King Henry V

This paper aims to explore the versatility of Shakespearean plays by analysing the fifth act in two very different productions of one and the same tragicomedy, namely Much Ado about Nothing. The two theatrical performances are Jeremy Herrin’s Much Ado about Nothing (2012) and Christopher Luscombe’s Love’s Labour’s Won, or Much Ado about Nothing (2015). The original text has a lot to offer in terms of both comical and tragic elements, and it is the use of the other sign systems in the specific performances which make one aspect or the other prevail.  Since only the linguistic signs remain from Shakespeare’s original work, the other sign systems must be created and adapted to the dialogue by the individual directors. Ultimately, this leads to great differences in the reception and overall atmosphere of the two performances, even though they depart from the same fundamental text. By using the theoretical framework for semiotic analysis provided by Erika Fischer-Lichte in The Semiotics of Theatre, this paper attempts to analyse specific scenes in the two adaptations, paying particular attention to the non-linguistic sign systems. These include visual elements, such as mimic and kinesic signs, as well as the actors’ appearance and the use of space and lighting, and acoustic elements, be they paralinguistic or musical signs. Ultimately, I wish to prove that, due to certain directorial choices, Jeremy Herrin’s adaptation is overall more comical, whereas Luscombe’s version veers towards the tragic.

This chapter approaches adaptation from a hermeneutic perspective, specifically from a post-structuralist hermeneutics of discourse informed by symbolic interactionism. The intertextual relationship between a cultural product (e.g. a play) and its screen adaptation(s) is analysed as a performative intervention on an existing discourse formation which includes both the original product or text and the discourses using it, originating it, deriving from it or surrounding it. This intervention amounts to both an interpretation and an appropriation of the original text. Like other intertextual modes (translations, critical readings), adaptations produce a retroactive transformation of the original, not in se, but rather as it is used and understood in specific contexts and instances of communicative interaction. These theoretical issues are explored with a special focus on Shakespearean film adaptations, more specifically on the major Henry V films, Laurence Kenneth Branagh's (1989), and their treatment of violence and war in a variety of contexts. A case for a 'resisting' approach to Shakespearean adaptation is put forward.

This paper examines the visit by Sigismund of Luxemburg, King of the Romans and King of Hungary, to England in the spring and early summer of 1416 in the course his travels in western Europe in the cause of peace-making and Church reform. It examines the challenges and opportunities that a visit by the ruler of the Empire presented for Henry V of England and his government, and how they responded, including the detailed provisions made for the king and his retinue. It also explores the perspectives of the visitors, via accounts from Sigismund's circle, to gain insight into their understanding of key events during the visit (such as Sigismund's investiture as a companion of the Garter). The paper argues that neither side fully understood the implications and consequences of the visit at the time, and that the memory in England of Sigismund's stay tended to shift and to be reinscribed over the course of the fifteenth century.

“Just a piece of cloth? How could that save anyone?” Many question the devotion surrounding the Brown Scapular, dismissing it as superstitious or lacking a historical foundation. This article looks at the historical and doctrinal bases for this sacramental.

Lord, how long?-Joan of Arc in George Bernard Shaw's play by the same name Joan of Arc is a name that's instantly recognisable to most. A controversial figure in her own day, she has remained so ever since, often being adopted as a talisman of French nationalism. But how much do we really know-or understand-about the young woman who ignited France's fightback against England during the Hundred Years' War, but who paid the ultimate price at the age of just 19 ? On 30 May 1431 she was burnt at the stake at the Old Marketplace in Rouen at the age of just 19. In death and martyrdom however, Joan would prove to be just as powerful. A Christ-like symbol of sacrifice and purity, she continued to inspire Frenchmen over the following decades as they finally expelled the English and ended the war in 1453.

Despite his early grave and the subsequent loss of the French territories, there can be no doubt that Henry V changed the course of British history, and he is rightly the stuff of national myth and legend. To all intents and purposes, even though Agincourt did not play out the way Shakespeare wrote it, we might even argue that it is still true, fact and fiction alchemically blending to form a new reality. Shakespeare’s Henry V, after all, wouldn’t be the first fictional character to change the world. That said, there is something satisfyingly random about the real Battle of Agincourt. It could all have been so different. I wonder if Henry ever acknowledged this to himself. It was not his military acumen, God’s will, or the heroism of his men that carried the day. It was blind luck.

