista de los hechos sociales. Por lo tanto, en este trabajo se buscan exponer los motivos por los cuales las concepciones rivales no son satisfactorias y, además, se propone al convencionalismo como una vía de explicación acerca de cómo es posible adoptar la concepción semántica de manera consistente con una ontología anti-realista acorde a la tesis de los hechos sociales. Palabras clave: normas; ontología; concepción semántica; concepción pragmática; concepción ecléctica; positivismo jurídico; convencionalismo.

Podaja pobude za začetek postopka pred Komisijo za etiko in integriteto pri Sodnem svetu je nedvomno taka objektivna okoliščina, ki pri razumnem človeku lahko ustvari upravičen dvom o nevtralnosti te osebe do zadeve, je presodilo Ustavno sodišče v odločbi v zadevi Up-429/23 z dne 24. oktobra 2024, ko je odločalo o ustavni pritožbi vrhovnega sodnika zoper sklep, s katerim je Vrhovno sodišče zavrglo njegovo tožbo zoper načelno mnenje Komisije za etiko in integriteto.

La participation citoyenne est un idéal et une réalité en tension dans les sociétés contemporaines 1 . Symptôme parmi d'autres, le décrochage électoral 2 est révélateur de ce que certains dispositifs associés à la démocratie représentative tombent en désuétude 3 . Alors que se transforment les formes de la participation politique 4 , les innovations participatives se multiplient (jury citoyen, forums électroniques, etc.), et ce dans une multitude de domaines d'action : aménagement du territoire, défense des droits, etc. 5 . Dans le même temps, la prolifération de ces expériences a contribué au foisonnement des publications dans diverses disciplines (science politique, études urbaines, etc.) 6 . Il en résulte une remarquable convergence des savoirs sur le droit, la société et la nature 7 . Toutes choses qui conduisent en définitive à postuler l'émergence d'un « tournant participatif » 8 au sein des institutions politiques et dans les disciplines scientifiques. Supposée être « un commun » 9 , également accessible à tous les citoyens et à toutes les citoyennes dans les sociétés démocratiques 10 , le monde de la justice demeure relativement invisible dans les recherches

would like to thank Peter Svensson for engaging in the project of writing this article through a series of conversations during the fall of 2007, taking place in Copenhagen, Malmö and Lund, and through his critical comments and suggestions on the text. I would also like to thank all the individuals who at different stages of my fieldwork have advised and supported me, especially senior colleagues who have talked me through many of my experiences at the court, and who have offered me their own experiences as a reference for my observations and analysis.

El presente articulo pretende evidenciar cual ha sido el rol de las organizaciones de migrantes ante los reclamos internacionales realizados a Naciones Unidas, y el impacto de ese activismo en las resoluciones que han evaluado a la Argentina entre 2016-2018 en temas de migrantes. El contexto en que se dio esta participacion fue a partir de una serie de modificaciones en la politica migratoria argentina; entre ellas: una propuesta para un centro de detencion, el cierre de los programas de abordaje territorial para la regularizacion migratoria, la firma del Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 70/17 que modifica la ley de migraciones, una constante persecucion racial en las calles, entre otras medidas que fueron diluyendo las garantias de derechos de la poblacion migrante. Estos cambios lograron que las organizaciones de migrantes y las de derechos humanos en la argentina iniciaron un camino de reencuentro al intentar mitigar estas modificaciones y con ello un crecimiento en su cultura jur...

The interconnection between language, culture and ethics is a commonplace within the field of translation studies, more particularly, when discussing legal translation. The role of the translator as a communicator and cultural mediator has long been established. However, the question arises how far the legal translator of EU texts can and is entitled to mediate between legal systems and cultures.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) has permeated all sectors of society, and the legal profession is no exception to such a development. As an expanding innovation in modern technology AI holds promise for improving efficiency and consistency in all spheres of human life. This paper explores the integration of generative AI, specifically ChatGPT, into judicial decision-making, highlighting both its transformative potential and inherent challenges. While ChatGPT's impartiality, rationality, and capacity to process vast legal data offer promising solutions to judicial inefficiencies, its limitations in contextual reasoning and purposive interpretation raise concerns. Ethical considerations, such as bias amplification, lack of accountability, and opacity in decision-making, further complicate its application. By examining these aspects, this study advocates for a hybrid judicial model, where generative AI serves as an assistive tool under human oversight, ensuring fairness and transparency. This balanced approach could redefine efficiency and equity in justice delivery while safeguarding against the risks of overreliance on technology.

