Kingship in India

The article deals with the appearance in 1284 of a man who declared himself as EmperorFrederick II of Staufen, who had actually died more than 30 years earlier. When thisman was asked where he had been for so many years, he replied that he had covered hissins in the Holy Land as a pilgrim, and now the time had come again to him to rule hisempire. This story revealed that medieval man apprehended contemporary events in “several times” at once: 1) as a period of the reign of one sovereign (which, as thisepisode shows, could be broken and then resumed); 2) the sacral time, a tangibleproximity “the end times”; 3) still alive and actualizable images of the emperor inpeople’s memory. And these memories to some extent continued to define the actions ofthe urban community at the time when the impostor appeared. | В статье рассматривается эпизод появления в 1284 г. перед горожанами человека,объявившего себя императором Фридрихом II Штауфеном, который на самом деле умер более 30 лет до того. На вопрос из толпы, где же он был столько лет, тот отвечал, что замаливал грехи в Святой земле как пилигрим, а теперь снова настал час, чтобы он правил своей империей. Эта сцена обнажила, что средневековый человек осознавал современные ему события сразу в «нескольких временах»: 1)времени правления одного государя (которое, как показывает этот эпизод, могло разрываться и затем возобновляться); 2) сакрального времени, ощутимой близости«последних времен»; 3) все еще живых и способных актуализироваться образах императора в памяти народа. И эти воспоминания в некоторой степени продолжали определять поступки городского сообщества в момент появления самозванца.

how can we describe visual culture in a culture that preserved its entire heritage orally? the individuals who participated in Vedic culture did not build palaces, temples, or houses that could survive longer than a few seasons; apart from some pottery fragments we can associate with them, they did not make sculptures, nor did they paint images of gods or kings that we know of (see Witzel 1989; Staal 2008; parpola 2015). the only thing they left us is sacred texts, transmitted orally for generations in priestly families of Brahmins. the hymns and prose descriptions in the texts tell us that they did perform rituals with high frequency. according to Vedic texts, neither the cosmos nor its inhabitants could exist without ritual. Vedic culture is thus synonymous with ritual. What is more, Vedic hymns frequently invoke vivid visual imagery that is closely associated with the use of ritual implements, bodily postures, and idealized mental states. this chapter will thus focus on certain imagery invoked within some Vedic rituals to speculate about the complex ways Vedic priests created a visual culture in their ritual performances. It is important to note that semi-nomadic people who called themselves ā́rya (noble) created the earliest Indian texts. these people belonged to the eastern Indo-Iranian branch of tribes who spoke an Indo-european language. the Ārya tribes gradually settled in the panjab region during the second millennium BCe. at its peak, the Ārya culture extended from the Kabul river to the Ganges (Witzel 1995: 93). the earliest hymns of the R̥ gveda (henceforth R ̥ V) were probably composed around 1500-1200 BCe (Witzel 1995; Oberlies 1998), and the text's final codification took place possibly around the 700-600 BCe,

The Hindu festival Dasain is pronounced or called “Dasserah in India, more commonly known as Dusherrah, which is mostly celebrated by Gujratis in India and abroad after the monsoon rains are over in September and October. Though in Nepal Navaratri and Dasserah are included as one festival, in the Indian context, they name it as different, “The first nine nights are known as Navaratri and Durga Puja, which is folk dancing to worship Ambamata, and it is important in Bengal where elaborate images of Durga are created for the Goddess worship.”

Following the annexation of Egypt by Octavian Augustus, significant transformations occurred in the dynamics between the Roman imperial authority and the local priestly elite, who, during the preceding Ptolemaic period, had enjoyed considerable political and economic privileges, particularly in the establishment and maintenance of the ruler cult. This study seeks to address several critical questions: What were the specific characteristics of the relationship between the emperor and the traditional priesthood in Egypt under Greco-Roman influence in the formation of the ruler's cult? Which elements of imperial veneration, common in other provinces of the empire, were adopted by the Egyptian elite, and how did these integrate with traditional Egyptian conceptions of ruler worship, especially in the context of the identification of the emperor with Egyptian deities?

A distinctive feature of the religious landscape in Roman Egypt was the presence of a particular official, appointed from the ranks of Roman citizens belonging to the equestrian order, who presided over the entire religious apparatus of Roman Egypt. This official was known as "the archiereus of the gods Augustus and the great Sarapis and the one who is responsible for overseeing the temples of Alexandria and all Egypt". Under his authority were regional archiereuses (P. Mert I. 18), who were chosen by lot (P. Lond. 1912. 60–62; P. Mert. II. 73) and were the representatives of the Egyptian priestly elite. The priests of the traditional Egyptian deities served as ministers of the imperial cult (SB 12, 10883, 3–17) and were required to submit financial reports to the Roman administration concerning the performance of rituals in honor of the emperors.