Argues that Laurence Olivier's cinematic rendition of Henry V (1944) presents a powerful instance of filmic metatheater, popularizing genre among later postmodern dramatists and filmmakers. Notes anachronistic union of medieval aesthetics with modern trappings, arguing that Olivier taps into contemporary sensibilities by engaging his viewers across three different timelines -- 1) Present time (1940s) 2) Shakespeare’s time (1590s), and 3) King Henry V’s time (1410s) -- to generate a unified sense of patriotism and adventure in the wake of Allies’ invasion of Normandy during WWII.

Following the "intertextual turn" in adaptation studies, scholars of Shakespearean performance have embraced the interpretive possibilities offered by infidelity, focusing increasingly on the corrective potential of recent stagings and adaptations. Such productions are not primarily valuable as progressive rewrites, however. In claiming not to be "Shakespeare", these productions make testable claims about the nature of the Shakespearean playtext. In this paper, I examine two recent stage productions and one non-traditional film adaptation of Much Ado About Nothing: Kenny Leon's 2019 Public Theater production, Chris Abraham's 2023 Stratford Festival production, and Will Gluck's 2023 romantic comedy Anyone But You. All three performances are consciously unfaithful to Shakespeare's text or setting, and their revisions attend to making the characters' behavior more palatable for a contemporary liberal-progressive audience. Yet when we compare these revisions with the original playtext, Shakespeare's own views come into sharper relief, as does our own inclination to identify with characters that Shakespeare's immediate audience may have felt quite distanced from. I argue that in their drive to correct the play and make the characters more likable, these productions paper over Shakespeare's critique of the arbitrary construction-and violent enforcement-of social hierarchy. Drawing upon Jacques Derrida's notion of the parergon, I show that Shakespeare's deliberate narrative framing invites a more skeptical, disapproving understanding of his characters. My hope is that this discussion leads to an understanding of Much Ado About Nothing as a "problem play" rather than a "problematic" one.

Friar Matthew Grabow and the Devotio moderna at the Council of Constance A northern European tradition holds that the late medieval religious movement known as the Devotio moderna first arose during the closing decades of the fourteenth century along the IJssel River valley, where it had been founded by the university-trained, jurist-turned-church reformer, Geert Grote (1340-1384). From there the movement spread quickly across the Netherlands and eastward to regions of Germany, southward into modern-day Belgium, and even to Switzerland and Paris. Almost from the outset, the Devotio moderna encompassed two distinct, yet interrelated branches-one an offshoot of Augustinian Canons and Canonesses Regular centered, respectively, at Windesheim (near Zwolle) and Diepenveen (at Deventer), which would initiate and ultimately oversee the renowned Windesheim monastic reform movement across northern Europe; and the other comprised of houses of relatively small groups of priests, clerics, and laymen as well as laywomen living together and practicing a more informal communal religious mode of living, a status medius situated midway between laity and the professed religious clergy, by which they sought to live more devoutly without professing lifelong solemn vows. In time, groups of Modern Devout households under fire would band together for defensive purposes and adopt either the Franciscan tertiary rule (Chapter of Utrecht, organized in 1399) or the Rule of St. Augustine (Chapter of Sion, 1418). Additional groups of Modern Devout formed later to ward off attacks on their movement would include the colloquia of Zwolle and Münster, banding together, respectively, Dutch and German houses of the Modern Devout, and the Chapters of Cologne (1427, encompassing northwestern Germany) and Liège (1434, incorporating houses of the southern Low Countries), each patterned after the Chapter of Utrecht. Beyond this, the movement touched many more houses of other orders through the far-reaching Windesheim Observant Reform, which was applied in monasteries and, largely through the efforts and religious prose of the sisters of Diepenveen and its related convents, in sister houses across northern Germany and the Low Countries throughout the fifteenth century. 1

Wie weleens een Britse boekhandel binnenstapt, weet dat het uitkijken is om niet te struikelen over een stapel biografieën van royals. Van respectabele academici tot broodschrijvers, in Albion voelt menigeen vroeg of laat de neiging om zich te buigen over Tudors en Plantagenets, de Rozenoorlogen en de Honderdjarige Oorlog tussen Frankrijk en Engeland. Je kunt je dus de vraag stellen of er nood is aan nog een nieuw boek over Hendrik V.
Vast en zeker. Toch als je toevertrouwt aan een rasverteller als Dan Jones. Jones, die behalve publicaties over tempeliers en kruisvaarders al twee boeken over Hendriks illustere regeerperiode uitbracht, weet met deze biografie van begin tot einde te beklijven.

