Labour Unions

This study sought to investigate how key stakeholders in education, namely, parents, teachers, school, principals and Department of Education officers view the role of the South African Democratic Teachers Union in education to be. Generally Black teacher trade unions in South Africa has a very broad background, ranging from fiercely fighting the apartheid regime to defending labour rights of teachers. This role became important for SADTU because the laws that governed South Africa before 1994, suppressed Black people, had their educational and political rights violated, including their labour rights. Therefore, SADTU had a dual role to fulfil. The formation of SADTU led to a division within teacher unions that existed then, because of the divergent ideologies that SADTU and they held. Some of them believed in teacher professionalism, while others subscribed to better working conditions and teacher professional development. On the other hand, SADTU kept the militant approach and political affiliation. These two characteristics of SADTU are causing a great concern among stakeholders. This has led to SADTU, through media reports being blamed for the collapse of education especially in Black schools located in townships and rural areas. An interest to investigate this topic was triggered by the apparent gap that seems to exist between SADTU's official documents such as its constitution and Vision 2030. These documents which are seemingly founded on the country's constitution, paint the union in a good light, yet, in actuality, the state of education is collapsing in schools. As a teacher myself and a member of SADTU, I have observed unprofessional behaviour from some colleagues who are also SADTU-affiliates, and this has made me question the level of professionalism and the promotion of Culture of Learning and Teaching especially in our Black township schools. I have also seen how the principal seems to be having challenges, with most SADTU members especially the leaders. I have also observed the animosity that exist between some SGB members and union leaders in the school. Therefore, I sought to find out from the mentioned stakeholders what they viewed to be the role of SADTU based on their experiences. This study adopted a qualitative approach, and is located within the interpretivist paradigm. I adopted a multi-site case study research design. The study was conducted using individual face-to-face interviews, one group interview and document analysis. The findings suggest that SADTU is contributing to the collapse of education especially in township schools where there are high SADTU-affiliated teachers. This is caused by SADTU's militant approach, which involves violent protests and strikes, prolonged strikes, depriving learners from accessing education, unprofessional behaviour such as involvement in violent teacher strikes and prioritising union activities over teaching, which contributes to the death of the Culture of Learning and Teaching. The study recommends that SADTU begins to listen to the views and opinion of stakeholders, and to be consultative in approach, instead of being partisan and self-centred. Most importantly, it should invest in its members' professional development as it is happening in Europe. Lastly break away from the Tripartite Alliance, because SADTU seems to be distracted by politics from achieving the objective and visions set in its constitution and Vision 2030. vi

This paper examines local imaginaries of coal within the mining communities of Upper Silesia in southern Poland, offering a grounded perspective on how coal-shaped visions of a good life emerge from lived, material experiences. Drawing on the concept of bounded imaginaries, we shift focus from dominant national narratives to locally held, non-expert visions engendered by coal's material presence. Our analysis of ethnographic and historical evidence demonstrates that the material experience of coal and mining labour fosters a bounded imaginary with two interrelated dimensions: one centred on people, the other on the Earth. The people-centred dimension reveals how local visions of the good life enabled by coal are rooted in supportive and stable communities that care for their social environment. In the Earth-centred dimension, the meaning of the good life is grounded in respect for natural resources' role in sustaining human societies, an awareness of the fragility of human life, and an ethos of sufficiency. Both dimensions stem from engagement with coal's materiality, revealing visions of a good life that are not readily accessible to those without tangible experience of coal. We argue that such imaginaries hold transformative potential for shaping socially just energy transitions that are attuned to local needs and aspirations. In Upper Silesia, where coal phase-out is gaining momentum through Just Transition Funds, these bounded imaginaries can further inform emerging models of distributed renewable energy production driven by local communities. Rather than dismissing attachments to coal as relics of the past, this paper shows how the lived experiences and material entanglements of coal communities can be mobilised generatively in designing post-coal futures. By foregrounding the material roots of local imaginaries, our findings contribute to broader debates in energy social science about the importance of place-based visions, experiential knowledge, and care in driving just transitions.

As accelerating inequality careens into plutocracy, and America tilts toward autocracy, Karl Polanyi and Thomas Piketty have become key resources for understanding the link between the social exclusions of capitalism and democracy in crisis. This and its companion article (Somers 2022a) explore each of these thinkers and put them into dialogue to generate the outlines of a democratic political economy that I dub a predistributive democracy. Deconstructing capitalism’s moral economy of market justice, building on legal and economic institutionalism, and advocating a movement of countervailing power against escalating commodification and dedemocratization are central components of the project. The first article focused on Polanyi’s contribution to a predistributive democracy. This one engages Piketty’s work as it evolves from a bent toward economic naturalism to a robust institutionalism and an agenda for a participatory democratic socialism. Neither Polanyi nor Piketty is a legal theorist, yet both thinkers are indispensable to the new Law and Political Economy (LPE) project and the movement for a predistributive democracy.

In The Videogame Industry Does Not Exist, Keogh takes a deeply human stance, emphasizing that gamemakers struggle for legitimacy and position within a broader field “in which cultural, social, and economic values flow” (7) informed by criteria such as local geographies, education, and working conditions. In doing so, he shifts views on videogame production from that of a monolithic “industry” to a diverse set of practices and circumstances driven by creative workers adapting and resisting systems of power that exploit their efforts.