Within the temples of Egypt, the figure of the pharaoh-emperor was frequently represented as an anonymous figure, becoming a purely ritualistic person (cartouches bearing his name were often substituted with the term pr-Ꜥꜣ, "pharaoh," or left blank), and, on occasion, the emperor's royal functions were ascribed to the gods themselves. Consequently, the Egyptian priesthood rejected the notion of Roman rulers as sacred monarchs, or, at best, regarded the emperors as possessing a diminished sacredness. In light of the actual absence of Roman emperors in the Nile Valley, Egyptian priests transferred aspects of the sacred status of the Egyptian pharaoh onto the imperial representatives, as it evidenced in the stele of Cornelius Gallus and the stele of Balbillus (OGIS II.666). This pattern of identification extended to members of the imperial family who visited Egypt (SB I. 3924=P 11547=P. Germ. 31–38), as well as Roman officials, who were addressed with titles such as θεὸς καὶ κύριος ("god and lord").

In the stele of Balbillus, the Roman emperor was explicitly equated with the god Helios-Harmachis (Ἥλιον Ἅρμα̣χιν), a deity who was strongly associated with the annual inundation of the Nile and the prosperity and good harvest. The participation of imperial priests in the worship of the Nile god Hapi (P. Wisc. 9.4), with whom the Roman emperors were identified, carried not only religious but also political implications. It contributed to the broader imperial propaganda surrounding the image of the emperors as victorious and divine figures (Strabo, I. 1. 16). This interaction between religious and political realms underscored the essential role of the priesthood in shaping and promoting the imperial image within Egyptian society.

In this study the author examines the ritual of giving birth to a divine child in private religious associations in Roman Egypt. These ideas are reflected in the text “Mithras Liturgy”, in which the image of Helios-Mithras functionally represents the emperor, and the myst, who seeks to be reborn through the image of Helios, takes on the features of the child god – Harpocrates. In private associations, the spirit of Ka/τύχη of the Roman ruler, identified with the child god, was revered. The worship of the emperor in the guise of a divine child was accompanied by ritual dances, as well as worldly affairs – legal proceedings.

The paper turns attention to some features of the imperial cult in Egypt. The Roman emperor, in whose image the antagonistic gods Horus and Seth are identi- fied, acted as the conciliator of Egypt. The images of the lotus, the Phoenix bird and the goddess Pax-Nemesis were combined in the imperial cult and acted as symbols that contribute to the pacification of Egypt, the reincarnation of the ruler and the estab- lishment of the Pax Romana in the Nile River valley.

This paper contributes to the problem of the identification of the Roman emperor’s image with that of the god Sarapis in Egypt during the time of the Roman dominion. Special attention laid on the features of god Sarapis which corresponded to the Roman ruler’s image that could allow to identify the Roman emperors with Sarapis

In this study, the author draws his attention to the images of the gods Anubis and Horus in Roman Egypt. These gods could include in their image the iconographic features of the Roman emperor. Horus and Anubis acted as invincible warriors, asserting a fair order in the world, universal deities and civilizers of peoples. These functions corresponded to the image of the Roman emperor, who established the Pax Romana, which made it possible to identify the ruler of Rome and these deities. Giving to Anubis and Horus the iconographic features of the emperor, that was confirmed in papyrus and temple texts, was a consequence of the desire of the inhabitants of the Nile Valley to incorporate the image of the emperor into the religious sphere of Egypt and the result of the adaptation of the religious ideas of the Egyptians to the tastes of the Greco-Roman population of the Nile Valley. At the same time, giving of the Roman features to the Egyptian gods could be a consequence of transferring the sacred status of the king to the deities of the Nile River Valley, although it was not possible for the Egyptians to completely exclude the rulers of Rome from the Egyptian religious system, who, as Egyptian pharaohs, were supposed to ensure a fair order of things (“Maat”).

Based on the historiographic analysis of general and special literature, the main stages, trends and approaches to the study of the Emperor’s cult in Egypt are examined. The author comes to the conclusion that, despite the great variety of problems that have been researched to date, the examples of identification (or comparison) of the Roman ruler with the gods of the Egyptian pantheon, the peculiarities in worshiping the Genius of the Roman ruler in Egypt and relation of Fortuna Augusti/ Genius Augusti and Egyptian Ka as well as worshiping the Emperor by private individuals remain little studied.

The author of this study turns his attention to the functions and features of the god Anubis in Roman Egypt, who ind their parallels in the image of the emperor. Anubis was presented as a judge, the universal god, the defender of the dead, the guarantor of fertility, the hero-civilizer. All these functions corresponded to the image of the Roman ruler, manifested in cult practice in honor of the monarch and served as a means of legitimizing the power of the emperor in the Nile valley.

Historical geography is an interdisciplinary field that explores the spatial and temporal dimensions of past societies by synthesizing human, physical, theoretical, and empirical geographical frameworks. It seeks to understand the formation and transformation of cultural landscapes by analyzing how human communities historically interacted with, adapted to, and reshaped their local environments and ecological settings. The cultural character of any landscapes is profoundly influenced by its underlying geographical context. Understanding the transformation of landscapes over time is inherently depended on the study of landform dynamics within a temporal framework. A comprehensive understanding of the past landscape is the vital for interpreting its evolution into the present-day cultural landscape. This article seeks to offer a historical-geographical reconstruction of the Kamata-Kuchbehar region, drawing upon diverse source materials. It endeavors to critically examine the region's physical attributes and historical development, thereby illuminating the interplay between geography and cultural transformation over time.