John Wyclif was a highly influential thinker of the Middle Ages. He played a crucial role in shaping the transition from medieval to modern thought. Wyclif not only challenged certain doctrines and institutions of the church for the Protestant Reformation; he was also known as the most prominent English philosopher of his time, making significant contributions to logic, ontology, and Metaphysics. Therefore, this paper will delve into Wyclif's early life, education, and significant contributions to philosophy and theology. Additionally, will examine his criticism of the church and his lasting influence on religious thought and reform movements. John Wyclif was born around 1330 in Yorkshire, England. He studied and taught at Oxford University for many years, and earned a Doctor of Divinity in 1372. 1 Wyclif's ideas about the Church and its wealth got him into trouble. In 1377, the Pope condemned 19 of his articles as heretics. Wyclif believed that the king should have more power than the Church and that the Church's teachings on the Eucharist were wrong. Many people, including some clergy and aristocrats, supported Wyclif's criticisms of the Church's abuses and wealth. However, he lost their support when he started questioning the Church's core teachings. In 1382, a council of theologians again condemned 24 of Wyclif's propositions as heretics, and

John Wyclif was a highly influential thinker of the Middle Ages. He played a crucial role in shaping the transition from medieval to modern thought. Wyclif not only challenged certain doctrines and institutions of the church for the Protestant Reformation; he was also known as the most prominent English philosopher of his time, making significant contributions to logic, ontology, and Metaphysics. Therefore, this paper will delve into Wyclif's early life, education, and significant contributions to philosophy and theology. Additionally, will examine his criticism of the church and his lasting influence on religious thought and reform movements. John Wyclif was born around 1330 in Yorkshire, England. He studied and taught at Oxford University for many years, and earned a Doctor of Divinity in 1372. 1 Wyclif's ideas about the Church and its wealth got him into trouble. In 1377, the Pope condemned 19 of his articles as heretics. Wyclif believed that the king should have more power than the Church and that the Church's teachings on the Eucharist were wrong. Many people, including some clergy and aristocrats, supported Wyclif's criticisms of the Church's abuses and wealth. However, he lost their support when he started questioning the Church's core teachings. In 1382, a council of theologians again condemned 24 of Wyclif's propositions as heretics, and

Friar Matthew Grabow and the Devotio moderna at the Council of Constance A northern European tradition holds that the late medieval religious movement known as the Devotio moderna first arose during the closing decades of the fourteenth century along the IJssel River valley, where it had been founded by the university-trained, jurist-turned-church reformer, Geert Grote (1340-1384). From there the movement spread quickly across the Netherlands and eastward to regions of Germany, southward into modern-day Belgium, and even to Switzerland and Paris. Almost from the outset, the Devotio moderna encompassed two distinct, yet interrelated branches-one an offshoot of Augustinian Canons and Canonesses Regular centered, respectively, at Windesheim (near Zwolle) and Diepenveen (at Deventer), which would initiate and ultimately oversee the renowned Windesheim monastic reform movement across northern Europe; and the other comprised of houses of relatively small groups of priests, clerics, and laymen as well as laywomen living together and practicing a more informal communal religious mode of living, a status medius situated midway between laity and the professed religious clergy, by which they sought to live more devoutly without professing lifelong solemn vows. In time, groups of Modern Devout households under fire would band together for defensive purposes and adopt either the Franciscan tertiary rule (Chapter of Utrecht, organized in 1399) or the Rule of St. Augustine (Chapter of Sion, 1418). Additional groups of Modern Devout formed later to ward off attacks on their movement would include the colloquia of Zwolle and Münster, banding together, respectively, Dutch and German houses of the Modern Devout, and the Chapters of Cologne (1427, encompassing northwestern Germany) and Liège (1434, incorporating houses of the southern Low Countries), each patterned after the Chapter of Utrecht. Beyond this, the movement touched many more houses of other orders through the far-reaching Windesheim Observant Reform, which was applied in monasteries and, largely through the efforts and religious prose of the sisters of Diepenveen and its related convents, in sister houses across northern Germany and the Low Countries throughout the fifteenth century. 1