This paper analyses the effect of the different perspectives in the Colombian constitutionalism about the Peace Process Final Agreement, reached between the government and the Farc guerrilla to end the armed conflict. Particularly, the enactment of the Special Legislative Peace Process (SLPP), a fast-track procedure developed to implement the new normative framework based on the peace agreement, is studied. We argue that this normative piece, in practice, acts as a device that embodies the role that diverse actors have given to the concept of the Constitution. Despite, of the arguments elaborated to justify the enactment of the constitutional amend that incorporated the SLPP to the Colombian Constitution, this essay show that there is still a deep disagreement about the meaning of the Constitution in opposing sectors of the Colombian society, in which some sectors perceive the Constitution as a rigid limit, whereas others see it as breakable wall.

The present paper is dedicated to analysis of paragraph 2, Section 2389 of the Civil Law "Claim of unjust enrichment in case no legal grounds exist" (condictio sine causa) -the claim of unjust enrichment in case when the legal grounds have ceased to exist (condictio ob causam finitam). Critically evaluating the narrow interpretation of paragraph 2 of Section 2389 as given by the Supreme Court in the most recent case law and examining the meaning of condictio ob causam finitam in Roman (Digest) law, as well as Swiss and German law, the present paper discusses the cases identified in Latvian law, when the legal grounds have "later ceased to exist" and Section 2389, paragraph 2 is applicable. The article also briefly describes the legal regulations pertinent to claim of unjust enrichment in particular cases. Atslēgvārdi: netaisna iedzīvošanās, atprasījums jebkāda pamata trūkuma dēļ, tiesiskā pamata "vēlāka atkrišana", condictio ob causam finitam Keywords: unjust enrichment, reclaim of unjust enrichment in case no legal grounds exist, later cessation of legal grounds, condictio ob causam finitam SATVERSMĒ NOSTIPRINĀTO VĒRTĪBU AIZSARDZĪBA: DAŽĀDU TIESĪBU NOZARU PERSPEKTĪVA romiešu tiesībām (jeb "romiešu tiesību doktrīnai") 2 un atbilst "pandektu tiesību tradīcijām". 3 Un tik tiešām -atbilstoši romiešu (pandektu) tiesību sistēmai 4

This article is devoted to a rarely used property rights institute in Latvian practice -real burden (real charge), where the attention is drawn to the concept, essence and content of this institute. The purpose of the article is to describe the current and potential importance of the real burden in modern private legal circulation, illustrating it by typical examples from practice, which demonstrates, at the same time, the diversity and practical usefulness of the application of this property rights institute. atslēgvārdi: reālnasta, reālnastas izpildījumi, mūsdienu privāttiesiskā apgrozība Keywords: real burden (real charge), performances of real burden, modern private legal circulation ievads Civillikuma (turpmāk -CL) 1260.-1277. panta noteikumi, kas regulē reālnastas institūtu, pēc būtības negrozītā veidā ir tikuši pārņemti no attiecīgajiem 1864. gada Vietējo civillikumu kopojuma (turpmāk -VCL) 1297.-1321. panta noteikumiem. 1 Pati "reālnasta" (Reallast, поземельная повинность) CL 1260. pantā definēta kā "uz nekustamu īpašumu gulošs pastāvīgs pienākums atkārtoti dot noteiktus izpildījumus naudā, graudā vai klaušās". Raksturojot šo lietu tiesību institūtu, līdzšinējā Latvijas juridiskajā literatūrā ticis uzsvērts, ka reālnasta ir viduslaikos radies ģermāņu tiesību institūts, 2 kas spilgti raksturo feodālo tiesību sistēmu, kuras centrā bija lietu tiesības, jo viduslaikos dažādas nodevas, klaušas un maksājumus bija ērtāk un izdevīgāk piesaistīt nekustamam īpašumam, nevis kādai personai. Reālnastas subjekta pienākuma pozitīvais raksturs vēsturiski ir 1