Feudalism is a term historian first used to describe the political, social, and economic system of the European Middle Ages. That system was the world of lords, vassal knights, and serfs characteristic of Europe from the tenth to thirteenth centuries. In exchange for homage and military service, vassals received land from their lords. These lands became their manors, and serfs worked them. The lords and their vassals constituted a privileged nobility, while the serfs lived in a state of servitude.

Este presente ensayo pretende analizar seis textos estudiados en clase sobre la Rebelión India de 1857 con el fin de ofrecer un estudio holístico de sus causas, realidades y legados tanto en la India como en el resto del Imperio británico. Sostiene que, a través del análisis de diversas perspectivas historiográficas, la Rebelión debe entenderse como un acontecimiento crucial que transformó, de forma fundamental, las estructuras e ideologías que sustentaban el dominio imperial británico.

The study investigates some factors behind the emergence of Barman. It is an Indo-Aryan derived exonym of the Dimasa speakers of Cachar, Hailakandi, and Karimganj districts of Assam. They are Indo-Mongoloid group of people, and in Assam, they are officially recognised as a Scheduled Tribe (Plains). The Hawar variety spoken by Dimasas (recoginsed as Barmans in Cachar) is one of the under-described, endangered speech varieties of Northeast India. It comes under the Western Branch of the Barish (aka Bodo-Garo or Bodo-Koch) section of Baric (aka Sal or Bodo-Konyak-Jinghpaw) division of the Tibeto-Burman language family. It is mainly spoken in the two states of Northeast India, namely, Assam and Nagaland. The present paper is an attempt to describe some sociolinguistic aspects of Barmans.

Keywords: Ethnonym, Nomenclature, Compounding, Ethnic and Hindu elements

The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly (CA) overwhelmingly voted in favor of republicanism by 460 to 4 members. The meeting finally ended at 23:25 hrs on May 28, 2008, ousting the 449-year-old Shah Dynasty (initiated by Drabya Shah in 1559)  . Before voting, Girija Prasad Koirala, Acting Head of State and Prime Minister of the Government of Nepal (GON), tabled a six-point proposal. The proposal stated, “Nepal shall turn into an independent, indivisible, secular, inclusive, and federal democratic republic with sovereignty and state authority vested in the people.” The meeting abolished all rights and privileges of the king and his royal family members, putting them in the same category as common Nepali citizens. The meeting accepted the proposal to direct the GON to drive out ex-king Gyanendra and his personal secretariat from Narayanhiti Royal Palace within 15-day and take care of the safety of national properties remaining inside.

The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly (CA) overwhelmingly voted in favor of republicanism by 460 to 4 members. The meeting finally ended at 23:25 hrs on May 28, 2008, ousting the 449-year-old Shah Dynasty (initiated by Drabya Shah in 1559)  . Before voting, Girija Prasad Koirala, Acting Head of State and Prime Minister of the Government of Nepal (GON), tabled a six-point proposal. The proposal stated, “Nepal shall turn into an independent, indivisible, secular, inclusive, and federal democratic republic with sovereignty and state authority vested in the people.” The meeting abolished all rights and privileges of the king and his royal family members, putting them in the same category as common Nepali citizens. The meeting accepted the proposal to direct the GON to drive out ex-king Gyanendra and his personal secretariat from Narayanhiti Royal Palace within 15-day and take care of the safety of national properties remaining inside.

The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly (CA) overwhelmingly voted in favor of republicanism by 560. The meeting finally ended at 23.25 hrs on May 28, 2008 ousting the 449 year old Shah Dynasty (initiated by Drabya Shah 1 in 1559). Before voting, Girija Prasad Koirala, Acting Head of State and Prime Minister of the Government of Nepal (GON) tabled a six-point proposal. The proposal says, "Nepal shall turn into an independent, indivisible, secular, inclusive, and federal democratic republic with sovereignty and state authority vested in the people." The meeting abolished all rights and privileges of the king and his (royal) family members and put them in the same category as common Nepali citizens. The meeting accepted the proposal to direct the GON to drive out ex-king Gyanendra and his personal secretariat from Narayanhiti Royal Palace within 15-days and take care of the safety of national properties remaining inside. The same meeting decided to develop the royal palace into a historical museum. The meeting declared, "Nepal shall mark Jestha 15, 2065 (May 28, 2008) Republic Day every year as per the Nepali calendar. It extended tribute to the martyrs whose sacrifice contributed to bring about republic in Nepal. The proposal scrapped all deviance in constitutional provisions, laws, administrative rules and regulations effective from the same day. The CA also passed a separate bill to make new arrangements for a president as Head of State by amending the Interim Constitution (IC). The President works as the patron of the IC and controls the Nepal Army, but shall mobilize the army and impose emergency upon recommendation of the cabinet. The position of president shall remain until the CA promulgates the New Constitution. There are 27 monarchies, mostly constitutional with a few in the absolute form, still existing in the world somewhere. There are 10 in Europe, six in Asia, six in the Middle East, two in Oceania and three in Africa.