The current research examines Stephen Greenblatt’s theories on the improvisation of power as well as tyranny in William Shakespeare’s second tetralogy to investigate the complex network of non-violent psychological domination of human being’s mind, by the manipulation of symbolic order through the stages of displacement and absorption. It examines how the Western psychic mobility and its embodiment in empathy and the improvisation of power affect the represented English society in the Medieval era and how the consequential power relationships impact on the ways of ruling the country. The improvisation of power deconstructs the vertical and hierarchical power relations and makes them more diagonal, horizontal or even upward. The represented Medieval English court is a dark labyrinth of conspiracy, intrigue, treason, and complicity. This duality roots in religious fundamentalism of Roman Catholic church. The tension between the two paradigms of court and church causes turbulence and chaos. The result is the absolute submission of the majority through the improvisation of power, which paves the ground for the Machiavellian minority to exert power and gratify their personal self-interest-driven plans, which are mostly tyrannical. Through the improvisation of power, the course of history could change.

The use of informed imagination can transport us sufficiently into the past to enable a refreshed re-evaluation of Shakespeare’s Henry V through the eyes and ears of early modern playgoers. The playwright fueled this imagination by familiarizing the audience with places and themes they recognized, encouraged their inner thoughts, awakened their memories and employed contemporary language. By these means, and the use of a chorus, he toyed with their expectations and made them participate fully in Henry V. This play should have been a popular play, coming eleven years after the defeat of the Spanish Armada, but was it?

Abstract

The aim of this master's dissertation was to explore the concept of morale as a weapon of medieval warfare.  While there has been much consideration given to the physical weapons on the battlefields of the Hundred Years War - both academically and in popular culture - much less attention has been given to weapons of warfare that are not physical objects such as swords and longbows.  The purpose of this research was to highlight the importance of positive morale during a long period of warfare that was comprised of numerous and varied battles, and also to argue that positive morale was not only important, but imperative. 
      The research methods adopted for this project consisted of the exploration of both physical and online copies of books, journal articles and academic papers and while there are references to morale on the battlefields of the Hundred Years War, there is very little – if any – discussion of morale being utilised as a weapon or battle tactic in its own right.  Therefore it was necessary to analyse the primary source accounts and secondary source discussions available, of the positive effects of good morale, and use that information to argue how and why positive morale was a crucial and an indispensable element of the medieval armoury.
    The findings of this study were that positive morale was undeniably an essential component of weaponry but furthermore, that positive morale was reliant upon, and the product of, a broad and varied set of circumstances. What also became apparent, as expected, was the substantial impact that positive morale had on an individual, army and national level and that the consequences of poor or absent morale were potentially catastrophic.

The paper discusses how proper names are used in Shakespeare's Richard II. Informed by linguistic and sociological theories of proper names, it argues that in Richard II Shakespeare makes an extensive use of names and make them reflect the political fluctuations and the power balance among the play's characters, especially Richard II.

Henry V has one of the most divisive critical histories in the Shakespeare canon. For the first two hundred years after being published it was seen as a patriotic celebration of King Henry V and his victory at Agincourt, but starting with William Hazlitt in 1817 numerous commentators have seen Henry as less than heroic, and in 1919 Gerald Gould made an astonishing claim that Shakespeare was actually being ironic in the play, that it is "a satire on monarchical government, on imperialism, on the baser kinds of 'patriotism', and on war." This observation has influenced much of the subsequent commentary on the play. Andrew Gurr, among others, has noted the crux of the divergent views relates to whether the play is seen staged (celebratory) versus read (cautionary and ironic). John Arden even called the ironic play a "secret play" within the text. This paper endorses the thesis there is a covert ironic play by showing two speeches where Shakespeare has poetic...

Henry V has one of the most divisive critical histories in the Shakespeare canon. For the first two hundred years after being published, it was seen as a patriotic celebration of the heroic warrior King Henry V and his victory at Agincourt. But in 1817 William Hazlitt made remarks critical of the King and several subsequent commentators interested in character analysis followed suit. In 1919 Gerald Gould made an astonishing claim that Shakespeare was actually being ironic in the play, that it is 'a satire on monarchical government, on imperialism, on the baser kinds of 'patriotism', and on war.' From that point on, many commentators have felt it necessary to approach the play relative to the antipodal views Gould had essentially initiated: in Henry V, is it Shakespeare's intent to present King Henry V as an exemplar, a mirror for other monarchs to emulate, and to glorify his incredibly improbable victory at Agincourt, or was Shakespeare being less than upfront wi...