Sanayi toplumundan bilgi toplumuna geçiş sürecinin yaşandığı günümüzde sosyal ve ekonomik değişimlerle birlikte endüstri ilişkileri de önemli değişiklikler göstermektedir. 20.yy'ın son çeyreğinde ortaya çıkan yeni teknolojiler ve buna bağlı olarak iş organizasyonlarının değişime uğraması, artan işsizlik, esnek üretim ve yönetim tekniklerinin uygulanmaya başlaması, istihdamın sanayiden hizmetler kesimine kayması ve beyaz yakalıların sayısındaki artış, bireysel beklentilerin kollektif beklentilerin üzerine çıkması ekonomik, siyasi ve sosyal yapıyı olduğu kadar endüstri ilişkilerini de etkilemiştir. İşte bu çalışmada ortaya çıkan yeni dönüşümlerin çalışma hayatına getirdiği yeni boyutlar incelenmeye çalışılmıştır.

Knowledge of energy transition (ET) is evolving in developing countries. Yet, it is unclear how the transition should be managed in a way that ensures justice for local stakeholders. We synthesise the extant theoretical ideas and practices of the local governance (LG) related to ET, which are vital in ensuring justice in energy policy at the local level. The paper advances this development by a systematic integrative literature review (N = 569) from the Web of Science (WoS) and highly cited grey literature linked to participation, LG, and ET. The bibliometric analysis indicates that, while the literature on energy justice is growing, limited attention has been paid to LG in just energy transition (N = 36). The analysis further indicates that more than half of the scientific literature is produced by five countries from the global North alone. In-depth scrutiny of highly cited studies and grey literature in LG and ET underlines the lack of a generalised framework of local ET governance, especially in the global South. We address this gap and propose a framework that exhibits a community-centric LG, which is essential for just energy transition.

The existing discourse on Just Transition highlights the critical role of trade unions in ensuring justice for workers during the decarbonisation process. While much of the literature focuses on unions in the Global North, studies examining the role of trade unions in the Global South remain limited. In India, where the Just Transition discourse is still emerging, the perspectives and roles of trade unions remain underexplored. Our study addresses this knowledge gap by exploring the perspectives of trade unions in the Indian coal industry on facilitating a Just Transition. We conducted 20 semi-structured interviews with national, state, and grassroots leaders from the five central coal industry trade unions and organised a workshop with senior union leadership. Our findings reveal diverse perspectives shaped by the unions' varying political ideologies and affiliations. However, most union leaders strongly emphasised the urgency of institutionalising social dialogue among stakeholders, with clearly defined roles to ensure an effective transition. Unions also stressed the importance of diversifying local economies to support workers and communities during the transition process. Our study underscores the indispensable role of trade unions in shaping Just Transition policies for the Indian coal industry, ensuring justice and sustainable livelihoods for workers and communities.

Reform of the labour market has been a central plank of the post-1979 Conservative Government's economic programme. Ministers charge trades unions with inhibiting the flexible operation of the labour market by bidding for unrealistic wage increases, thereby 'pricing their members out of jobs'. Perhaps more significantly, unions are also accused of inhibiting the private sector investment that is essential for Britain's longer term economic success. This article outlines the Government's legislative reforms of the labour market since 1979 and critically examines their rationale, casting doubt upon the extent to which they have contributed to an improvement in the economy's long-term growth prospects.

This paper 1 provides an overview of the negotiated Nordic labor market regimes and their various paths of adjustment from bust to boom in recent decades. Developed in small, open economies, the Nordic labor regimes are often associated with strong centralized agreements and associations, high union density, and extensive worker representation, which have been embedded in social models based on close interaction between working life policies, the welfare state and macroeconomic policies. In leaner forms these features have undoubtedly contributed to the high Nordic levels of mobility, equality and employment in recent years ("flexicurity"), but an often overlooked part of the story is the increased scope for product market competition and the supply-side reforms undertaken in the Nordic countries since the crises in the 1980-90s. Another distinction of the revitalized Nordic models is the growing importance of management-union negotiations and dialogue at the company level. A key argument in this paper is thus that the capacity for negotiated flexibility and adjustment in Nordic labor markets has been critically reliant on the multilevel, single-channel pattern of articulation between centralized coordination and decentralized negotiations linking restructuring, training, productivity and pay issues.

We address developments in collective wage bargaining arrangements in northern Europe in the light of two major political-economic challenges: EU eastern enlargement and the financial and economic crisis which broke in 2008. Through the lens of debates on convergence and divergence, we examine three dimensions of collective wage bargaining: coordination across sectors; articulation between different levels; and regulation of wage floors. We draw on findings from five countries and four sectors. Our analysis undermines the proposition that developments exhibit a common liberalising trajectory. It points to the differential impact of the two major political-economic challenges as between sectors, highlights similar and different policy responses by actors within a sector across countries, reveals differing consequences for governance of collective wage bargaining across sectors and countries, and finds no uniform trend in wage inequality outcomes. L’examen des accords issus de la négo...