Introduction: the Tamed Goddess and her Wild Guardian Bhairava in Kāśī, the womb of the Goddess The Gaṅgā and the Matsyodarī yoga Baṭuka Bhairava, the son of the goddess Caṇḍī Kāśī: Goddess and liṅga of light Vaiṣṇo Devī’s decapitation of Bhairava The pilgrimage to Vaiṣṇo Devī Bhairava, the Goddess and bhakti Bhairava as royal sacrificer: Newar Festivals of the Goddess Indrayātrā: Taleju, Kumārī and the demon-mother of Indra Pacali Bhairava Yātrā: Ajimā, Ganeśa and Bhadrakālī Bhadrakālī in the Bisket Yātrā: the autochthonous goddess and Hindu tradition Bhairavī Rathayātrā: possession, sacrifice and the legacy of the shaman Tradition, gender, and transgression: the Goddess as androgyne

The Janapada system is the fundamental socio-political order of ancient India and is interestingly reflective of the changeable dynamics of gender discourses and social functions. This paper examines how gender discourse converged with the Janapada system in the way it shaped the structure and roles of genders within that framework, considering, power hierarchies, patriarchal structures and cultural practices. Using the sociological method, the researcher analyzes ancient texts, folklore, and historical documents for the latent and manifest norms guiding the role of genders and the outcome for the apportionment of power and identity. The Janapada system is acknowledged as a depiction of large gendered narratives, placing the spotlight on women's contributions and the existence of marginalized genders in areas of governance, economic activities, and cultural manifestations. Furthermore, it gets into the gender and power nexus, paying attention to how caste, class, and kinship complicated matters even further for social dynamics. Key findings are the duality of roles of gender, that is, women as both custodians of culture and subjects of patriarchal suppression, and how these narratives persist in contemporary gendered discourse in South Asia. This research locates gender discourse within the Janapada system in order to bring out the shade of the historical roots of gender inequality and the way in which traditional systems still influence modern sociological constructs. This study contributes to the academic discourse on gender and, therefore, underlines the importance of historical analysis as a solution to contemporary issues facing gender.

The concept Tapovana gets importance in connection with the ascetic life and education system of our country's past. Tapovanas are represented in literature as the place where the peaceful sages reside, conducts the rituals, educate their students, and also the place where serious discussions on philosophical concepts and knowledge system occur. In the Vedic literature itself Ṛṣikulas and their abodes are found mentioned. Usually, it is considered as the place selected by sages for penance as their peaceful residence and where dharma is protected. In Sanskrit literature they appear in the names Ᾱśrāma, Tapobhūmi, Dharmāraṇya and such names. Tapovana is a place standing in between the wild nature of forest and human settlement. Here an attempt is made to the study of tapovanas as depicted in the works of Kālidāsa

"Эссе исследует феномен взаимодействия с древними богинями в современном мире без культовых практик и ритуалов. Автор анализирует, как возможен контакт с высшими силами вне традиционных форм поклонения, сравнивает современные эзотерические тенденции с древними мистериями и делится личным опытом взаимодействия с богинями, включая Никс, Исиду, Сехмет, Фрейю и других. Также рассматривается вопрос: являются ли современные культы возвращением древних традиций или просто модным трендом?"

I introduce an on-going debate on whether and how should rituals be tamed in the contemporary Hindu society of Nepal. In this paper, I point out intellectuals who espouse secular thoughts hesitate to talk about rituals in public. On the other hand, there are also many who believe these rituals as their forte. Out of this trajectory of thoughts, I develop an argument that there is a lack of force that could promote interpretative understanding of rituals in Nepal. Based on a line of thoughts propounded by Roy A. Rappaport, Catherine Bell, and Hannah Arendt, I maintain that rituals need to be taken as part and parcel of ritual-making zeal of humankind. With a brief introduction about the historicity of ritualization in Nepal, I highlight the adoptable characteristics of rituals in the Kathmandu Valley and the role the people of the valley have started to point out a possibility of bringing reformation in death rituals.

This book is the catalogue of an exhibition held at UNESCO (Paris), 1997-1998, of photos concerning old Kathmandu Valley. Some sixty photographs, mostly 16 x 20 cm, are reproduced. They were taken by the Citrakars of Bhimsen Slhan (Kathmandu) from the beginning of the twentieth century onward. The oldest ones date from 1909, the most recent (the royal wedding procession of the then Crown Prince Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev) from 1970. As explained in the valuable introduction written by Susanne von der Heide. the members of this family of the southern pan of the capital belong to the Newar caste of painters and may be considered as the pioneers of early pholography in Nepal.

The end of shah dynasty and the beginnings of a secular democratic republic In Nepal 1990 - 2008
The background and the primary reasons behind the highly complex and politically charged efforts by the good King Birendra that had resulted in the establishment of a constitutional Monarchy in 1990, which paved the way for a civil war to commence in Nepal and caused many drastic political changes that resulted in King Birendra’s assassination in 2001 and terminated the centuries old Nepali monarchic rule by 2008. The establishment of a secular democratic republic in that year, which was initiated and dominated by a political party with definite Maoist tendencies but without any totalitarian aspirations, created a new set of cultural, social and economic development opportunities for Nepal to fulfill the basic needs of its people.