This paper explores the provocative thesis that the theological and historical core of the Hebrew Bible-particularly Deuteronomy and the Exodus narrative-originated not in the wilderness of Sinai, but in the royal court of King Josiah of Judah (ca. 640-609 BCE). Drawing on the works of leading scholars such as Thomas C. Römer, Richard Elliott Friedman, Israel Finkelstein, John Van Seters, and Ronald Hendel, the paper argues that the so-called "Book of the Law" discovered in 622 BCE (2 Kings 22) was not found, but written by Josiah's scribes to legitimize his political and cultic reforms. Deuteronomy emerges as pseudepigraphal state propaganda cloaked in Mosaic authority, designed to centralize worship in Jerusalem and elevate Yahweh as the sole national god. As the second half to the paper The King Who Created God: Unveiling the Theological Curtain of Josiah's Reform, this study extends the thesis by proposing that the Exodus narrative itself-with its architecture, theology, and spatial design-was constructed in tandem with Josiah's reformist agenda. The Tabernacle is shown to be a literary prototype of the Jerusalem Temple, the Israelite war camp a portable version of sacred zoning, and the burning bush an early conceptual motif of the Menorah. These features, combined with the lack of pre-exilic manuscripts and the narrative's ideological alignment with 7th-century nationalism, suggest the Exodus is not ancient memory but theological allegory-a myth of national rebirth crafted to serve Josiah's vision. The result is a literary construction in which Moses speaks, but Josiah's voice is heard-a sacred past invented to sanctify the political present. The reign of King Josiah (640-609 BCE) represents a pivotal moment in the history of ancient Judah, marked by significant religious and political reforms aimed at consolidating power and fostering a unified national identity. As the Assyrian Empire began to wane, Josiah seized the opportunity to centralize worship in Jerusalem, eradicate foreign cults, and enforce a strict monotheistic practice centered around Yahweh. Central to the legitimacy of these reforms was the purported "discovery" of the "Book of the Law" (Deuteronomy) in the Temple, an event portrayed in 2 Kings 22 as a fortuitous moment of divine intervention. However, this narrative is better understood as a calculated political-theological maneuver designed to anchor Josiah's agenda within a mythic past, specifically through the creation of companion texts that included the Exodus narrative. This introduction posits that the Exodus story served three essential functions during Josiah's reign: it unified a diverse populace under a shared origin myth, legitimized the supremacy of the Jerusalem Temple, and framed Josiah himself as a "new Moses," leading Judah out of the oppressive shadow of Assyria. By examining archaeological critiques from scholars like Israel Finkelstein and literary analyses from Thomas Römer, this study unveils the constructed nature of the Exodus narrative, arguing for its seventh-century origins and its role as a vehicle for Josiah's political and religious ambitions. The implications of this research extend beyond mere historical inquiry; they challenge the traditional understanding of biblical narratives as static accounts, revealing them instead as dynamic texts shaped by the sociopolitical realities of their time.

This paper is provisional and subject to change.

Scriveva Octavio Paz: «La memoria non è ciò che ricordiamo ma ciò che ci ricorda. La memoria è un presente che non finisce mai di passare». «Vivere il diritto» non smette di ricordarci gli occhi limpidi e inquieti del Maestro, che consegna la fiaccola del Suo incessante impegno a ricercare l’essenza della giuridicità e della nostra stessa identità.

Building on prior studies that suggest that the topic of translation lacks a solid foundation in comparative law methodology, in this paper, we delve into the matter of translation in the realm of comparative legal research, exploring its nature and examining its treatment from the perspective of comparative law theory. To this end, we analyze a wide range of handbooks by Western legal scholars on the theory of comparative law, along with scholarly papers and book chapters in English, German, Spanish, and French that address translation in the context of comparative law research. Our findings indicate that, in order to conduct comparative legal research, comparatists must be able to access a broad range of legal text genres from the foreign legal culture they are studying. Our research also shows that many comparatists are aware of the language problem. Regardless, there seems to be no consistent or organized method for addressing translation in comparative law methodology, and many comparative law scholars appear to have doubts about the translation process and feel that employing translated legal texts could compromise comparative legal research.
By shedding light on the translation process involved in every comparative legal endeavour and the challenges and concerns legal comparatists have regarding the issue of translation for comparative law research, our findings pave the way for closer collaboration between comparative legal studies and translation studies. In particular, we conclude that the principal paradigm of the functional approach to legal translation studies, according to which there is no ‘one-size-fits-all’ translation technique but rather different translation techniques may be combined in the translation of a legal text, depending, above all, on the function of the translation, could give more transparency and consistency to the translation endeavours that take place in the realm of comparative legal studies. It could also ease the reluctance of comparative lawyers to accept translation as a natural component of comparative legal research.

This reflective essay, originally published on the author’s mentoring platform, Emails to a Young Lawyer (May 27, 2025), is part of an ongoing series offering reflections for young and internationally trained lawyers navigating legal careers across systems and cultures. Drawing on the author’s personal and professional journey across the Turkish and American legal education systems, it explores how different models of becoming a lawyer—whether through undergraduate study or liberal education—shape legal identity and global competency. Calling for a broader and deeper approach to legal training, it advocates for integrating moral reasoning, interdisciplinary inquiry, and cultural fluency into the formation of future global lawyers.

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Este ensayo es parte del más extenso que dediqué a la novela El Motín del Caine de Herman Wouk, de la cual tomo en este desarrollo el núcleo central de la corte marcial.
Se trata de una novela de aprendizaje.
El núcleo de referencia es un desarrollo argumentativo y a la vez una forma narrativa destinada no solamente a plantear la intriga sino también a poner en el centro de una reflexión a una institución total: la disciplina, la arbitrariedad, los saberes "autorizados" son la verdadera materia del juicio. El tema de la novela es la lucha entre el bien y el mal y por consiguiente el planteo de un problema moral.