This paper 1 provides an overview of the negotiated Nordic labor market regimes and their vari-ous paths of adjustment from bust to boom in recent decades. Developed in small, open econo-mies, the Nordic labor regimes are often associated with strong centralized agreements and asso-ciations, high union density, and extensive worker representation, which have been embedded in social models based on close interaction between working life policies, the welfare state and macroeconomic policies. In leaner forms these features have undoubtedly contributed to the high Nordic levels of mobility, equality and employment in recent years ("flexicurity"), but an often overlooked part of the story is the increased scope for product market competition and the supply-side reforms undertaken in the Nordic countries since the crises in the 1980-90s. Another distinction of the revitalized Nordic models is the growing importance of management-union negotiations and dialogue at the company le...

This paper discusses what type of sociological context is appropriate for Rawls’ ‘property-owning democracy’. Following certain suggestions offered by Rawls and in the work of Joshua Cohen, it explores, in particular, the kind of fraternity and social interaction suitable for citizens in Rawlsian society and the role of the state in engineering these bonds. Utilising a normative framework based on Rawls’ discussion of a property-owning democracy and various data sets, the paper argues that bonds of social trust, active participation in trade unions and enrolment in public schools, and the use of state policy to organise a mixture of public, cooperative, and private economic institutions would be suitable for a Rawlsian society to adopt because it appears that these structures are favourably connected to the ends of Rawlsian justice.

Psychologists of colour (herein referred to as BIPOC—Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour) contribute to diverse perspectives and also conduct critical research that addresses the significant disparities and challenges faced by communities of colour in accessing mental healthcare services. There has been some concern that BIPOC psychologists are underrepresented in academia, but this issue has yet to be evaluated in a Canadian context due to a lack of available data. This study examined the racial demographics of psychology faculty across 23 major universities in Ontario, Canada (n = 1421), the province with the largest number of universities. White psychologists are overwhelmingly overrepresented compared to BIPOC psychologists, reflecting significant underrepresentation relative to the province’s population. White faculty predominantly hold secure academic positions (tenured, tenure track) while BIPOC faculty are concentrated in precarious roles (adjunct, sessional, lecturer). Professors of East Asian heritage constituted the largest group among BIPOC faculty. Additionally, BIPOC psychologists are underrepresented across all professional subspecialties. Systemic racism, historical biases, and exclusionary practices were identified as major barriers. Our findings call for urgent reforms in university hiring practices and psychology training programmes to reflect the diversity of the population they serve and to dismantle systemic barriers that perpetuate racial inequalities in academia.

The first time I heard Madeleine Parent speak, I was attending a rally for the Local 1005 Stelco strikers in Hamilton in 1980. For the first time in many years, women workers were more visible on the picket line, thanks to the recently fought "Women Back Into Stelco" campaign. Rumours circulated that union president, Cec Taylor, had invited Parent to speak, at a time when it was still unusual to allow this union 'renagade' onto the podiums of international unions. However some rebellious 1005 members, including Taylor, had picketed with the Canadian Textile and Chemical Workers Union (ctcu), the independent Canadian union led by Parent and her partner Kent Rowley, during the 1971 Texpack strike in nearby Brantford, despite orders by the internationals not to do so. It was undoubtedly this old connection between activist union leaders that led to Parent's presence. Having never seen her in person, I initially wondered how this tiny woman, in very respectable dress, would rouse a crowd of steelworkers. If I had contemplated her history more carefully, I would not have asked that question. Parent may have seemed incongruous to the scene, but once she started to speak there was no doubt that she could make a crowd listen: her clear, direct speech identified the class battle unfolding as well as her political commitment to the strikers as they took on one of the more powerful corporations in Canada. Many photos of Madeleine similarly show her in respectable attire, often wearing a seemingly incongruous pill box hat. Yet despite the disarmingly conventional headdress that Madeleine routinely donned, she was a rebel to the core. This is what we rightly remember and celebrate. Madeleine's death this year led to many laudatory reassessments of her immense contributions to feminism, trade unionism, socialism, and other political causes. I want to focus on some contributions of special relevance to labour history. There are many more. In this kind of forum, our re-evaluations of Parent's life will not be questioning and critical; I leave that to future historians writing biographies fully immersed in the sources. It is important, in the long run, that we do not simply create one-dimensional labour leader heroines in our scholarly work, and most of us who knew or had interviewed Madeleine would acknowledge that she remains a complex figure. Madeleine guarded her own history carefully; she was aware that she was leaving a legacy, and she wanted to have some control over it. Moreover, like others who were scarred by very real experiences of persecution -in her case, not only by Premier Duplessis but also by the vicious Cold War battles within labour -she was wary of historians who she thought might not get her story 'right.' When I asked for access to her papers at Library and Archives Canada in order to write an article on the Texpack strike, she would not talk on the phone, or even

The article analyzes how migration shapes the circulation of workers and struggles. The aim is to territorialize both the industry and meanings of work and collectivities for workers. In research on migration and the digital economy, the games industry has been underrepresented. The article builds on labour process theory framework and two case studies, with (1) Brazilian migrants working abroad and (2) workers from various parts of the world working in Britain, highlighting both the commonalities and the specificities of the circulation of the workforce and struggles. While the first case points out a migrant workforce dispersed around the world who experience difficulties as migrants while being considered a 'skilled' workforce, the second showcases how a country recruits migrants into the games industry and how workers of different nationalities work and organize themselves. Both cases reveal how territorialized the workforce is as well as desires and challenges in organizing.