Аннотация:  Корпус  иероглифических  надписей,  происходящих  из  Паленке  (штат
Чьяпас, Мексика) и датирующихся позднеклассическим периодом (VII–VIII вв.) содер-
жит большой объем данных о представителях царского двора Бакаля (древнее название
государства с центром в Паленке). Их анализ показывает, что при дворе бакальских пра-
вителей присутствовала влиятельная группа лиц, которые происходили не из столицы, а
были связаны с местом Хуште-К’ух. Связь Паленке с Хуште-К’ухом прослеживается с
середины VI в. В текстах содержатся упоминания о разных представителях династии из
этого владения. Несколько жен бакальских царей происходили из Хуште-К’уха.
Представители Хуште-К’уха не принадлежат к царскому рангу, но в то же время ни
разу не используют титул сахаль, что свидетельствует о том, что они не входили в адми-
нистративный аппарат бакальского государства. Собственного корпуса эпиграфических
источников из Хуште-К’уха обнаружено не было, поэтому попытки локализовать это ме-
сто строятся на упоминании данного топонима в текстах из других городищ. Хуште-К’ух
упоминается в текстах из Тортугеро (древнее название К’ак’-Виц), расположенного к за-
паду от Паленке в контексте военных походоа царя балам-Ахава 644 и 655 гг. Еще одно
упоминание встречается на стеле из Помоя, также до сих пор не локализованного центра,
который предположительно находился к югу или юго-западу от Паленке, датированной
VIII в.
Анализ упоминаний топонима Хуште-К’ух указывает на то, что его можно связать с
регионом Сальто-дель-Агуа на реке Мичоль. Археологические данные свидетельствуют,
что этот регион находился на границе территорий, контролируемых Тортугеро и Паленке.
По-видимому, Хуште-К’ух представлял собой владение в составе Бакальского цар-
ства; местная династия сохранила более высокий статус, чем наместники – сахали. На
протяжении долгого времени династии Паленке и Хуште-К’уха были тесно связаны друг
с другом родственными и политическими отношениями. Представители Хуште-К’уха со-
ставляли влиятельную группу при дворе Паленке и особенно в моменты династических
кризисов оказывали существенную поддержку тому или иному кандидату на престол.
Ключевые слова: археология, Мезоамерика, майя, эпиграфика, царский двор, соци-
альная организация

Изучение династической истории Паленке (штат Чьяпас, Мексика) в настоящий момент насчитывает не одно десятилетие, но многие вопросы до сих пор остаются открытыми. Особый интерес вызывает период, касающийся становления династии. Одним из главных вопросов, относящихся к тому времени-это отношения Токтана и Бакаля. Название Токтан появляется в текстах и как часть эмблемного иероглифа и в качестве топонима. Первые правители династии носили титул царей Токтана и проводили ритуалы в этом месте. Более поздняя историческая традиция связывает появление нового эмблемного иероглифа с переносом в 490 г. столицы в Лакамху (Паленке). Бывшие владыки Токтана не сохранили свой титул и не образовали новый, основанный на топониме Лакамха, они приняли третью версию-«священный царь Бакаля», который использовался вплоть до конца VII в. Идентичный титул носили правители другого политического центра Тортугеро (штат Табаско, Мексика), что ставит еще один важный вопрос о связи этих двух династий. Новый взгляд на эпиграфический и археологический материал, может помочь переосмыслить обстоятельства возникновения династии Паленке.
Abstract. The study of the dynastic history of Palenque began a long time ago, but it still remains many
questions, especially in the part that relates to the period of the formation of the dynasty. The main questions
concerning this period is the one on the relationship between Toktahn and Bakal. The name Toktahn occurs in
texts both as part of the emblem glyph and as a toponym. The first rulers of the dynasty bore the title of kings
of Toktahn and performed rituals in this location. The later historical tradition associates the appearance of a
new emblem glyph with the transfer of the capital to Lakamha’ (Palenque) in 490. The former rulers of Toktahn
did not retain their original title and did not create a new one, based on the name Lakama’, but adopted the
third version of the title – “the holy lord of Bakal”, which became the main one until the end of the 8th century.
The other remarkable question of the dynastic history of Palenque is simultaneous use of the Bakal emblem
glyph with El Tortuguero. A new look on the epigraphic and archaeological material may help to reconsider
circumstances of the emerging of Palenque’s dynasty.
Keywords:  ancient  Maya,  epigraphy,  Mesoamerica,  Pre-Columbian  America,  dynastic  history,  historical
memory

Darley, Rebecca, ‘Self, Other and the Use and Appropriation of Late Roman Coins in South India and Sri Lanka (4th-7th Centuries A.D.)’, in Negotiating Cultural Identity: Landscapes in Early Medieval South Asian History, ed. by Himanshu Prabha Ray, Archaeology and Religion in South Asia, 1 (Routledge, 2015), pp. 60–84.

This chapter examines the reception of foreign, specifically Byzantine, coins in peninsular South Asia and Sri Lanka in the 4th-7th centuries CE, looking at imitation, modification, marking and landscape distribution.