Resumen
El interés de la huelga general de los zapateros de Barcelona en abril
y mayo de 1931 es que sucede en los meses iniciales de la II República y
de su legislación social destinada a perjudicar la expansión de la CNT en
un contexto de aguda crisis económica. Esta huelga no violenta se apoyó
en una coordinación reivindicativa del oficio que afectó otras regiones para
nivelar los salarios a escala nacional y evitar así la competencia industrial a
base de recortes salariales. Este movimiento general, que se explica por las
apremiantes necesidades económicas de los trabajadores, estuvo despro-
visto de intenciones antirrepublicanas de desestabilización. El Sindicato
Único del Ramo de la Piel, controlado en este periodo por militantes de
ideología poco definida y atravesado por tensiones internas, pasó bajo con-
trol anarquista en 1932. El artículo apunta la responsabilidad republicano-
socialista en la radicalización del Sindicato y de la patronal. Realiza un
análisis pormenorizado de la huelga situándola en su contexto económico,
político y legislativo, tomando en cuenta las luchas mantenidas algunos
años antes, el estado de la organización sindical y también las rivalidades
dentro de la patronal. Concluye presentando las principales consecuencias
del movimiento hasta 1932.

Abstract
1931, the year of social revenge for Barcelona’s shoemakers
The interest of the general strike of the Barcelona shoemakers in
April and May 1931 is that it took place in the early months of the Second
Republic and its social legislation aimed at undermining the expansion of
the CNT in a context of acute economic crisis. This non-violent strike was
based on a coordination of trade demands that affected other regions to
equalise wages on a national scale and thus avoid industrial competition
by means of wage cuts. This general movement, which is explained by the
pressing economic needs of the workers, was devoid of anti-republican
intentions of destabilisation. The Sindicato Único del Ramo de la Piel, con-
trolled in this period by militants of ill-defined ideology and marked by
internal tensions, passed under anarchist control in 1932. The paper points
to the republican-socialist responsibility for the radicalisation of the trade
union and the employers. It provides a detailed analysis of the strike in its
economic, political and legislative context, considering the struggles that
had taken place a few years earlier, the state of trade union organisation
and also the rivalries within the employers’ organisation. It concludes by
presenting the main consequences of the movement up to 1932.

WOMEN'S HISTORY AND working-class history in Canada have both undergone rapid expansion over the past ten years as well as major transformations and reorientations in their foci. Women's history has broadened its early preoccupation with middle-class women and reform movements to include the work that all women did. In the process, Canadian feminists, like their colleagues elsewhere, have had to broaden their definition of work to include both paid and unpaid labour and to consider women both as producers and reproducers. Labour and working-class history has moved in similar fashion away from an initial focus on the labour movement and skilled workers to a broader approach which aims to encompass the "totality of the working class." 1 These two important aspects of Canadian social history seem poised now at a moment of potential convergence. This paper examines the extent to which the writing of the history of women and of working-class history have come together over the last ten years, suggests other ways in which integration of the two could be sought, and also suggests some basic conflicts between the paradigms of each which point to areas where integration seems unlikely. If the goal of writing a history of the totality of the working class is a shared one, as I believe it should be, then areas of intersection between the two fields must be consciously sought out and a reconceptualization of approaches considered. In some cases the meeting places are relatively obvious, forced upon us by evidence which does not ignore the role of women or unskilled men. The wage labour of working-class women, the organization of working women, and the attitudes of the left to the "woman question" are the three most obvious areas where the interests, approaches, and sources of the two fields converge. Important research has already been done in these areas, which I shall discuss in the first section of the paper; more remains to be done. Treatment of these topics is relatively unproblematic for working-

Türkiye uzun bir süredir derin bir ekonomik krizle boğuşuyor. Her ne kadar cumhurbaşkanı, "Yasakların, baskıların, yokluk ve yoksullukların olduğu o eski günler artık bir daha gelmemek üzere tamamen geride kalmıştır" diyerek güneşi balçıkla sıvamaya çalışsa da halkın gerçekliği bambaşka. Enflasyon, hayat pahalılığı, düşük ücretler, yoksulluk, gelir eşitsizlikleri "Yeni Türkiye"nin anahtar kelimeleri haline geldi.

Yirminci Yüzyıl Amerikan Romanı başlıklı bu derleme, modernizmden postmodernizme uzanan süreçte Amerikan edebiyatının önde gelen romanlarını derinlemesine ele alarak yeni eleştirel yaklaşımlar sunmaktadır. Bellek, gerçekçilik karşıtlığı, ekosofi, varoluşçuluk ve kimlik gibi kavramlar üzerinden yirminci yüzyıl Amerikan romanının toplumsal ve estetik katmanları incelenmekte; eserlerin dönemin siyasal ve felsefi düşünceleriyle ilişkisi analiz edilmektedir. Bu çözümlemeler, Amerikan romanını hem estetik bir yapı hem de toplumsal dönüşümleri yansıtan bir araç olarak ele alarak, edebiyatseverler ve araştırmacılar için zengin bir bakış açısı sunmaktadır.

Title: THE CHALLENGES FACED BY STREET COFFEE VENDORS IN BUSINESS REGISTRATION IN CAMBODIA.
Author: Chansophearak PRAK
Co-authors: Dr. Soun Hong

The informal sector constitutes a significant portion of Cambodia's economy, particularly in urban areas such as Phnom Penh, where street coffee vendors play a vital role in daily commerce. Despite their contributions, these vendors face numerous obstacles in achieving formal business registration, a critical step for accessing financial services, legal protection, and growth opportunities. This study seeks to address the central research question: "What are the specific challenges that hinder the business registration of street coffee vendors in Sangkat Boeung Keng Kang?", and "How do these challenges affect their decision to remain unregistered?" Previous research has largely focused on the general difficulties faced by small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in the formalization process but has seldom examined the unique struggles of street vendors, particularly those selling coffee. This study fills that gap by employing a qualitative research methodology, including in-depth interviews with 25 street coffee vendors operating in BKK1 and BKK2. The research reveals that the perceived complexity and bureaucratic nature of the registration process, coupled with financial constraints and a lack of clear benefits, are significant deterrents. Additionally, the fear of increased scrutiny from authorities and inadequate support systems further dissuades vendors from pursuing formal registration. The significance of these findings lies in their implications for policy-making. The study suggests that while recent efforts to streamline registration processes are steps in the right direction, they fail to adequately address the specific needs and concerns of street vendors. By identifying these barriers, the research advocates for targeted interventions that could simplify the registration process, provide financial and legal support, and ultimately integrate street vendors into the formal economy. This integration is crucial not only for the vendors themselves but also for the broader economic development of Cambodia.

À l'École Business Kadji Consulting, pour la qualité de la formation dispensée et les outils pratiques qui m'ont permis d'aborder ce stage avec confiance. À Sonatrach, pour m'avoir offert cette opportunité d'intégrer l'une des plus grandes entreprises du pays et d'y découvrir un environnement professionnel enrichissant.

I am also grateful to Rébecca Brassard, JD, BCL candidate, McGill University, for excellent research assistance as I finalized this lecture for publication. Finally, I wish to thank my students in labour law and employment law law over the past two decades, who in the co-constitutive process of teaching and learning, have enthusiastically engaged with my progressive integration of these themes in my teaching, and invariably helped me to sharpen my analysis. Any errors or omissions in this article are my own.

Abstract

Child labour, defined as the employment of children in harmful work that infringes upon their rights and hinders their development, remains a significant issue in many developing countries. Despite considerable efforts from governments and non-governmental organizations to eradicate this practice, child labour persists, posing long-term threats to children's physical, mental, and social well-being. This essay examines the legal legitimacy of child labour, presenting arguments for and against its existence while advocating for improved working conditions to promote work-free childhoods as a global standard. Additionally, it highlights the successes and challenges faced by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in its mission to combat child labour and protect children's rights.

South Africa has attracted foreign direct investment (FDI) worldwide, providing a window to the African continent. China has significantly expanded its regional investment as one of South Africa's critical development partners. However, as Chinese investments deepen their engagement, concerns regarding labor relations and workers' rights have surfaced. The China-Africa research on labor issues tends to focus on daily interactions while often neglecting to examine the dynamics and conflicts among various stakeholders. This study explores these issues in a Chinese manufacturing business in South Africa by unveiling the interactions between local governments, labor unions, and Chinese FDI. Interviews and documentary research were conducted to gather relevant information. This study finds that despite the setup of a national minimum wage, collective bargaining, and the intention to increase social equality in South Africa, there is still a concern that FDI could contribute to a new cycle of labor struggles and that it could perpetuate inequality.

Artykuł stanowi próbę wykazania aktualności i politycznej ważności dorobku Róży Luksemburg w dziedzinie ekonomii politycznej. Przedstawia on współczesne przykłady wykorzystania koncepcji Luksemburg w teorii finansów oraz teorii obiegu pieniężnego, a także ich użyteczność w wyjaśnianiu aktualnego kryzysu gospodarczego, jak również w tworzeniu właściwych strategii rewolucyjnych w reakcji na katastrofalne konsekwencje kapitalizmu neoliberalnego. Autor argumentuje, że perspektywa Luksemburg znajduje się pomiędzy perspektywą klasy robotniczej a perspektywą kapitału w rozumieniu Harry'ego Cleavera. Podkreśla także polityczny charakter proponowanych przez nią rozwiązań problemów teorii ekonomii. Słowa kluczowe: Róża Luksemburg, ekonomia polityczna, płaca względna, związki zawodowe, obieg pieniężny, kryzys, neoliberalizm Maciej Szlinder praktyka t e o r e t y c z n a 6/2012 254 Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wielowątkowego dorobku Róży Luksemburg, bez wątpienia jednej z najważniejszych myślicielek marksistowskich, w obszarze (krytyki) ekonomii politycznej 1 . Zgodnie z zaleceniem włoskiego ekonomisty, teoretyka obiegu pieniężnego i badacza myśli Luksemburg, Riccardo Bellofiorego, staram się ujmować łącznie trzy najważniejsze dzieła Luksemburg z dziedziny ekonomii politycznej: Wstęp do ekonomii politycznej 2 , Akumulację kapitału oraz Antykrytykę 3 . Kładę przy tym nacisk raczej na kontynuację i rozwój myśli autorki, która w dwóch ostatnich pracach rozwija niepodjęte we Wstępie zagadnienia reprodukcji kapitału globalnego i imperializmu 4 . Po wstępnym zarysowaniu rozumienia i stosunku Luksemburg do ekonomii politycznej przedstawię najważniejsze z dzisiejszej perspektywy elementy jej teorii wyrażonej we Wstępie do ekonomii politycznej: prawo zniżkowej tendencji płacy względnej i ujęcie związków zawodowych w kontekście podtrzymywania systemu kapitalistycznego oraz ich roli w laborystycznej teorii wartości. Następnie korzystając w większym stopniu z koncepcji zawartych w Akumulacji kapitału i Antykrytyce, przybliżę teorię akumulacji i finansów, podkreślając rolę Luksemburg jako prekursorski teorii obiegu pieniężnego. Na zakończenie spróbuję zbudować model kryzysów łączący wszystkie trzy ekonomiczne prace Luksemburg oraz podsumowując, wskazać na aktualność myśli polskiej marksistki we współczesnej sytuacji polityczno-gospodarczej, także w odniesieniu do aktualnego kryzysu gospodarczego. Czym jest ekonomia polityczna? Przedstawiając we Wstępie do ekonomii politycznej podstawowe założenia Marksowskiej teorii wartości opartej na pracy Róża Luksemburg doko-1 Róża Luksemburg była jedną z pierwszych kobiet, które uzyskały tytuł doktora ekonomii politycznej. Zob. T. Kowalik, Luxemburg's and Kalecki's theories and visions of capitalist dynamics, [w:]