Darley, Rebecca, ‘Self, Other and the Use and Appropriation of Late Roman Coins in South India and Sri Lanka (4th-7th Centuries A.D.)’, in Negotiating Cultural Identity: Landscapes in Early Medieval South Asian History, ed. by Himanshu Prabha Ray, Archaeology and Religion in South Asia, 1 (Routledge, 2015), pp. 60–84

Nel Medioevo, i codici miniati non erano solo preziose opere d'arte, ma veri e propri strumenti di legittimazione politica e religiosa. Attraverso l'uso delle miniature, i sovrani riuscivano a proiettare un'immagine di autorità divina e a consolidare il proprio potere. I codici miniati, con le loro splendide decorazioni e simboli sacri, servivano a rafforzare la legittimità regale, presentando i monarchi come prescelti da Dio. Questo studio si propone di esaminare il ruolo dei codici miniati come strumenti di propaganda politica nelle corti medievali, con particolare attenzione all'uso che ne fecero i sovrani di Francia, Inghilterra e del Sacro Romano Impero.

The essay explores the extent of power and influence exercised by the regional elites, i.e., Jain merchant/money-lenders over local society. In order to do so the essay discusses two rare sasanas, inscribed on stone, issued with the sanction of the local ruling authorities asking local populace to observe certain norms followed by the dominant mercantile communities of the region. The injunctions had significant bearings on the everyday lives of people.

Far from being merely an ornament, music, and its corollary, dance, seem to induce the presence of gods and spirits in many oracular and mediumistic ceremonies in the Himalayas and to be consubstantial with their ritual structure. This chapter is a study of the jāgar, a spirit possession ceremony practised in Kumaon, India, from the angle of its modalities of performance. I will examine the roles of the sounds in these performances and discuss the nature of the relations between musical time and ritual time. A detailed analysis of the Kumaoni jāgar will show that the structure of the ritual is made manifest through musican approach that is still lacking in anthropological literature despite the fact that this ritual vigil has already been the object of numerous studies. 1 The specific jāgar that will be discussed here falls under the category of domestic worship called gharau-ka jāgar (lit. "house jāgar"). 2 These forms of worship are performed in Kumaon, a province of the Indian state of Uttarakhand. The very name jāgar stems from Sanskrit jāgaraṇ a, which means "to awaken", "wake up" or "stay awake". Here, jāgar designates both the ceremony as a whole, as well as one of its main parts, devoted to the dance of incarnation. The ceremony is led by specialists grouped under the generic term dharmiyā, that could be rendered by "virtuous beings" in this context. They usually come from groups of low status and include, on the one hand, the bard (jagari), a professional musician of the Dās or Dholi caste * This chapter is based on research that began in the mid-1980s. It has been conducted at irregular intervals over the past 30 years. I would like to thank the bards and mediums who taught me so much over the years, especially Pratap Ram Das and the late Jānki Devi, an extraordinary medium. I would also like to thank Mahesvar Prasad Joshi for his generous guidance all over the years as well as Marie-Caroline Pons and Charles Ramble for their inspiring comments on the final version of this work.

In medieval Kashmir, women, particularly queens, defied traditional roles and emerged as influential figures in politics, religion, and society, challenging historical norms. Didda, Sugandha, and Suryamati; alongside lesser-known contributors, played diverse roles in shaping the region's destiny. Beyond politics, their religious contributions are evident in temple constructions, highlighting their impact on the cultural landscape. This exploration unveils the nuanced agency, resilience, and dynamic participation of women in navigating the complex historical context of medieval Kashmir. It showcases their ability to form strategic alliances, overcome societal challenges, and contribute significantly to the vibrant tapestry of Kashmir's history, challenging stereotypes and enriching the narrative with their multifaceted roles.

The spectrum of global debates has agendas and discourses of different dimensions ranging from power to regime to environment to terrorism to space war to religion to international relations as well and many more others. Theology had been one of globally guiding motifs behind regimes and rules for long span of time during medieval period and prior to it. No sooner had the religious dominance and dogma derailed and gradually faded out than there was commencement of the wave of Age of Reasoning and industrial revolution. However, of late, the debate on religion and validity on recently declared secularism in Nepal has been a fresh debate again. It is still a pressing question: has secularism been only fashion or indeed a mission? This write-up argues that the discourse of secularism is less rationally reviewed and assessed; rather has been engaged mere emotionally. It eventually urges that such an emotional treatment over crucially complex context should be altered into a remarkably reasonable and rational handling.

Nepal is not often in the news, but when it is, the headlines cry out with a vengeance. The last time I was asked to speak about Nepal was in 2001, right after the unspeakable tragedy, when crown prince Dipendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev went on a rampage and killed practically the ...

The Magadhan empire had a profound impact on the history of post-Mauryan India. Although the political power of one region or one ruling family over the Indian sub-continent came to an end, it did not mean decline or set back for the society as a whole. On the other hand, the empire had initiated processes of change in many region, and these processes of change reached a level of maturity in the post-Maurya period.

AGNIHOTRA RITUALS IN NEPAL Five * groups of Brahmins reside in the Kathmandu Valley of today: 1 the Newari speaking Rājopādhyāya, the Nepali speaking Pūrbe, who immigrated in the last centuries before and the Gorkha conquest (1768/9 CE), the Kumaĩ, the Newari and Maithili speaking Maithila, and the Bhaṭṭas from South India, who serve at the Paśupatināth temple. Except for the Bhaṭṭas, all are followers of the White Yajurveda in its Mādhyandina recension. It could therefore be expected that all these groups, with the exception of the Bhaṭṭas, would show deviations from each other in language and certain customs brought from their respective homelands, but that they would agree in their (Vedic) ritual. However, this is far from being the case. On the contrary, the Brahmins of the Kathmandu Valley, who have immigrated over the last fifteen hundred years in several waves, 2 constitute a perfect example of individual regional developments in this border area of medieval Indian culture, as well as of the successive, if fluctuating, influence of the 'great tradition' of Northern India. Just one aspect of this far-reaching issue shall be studied here in some detail, that is, the various forms of the more important Vedic rituals carried out until today: the daily Agnihotra and the rituals connected with it, such as the fortnightly New and Full Moon sacrifice (dārśapaurṇamāsa) and some related seasonal rituals. * This paper is a translation of one published in German in 1986; some very limited updating has been carried out, indicated by <…>. For additional discussion and interpretation, see Witzel, 1992.

Reconstructing ancient Indian history on sound lines requires a careful review of it from many perspectives. Understanding the past involves the crucial task of examining available sources of information, searching for fresh evidence, and devising new ways of interpreting historical data. The older lines of study in this regard mainly gave importance to either political history alone or thereafter social and economic history but of late the need has been felt for “an integrated study of the different aspects” 1 or a total, holistic history. In this respect the fundamental role is played by the materials which provide us with historical information i.e sources. There are several pieces of evidence which give us information about the past history of the Indian subcontinent and these sources can broadly be divided into literary and archaeological sources. Literary sources include all of the written materials, ancient texts, as also the oral traditions while archaeological sources refer to all material, tangible remains which help us to understand human past. The materials that have been left behind range from minor, abandoned artifacts from ordinary human activities, such shattered ceramics, to remnants of enormous palaces and temples. They consist of a variety of items, including buildings, artifacts, bones, seeds, pollen, coins, seals, sculptures, and inscriptions.

This book critically examines the larger world of astrology in India, its ubiquity and relationship with religion, caste, gender, class and aspirations. It looks at astrology through an empirical and phenomenological lens, analyzing different meanings and questions associated with it. How do people see astrology-as magic, science, religion, or a knowledge system? The volume analyses the role of astrology in religious and social ceremonies; the interplay of faith and fear; beliefs, practices, mysticism, and scepticism in middle-class households; and gendered negotiations in everyday life. It also delves into how astrology has emerged as a livelihood and an industry, the continued fascination with it even in an era of technological advancement, and its domination of the vernacular media. Insightful and highly comprehensive, this book will be useful for scholars and researchers of sociology, political sociology, social anthropology, anthropology, cultural studies, gender studies and urban Sociology.

This book critically examines the larger world of astrology in India, its ubiquity and relationship with religion, caste, gender, class and aspirations. It looks at astrology through an empirical and phenomenological lens, analyzing different meanings and questions associated with it. How do people see astrology-as magic, science, religion, or a knowledge system? The volume analyses the role of astrology in religious and social ceremonies; the interplay of faith and fear; beliefs, practices, mysticism, and scepticism in middle-class households; and gendered negotiations in everyday life. It also delves into how astrology has emerged as a livelihood and an industry, the continued fascination with it even in an era of technological advancement, and its domination of the vernacular media. Insightful and highly comprehensive, this book will be useful for scholars and researchers of sociology, political sociology, social anthropology, anthropology, cultural studies, gender studies and urban Sociology.

This book critically examines the larger world of astrology in India, its ubiquity and relationship with religion, caste, gender, class and aspirations. It looks at astrology through an empirical and phenomenological lens, analyzing different meanings and questions associated with it. How do people see astrology-as magic, science, religion, or a knowledge system? The volume analyses the role of astrology in religious and social ceremonies; the interplay of faith and fear; beliefs, practices, mysticism, and scepticism in middle-class households; and gendered negotiations in everyday life. It also delves into how astrology has emerged as a livelihood and an industry, the continued fascination with it even in an era of technological advancement, and its domination of the vernacular media. Insightful and highly comprehensive, this book will be useful for scholars and researchers of sociology, political sociology, social anthropology, anthropology, cultural studies, gender studies and urban Sociology.

This book critically examines the larger world of astrology in India, its ubiquity and relationship with religion, caste, gender, class and aspirations. It looks at astrology through an empirical and phenomenological lens, analyzing different meanings and questions associated with it. How do people see astrology-as magic, science, religion, or a knowledge system? The volume analyses the role of astrology in religious and social ceremonies; the interplay of faith and fear; beliefs, practices, mysticism, and scepticism in middle-class households; and gendered negotiations in everyday life. It also delves into how astrology has emerged as a livelihood and an industry, the continued fascination with it even in an era of technological advancement, and its domination of the vernacular media. Insightful and highly comprehensive, this book will be useful for scholars and researchers of sociology, political sociology, social anthropology, anthropology, cultural studies, gender studies and urban Sociology.