The European economy currently faces the most serious economic downturn, in terms of scale and magnitude, since the Second World War. Demand, orders, output and profit have declined in many sectors and for many companies, with unprecedented rates of decline. In order to cope with the situation, governments and the social partners have introduced and/or adapted a wide range of policy instruments. At the company-level, there have been an increasing number of activities to adapt to the situation. The magnitude of impact of the crisis on company finance, as well as the impact of an unprecedented decline in demand for the products, which had been considered impossible before the crisis-all this took management by surprise and required a learning process. Companies that were still highly profitable in 2008 faced a serious demand crisis, which rendered recent restructuring activities useless. Others faced increasing difficulty in renewing credit lines. At company level, managers, workforce representatives and trade unionists found themselves standing with their backs against the wall, facing an entirely new and often unknown situation. work and possibly enhance their employability, while at the same time helping the company survive and increase competitiveness. It will be argued that the magnitude of the crisis, the lack of experience on the side of management and worker representatives, as well as the persistent uncertainty about the impact of the crisis in many cases led to a fundamental reorientation and repositioning of human resource management as well as of company-level employment relations. For those companies that survive, the financial crisis will have a lasting effect on human resource management and employment relations, leading to a rebalancing of the efficiencyequity-voice relationship and a renegotiation of company-level social contracts, thus implying a fundamental transformation of company-level employment relations.

Available only in Macedonian, this research examines the role of trade unions in labor relations through the lens of their legal subjectivity, presenting two distinct perspectives on their legal status to challenge existing paradigms. By addressing the asymmetric power dynamics between higher- and lower-level unions within the discourse on legal subjectivity, the analysis underscores the critical role of granting all unions the status of separate legal entities. This approach significantly mitigates the risk of syndical monopolization, fostering a more equitable and balanced union structure.

The paper argues that obtaining legal entity status upon registration marks a pivotal step toward strengthening the solidarity, alliance, and collective struggle necessary to achieve the shared goals and interests of the workers represented by unions. Drawing upon responses from trade unions regarding their fundamental functions and legal standing, the research seeks to contribute to the development of public policies aimed at bolstering the role of unions in protecting workers' rights.

In the context of Macedonian labor law, where workers' rights are recognized as fundamental human rights, this paper highlights the importance of enhancing union autonomy and capacity as a means to reinforce democratic labor relations and ensure robust advocacy for workers' interests.

This article, excerpted from the manuscript of a book in progress, recounts the industrial turmoil in New Zealand in the period 1949-1951, culminating in the nationwide waterfront lockout and the proclamation of a State of Emergency, and depictions of these events in documentary film.

Las transformaciones económicas y sociales vividas por una capital industrial como Barcelona a principios del siglo XX plantearon nuevos desafíos para la acción sindical orientada por los anarquistas, especialmente en el marco de la recién creada CNT y de la neutralidad española en la Guerra Mundial. Antes de analizar el desarrollo de la huelga general de los zapateros en junio-julio de 1918 y sus principales consecuencias a corto plazo, se abordan aquí sucesivamente la creciente mecanización del sector del calzado y la degradación del contexto económico-social, la dinámica sindical en la década anterior, la participación en las huelgas y la sindicación de las trabajadoras. Se concluye sobre los efectos positivos en términos de renovación estructural y generacional del sindicato y de la confederación.

The economic and social transformations experienced by an industrial capital like Barcelona at the beginning of the 20th century posed new challenges for anarchist-led trade union action, especially within the framework of the newly created CNT and Spain’s neutrality in the World War. Before analysing the development of the shoemakers’ general strike in June-July 1918 and its main short-term consequences, the increasing mechanisation of the shoe industry and the deterioration of the socio-economic context, the trade union dynamics in the previous decade, the participation in strikes and the unionisation of women workers are discussed in turn. It is concluded on the positive effects in terms of structural and generational renewal of the union and the confederation.

Librería Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Ciencias Sociales CONOCIMIENTO ABIERTO, CONOCIMIENTO LIBRE Los libros de CLACSO pueden descargarse libremente en formato digital o adquirirse en versión impresa desde cualquier lugar del mundo ingresando a libreria.clacso.org Tratado latinoamericano de sociología del trabajo (II) Desafíos y debates en el siglo XXI (Buenos Aires: CLACSO, octubre de 2024) ISBN 978-987-813-910-4 CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0 © Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales | Queda hecho el depósito que establece la Ley 11723. La responsabilidad por las opiniones expresadas en los libros, artículos, estudios y otras colaboraciones incumbe exclusivamente a los autores firmantes, y su publicación no necesariamente refleja los puntos de vista de la Secretaría Ejecutiva de CLACSO.

This study investigated the critical success factors that affect the effectiveness and efficiency of mergers and acquisitions, by soliciting responses from bank Chief Executives and case evidence from the South African banking industry for the period 1990 to 2015. The study applied a mixed-use methodology. The case study evidence was drawn from the formation of the "Big Four Banks" in South Africa, namely, Absa ("Barclays Africa Group"), First Rand Group, Nedbank Group and Standard Bank Group. The study found that when visions and values of merging banks were aligned, there was a greater chance of success. The study further found that culture compatibility of merging entities is paramount. Stakeholder acceptance was also found to have a strong impact on the chance of success or failure in mergers and acquisitions (M&A). The case evidence corroborated and substantiated that there was a positive Deal Value Added (DVA) trend before the merger activity and immediately thereafter, evidenced by positive share price appreciation resulting in increased market capitalisation. The quantitative results found that 56% of the sampled CEOs indicated that an 80% majority of bank mergers in the South African banking sector had created value over the long term, evidenced by 10-year return trends. This study contributes to the corpus of knowledge by generating an integrated assessment framework that can be applied even beyond the South African environment, by practitioners involved in mergers and acquisition activities.

Bu calismada ekonomi ve insan kaynaklari acisindan onemli bir yer tutan bankacilik sektoru ve sektordeki sendikal gelismeler sorgulanmistir. Turkiye’deki bankacilik sistemi ve banka calisanlarinin uyelik durumunun incelendigi arastirmada; yazin taramasi ve gorgul arastirmalardan yola cikilarak konuyla ilgili tespit edilen hususlar kuramsal cercevede ortaya konulmaya calisilmistir.

This paper examines mineral beneficiation within the aluminium and iron & steel industries in Kwazulu-Natal and the associated value chains. Multiplier analysis is used in conjunction with the provincial social accounting matrix to determine the knock on effects of increased beneficiation, exploring the relevant impact of backward linkages. The multipliers created by both direct and indirect stimulation in the downstream industries are examined and the impacts of beneficiation on economic and welfare indicators are assessed. The key findings of the study are that the net effect on regional production is more than double the value of the initial stimulation for each of the considered sectors in the value chain. Moreover, job creation becomes evident when demand increases and that much of this employment go to the previously disadvantaged. There are however relevant drawbacks in terms of constrained electricity supply and significant leakages created by imports Nikol Hearn HRNNIK001 P a g e | 4 the tonnage of output produced as well as the companies involved in the value chain within Kwazulu-Natal. In South Africa, precious metal manufacturing consists of gold and platinum, primary or final product manufacturing (Department of Mineral Resources, 2011). In KZN, there is no production or processing of platinum and only minimal beneficiation of gold (The Minerals to Metals Initiative, 2013, p.36). Stonewall Resources is the sole gold beneficiation plant, it only beneficiates to first level, producing 0.16 tonnes of gold per year (Stonewall Resources, 2013). Non-ferrous metals consequently comprise the bulk of KZN's precious and non-ferrous metal manufacturing sector. Aluminium and titanium slag dominate KZN's processed minerals industry (Department of Mineral Resources, 2011), however, titanium slag is a titanium mineral concentrate and does not fit with the SIC code classification of a non-ferrous metal manufacturing product (Statistics South Africa, 2012; Minerals to Metals Initiative, 2013). South Africa does not have any deposits of bauxite and imports its raw alumina from Australia. The ore is then smelted into aluminium; an extremely power intensive process, locally (Deloitte, 2011). The energy intensity as well as the implications for the industries concerned is evaluated in section 6.i. The initial production stage in the South African aluminium industry involves the production of primary (from bauxite) and secondary (from scrap) aluminium, by smelting. Bauxite is smelted into primary aluminium in KZN, at the Hillside and Bayside smelters in Richards Bay, owned by BHP Billiton. These plants were developed to take advantage of the then cheap and ample electricity supplied by Eskom (BHP Billiton, 2013). Hillside and Bayside produce 761 000 tonnes per year and production is classified under the manufacturing of basic metals, since it involves smelting an ore, which is in accordance with the SIC industry group classification (BHP Billiton, 2013; Statistics South Africa, 2012). Most of the downstream beneficiation utilises the aluminium from the Bayside smelter, as two thirds of the Hillside output is exported. Post-2009, Bayside had to reduce its production of aluminium after an agreement with the power supplier Eskom, which faces increasingly constrained electricity supply (BHP Billiton, 2013). Many of the downstream industries that historically relied on Bayside's aluminium have subsequently had to import aluminium. BHP Billiton's smelters in Richards Bay supply to the secondary smelters and semi-fabricators (AFSA, 2015b). The distinction between secondary smelters and semi-fabricators is not always evident since many semi-fabricators house remelt facilities (The Green House and The Minerals P a g e | 5 to Metals Initiative, 2014a). The main input to secondary smelters is scrap. Added to this, is a measure of primary aluminium, to maintain a certain level of purity (The Green House and The Minerals to Metals Initiative, 2014a). The secondary smelters produce casting alloys as well as metal industry alloys in powder and ingot form (AFSA, 2015b). Located in KZN is 'Non-Ferrous Metal Works' (NFM), a secondary aluminium producer. While the secondary aluminium market produces 30,000 tonnes per year nationally, KZN production is trivially small (AFSA, 2015a). The price of scrap is expensive due to global influences. This has resulted in an uncompetitive local casting and downstream industry, although the local quality is of a worldclass standard (AFSA, 2015b). ASC Ltd, which is a division of Pressure Die Casting (PDC), HW Schmidt Industrials and Pfisterer Ltd are foundries in KZN. These foundries produce cast-metal components, but their share of the total foundry market in South Africa is relatively small (The Green House and The Minerals to Metals Initiative, 2014a). Semi-fabrication involves producing extrusions, sheet, foil, and plate both for export, as well as for local manufacturers and fabricators (AFSA, 2015b). Semi-fabrication is undertaken by Hulamin who produce 215,000 tonnes of semi-fabricated products annually in KZN (Hulamin, 2013). Hulamin is capable of supplying most of South Africa's demand for rolled products (AFSA, 2015b). Fabrication consists of adding value to the semi-fabricated products and casting alloys. BEHR and Pro Aluminium and Glass are fabricators in KZN who produce engine components, electrical cables, cold-drink cans and gate frames (The Green House and The Minerals to Metals Initiative, 2014a). Fabricated products are utilised in various industries such as transport, electrical, construction, automotive and packaging (AFSA, 2015a). For this reason, summing the pertinent figures, the total non-ferrous basic metal manufactured products available, excluding the final fabrication stage, is 976,000 tonnes.