Visket Jatra is one of the famous festivals of Bhaktapur area, which is being celebrated every year with Mesha Sankranti (Aries Solstice) as the focal point. Many kinds of legends are also prevalent among the people regarding this festival. But recent studies have shown that there is no truth in some of these legends. What exactly Visket Jatra? In this regards it is difficult to interprate it in the true sense by looking at in from a single angle. For this, it is necessary to have study and analysis from various aspects like religious, cultural, social, political etc. From a religious point of view, this Jatra procession is a procession of Bhairav, the chief deity of Bhaktapur city and his consert Bhairavi. Similarly, at the Tantrik level, this Jatra (procession) can be taken as a symbol of mutual intercourse between the two. The Jatra also seems to have a role to play in entertaining the general public. In this way, from the very beginning at the political level, this Jatra was a symbol of good relations between the king and the people. However, there are also rumors that such Jatras (festivals) have been introduced in the name of religion to divert public attention from political issues. But in the case of Bhaktapur, the relationship between the king and the people here have always been sweet and cordial, many historical contexts make this clear. The same intimate relationship used to be revealed in the Visket Jatra. The Jatras festivals has not only the religious or cultural significance but it also has political aspect. This article is prepared in descriptive, analytical and comparative study method. And main conclusion of this study is that how, despite being a traditional Jatra, this Jatra has been going on continuosly till today, it has been highlighted that the state or the government also has an important role in this, as well as people's support and participation.

Between accommodation and revolution: a series of failed peace negotiations with the Nepali state 3.1 The first peace talks (August-November 2001) 3.2 Informal dialogue during the state of emergency (November 2001-April 2003) 3.3 The second peace talks (April-August 2003) 3.4 Cooperation between the CPN (M) and the Seven Party Alliance against the monarchy 3.5 Maoist involvement in the 19-day April 2006 revolution 4. Transition to peace and non-violent politics in a democratic state 4.1 Negotiations towards a Comprehensive Peace Agreement 4.2 Democratising the state: the Interim Constitution, Legislature and Council of Ministers 4.3 Postponement of the Constituent Assembly elections 4.4 Strategic debate within the Maoist camp: launching a popular movement versus pursuing the negotiation track 4.5 Organisational shift to peaceful struggle within the CPN (M) 4.6 Epilogue: Nepal is to become a federal republic Conclusion Bibliography & overview of interviews with CPN (M) leaders Annexes 1-4

This study discusses the ancient South Indian state of the Cēras together with its monarchical features, and its prominent position in the Indo-Roman trade. The paper draws on Early Old Tamil literary sources, particularly the royal panegyrics of the Patiṟṟuppattu, to reconstruct the economic history of the kingdom, touches upon the rational actor theory, and argues for the existence of an early monetized economy in ancient southwestern India and Koṅkunāṭu and the actions of rationally planning kings through it. The analysis will also suggest that the Cēra monarchy was a hybrid kingdom with Tamil literary culture, strong brāhmaṇical influences around the court, and perhaps Jaina and Buddhist merchant communities around the marketplaces.

Nepal was proud to label itself ‘the world’s only Hindu kingdom’ from 1960 to 2007. In 1990 the central place of the monarchy both in the country’s constitution and in its understanding of itself was, for most people, still utterly taken for granted. Yet just 17 years later the country became a republic. The chapter examines the two main steps taken to ensure that ex-King Gyanendra was not able to project himself as a king in the public sphere: (1) removing him from his role in prominent festivals and replacing him by the president; (2) converting the Narayanhiti Royal Palace into a museum.

Nepal was proud to label itself ‘the world’s only Hindu kingdom’ from 1960 to 2007. In 1990 the central place of the monarchy both in the country’s constitution and in its understanding of itself was, for most people, still utterly taken for granted. Yet just 17 years later the country became a republic. The chapter examines the two main steps taken to ensure that ex-King Gyanendra was not able to project himself as a king in the public sphere: (1) removing him from his role in prominent festivals and replacing him by the president; (2) converting the Narayanhiti Royal Palace into a museum.

“Although we may think first of Caesar or Pompey as famous Alexander-imitators from the Lives, the use of Alexander as a point of comparison occurs in the Demetrius and Pyrrhus at a frequency that is unparalleled in the Plutarchan corpus”.
Professor Mallory Monaco Caterine.

The study piece that is being presented focuses on Gyanendra, the final ruler of the Shah dynasty, and how the Nepali press helped shape public opinion in favor of the republic. King Prithvi Narayan Shah established the Shah Dynasty, which governed Nepal for ten years. Under the reign of Gyanendra, who reigned twice despite not being a royal heir by birth, the monarchy came to an end. Before King Birendra&#39;s reign, the average Nepali could not have imagined a nation without a monarchy. The king was acting in a constitutional monarchy capacity in accordance with the settlement agreed with the people in 1990. King Birendra of the Shah dynasty was a learned man who had obtained.