Uzun dönemli bir iktisadi faaliyet alanı olan inşaat ve konut sektörü, 2018 yılından itibaren ekonomide yaşanan istikrarsızlıktan önemli ölçüde etkilenmiş bulunmaktadır. Ekonomik kararlarda sık, sık yapılan değişiklikler, faiz oranlarındaki aşırı dalgalanmalar, özel sektörün orta gelirli haneler için konut projesi geliştirme imkânlarını önemli ölçüde kısıtlamıştır. Bugün 100 metrekare bir konutun fiyatı TCMB verilerine göre 3,2 milyon lirayı aşmış bulunmaktadır. Konut maliyetlerinin yükselmesi, ev sahipliği oranlarını düşürürken, kiracılık oranının yükselmesine neden olmuştur.
Konut fiyatları ve kiralardaki artışlara ilave olarak kredi faizlerindeki yükseliş, çalışanların konut satın alma güçlerini olumsuz etkilemektedir. 2015-21 döneminde asgari ücretli 100 m2'lik konut almak için 265 ay çalışırken, bu sayı 2023 yılında 475 aya yükselmiş, 2024'te 406 ay olmuştur.

First, my sincere appreciation and gratitude go to my lovely parents, Mr and Mrs Adeleye for their spiritual and financial support, without them, I would not have been able to make it to the University of Cape Town. Thank you so much. Secondly, I would like to acknowledge and express my deepest appreciation to my amiable supervisor, Associate Professor Debbie Collier, for her guidance during the entire duration of my research. You have been wonderful, supportive, and encouraging. I found your comments, remarks, and engagements highly useful and inspiring. I am grateful for your love and time. You are indeed a sister and a mentor. Furthermore, I appreciate the Dean of the Faculty of Law, professor Pamela Schwikkard, who contributed immensely towards my achieving this Masters degree. Thank you so much. I will also like to thank my best friend in Cape Town, Mr Adeola Poroye, for his moral, financial and spiritual support. God will reward you richly. My appreciation also goes to my friends, Wole Akinyeye, (words are not enough to express my appreciation to you), Chukwuechefu Ukattah, Mr Toyin Badejogbin, Ibezimako Wogu, and Anthony Diala who in their own little way spared time to go through my dissertation. I owe you a lot. Lastly, I will like to say thank you so much to Sherly Ronnie for her patience and attention,

The article presents the first years (2016-2021) of activity of the Inter-
-Enterprise Trade Union of Ukrainian Workers in Poland and the chairman of the organization, Yuri Karyagin. The research material includes interviews with trade union activists and also organization documents and media information. The Union's activity is contrasted with the similar attempts to associate migrants undertaken by trade unions in Great Britain. The analysis concentrates on effective ways of associating migrant workers, social and cultural aspects influencing this process, and methods of recruiting and promoting the union in emigrant communities. The activity of the Union, its pioneering actions, although different from the standard activity of trade unions, deserves the attention of researchers primarily as an example of an or ganization that escapes patterns, seeks its own character and at the same time meets the expectations of stakeholders