The present paper aims to analyse the Machiavellian power strategy that Prince Hal, the new King Henry V, develops in Henry V in order to construct a legitimate self-image. We shall argue that Hal manages to become, by means of an extremely calculated technology of self-representation, the successful Machiavellian producer of his own hero-image. Shakespeare's play Henry IV ends with Prince Hal's cruel rejection of Falstaff, an act that has the function of rendering evident to the others Hal's complete and completed reformation. His juggling of identities and role-playing are nevertheless not brought to an end by his reformation. Actually, he is only shedding off one mask, that of the prodigal son, in order to put on another, that of "the ideal Christian ruler", the king who will redeem England. The first step in fulfilling this new role consists in choosing a new father and a new companion in the Lord Chief Justice, who embodies loyalty, justice and order, the antithesis to both his real father and to Falstaff. Having perfected his education in Machiavellian politics, Hal is now ready to develop a more complex and subtler power strategy based, however, on the same Machiavellian precepts. The present paper aims to analyse this new strategy which consists in the construction of a legitimate self-image, in evading the responsibility for any controversial decisions or violent acts. This plan is remarkably applied in Henry V, a play in which, according to critic Hugh Grady, Hal, the new King Henry V, manages to become, by means of an extremely calculated technology of self-representation the successful Machiavellian producer of his own hero-image. (Grady 217) A "Backstage" Machiavellian Plan Henry IV ends with the words of Hal's younger brother, Prince John of Lancaster, who forecasts the main event that is going to take place in the following play, Henry V, namely war with France: I will lay odds, that, ere this year expire, We bear our civil swords and native fire As far as France. I heard a bird so sing, Whose music, to my thinking, pleas'd the king. Come, will you hence? (5.5. 106-110

Type de publication: Article de collectif Collectif: Shakespeare et Cervantès, regards croisés Auteur: Rivere de Carles (Nathalie) Résumé: Cette contribution se penche sur deux pièces possédant un arrière-plan diplomatique véritable. Il s'agit donc d'observer le cadre diplomatique réaliste et les ambassadrices imaginaires d'une diplomatie conjugale dans la comédie hybride de Cervantès intitulée La Grande sultane Catalina de Oviedo et la tragicomédie de William Shakespeare, Le Conte d'hiver. Le but en sera de voir comment la modification des personnages dramatiques féminins par le trope diplomatique permet une réflexion le gouvernement et sur la parole diplomatique.

As guerras de conquista empreendidas por Luís XIV, na segunda metade do século XVII, traziam sérias consequências ao absolutismo na França. Além da intensificação da miséria já existente, despertava críticas na França e no estrangeiro. Sendo assim, em toda a sua trajetória como intelectual engajado ao serviço do absolutismo francês, Bossuet dedicou partes consideráveis de inúmeros de seus textos para defender a paz no reino.

Tradução e apresentação de Maria Emília Granduque José (Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita Filho, Franca/SP - Brasil). NAVARRA, Pedro de. Dialogo qual debe ser el chronista del principe. Materia de pocos aún tocada. Dirigidos al catolico Rey de España Don Phelipe de Austria segundo deste nombre. Toulouse: Casa de Jacobo Colomerio, impresor de la universidad, 1567.

No século XVI, a Espanha foi palco de uma série de escritos que visavam definir não apenas as regras que deveriam conduzir a escrita da história, mas também as qualidades esperadas de um bom cronista. Justificavam os autores dessas obras que a imagem de um reino e, consequentemente, de seu governante, construía-se a partir da história elaborada pelos letrados encarregados de registrar o passado. A partir do estudo dos Dialogos qual debe ser el chronista del principe, composto por Pedro de Navarra e publicado em 1565, a proposta desta apresentação crítica é interrogar como os letrados definiram o ofício do cronista e historiador na sociedade espanhola dessa época. Além dessa questão central, o texto tem como alvo apresentar a tradução comentada dos Dialogos qual debe ser el chronista del principe com o objetivo de guiar a análise sobre as funções atribuídas ao cronista do rei, bem como os requisitos necessários para o exercício desse ofício.

Through a close analysis of four plays by Shakespeare this thesis argues that the question of subjectivity ultimately comes to be negotiated around a structural impasse or certain points of opacity in each of the text's signifying practices. Challenging assumptions about the putatively "theatrical" contexts of Richard IlL Richard Il Hamlet and Antony and Cleol2atr , I argue that, to varying degrees, the specular economy of each play is in fact traversed by a radical alterity that constitutiyLly gives rise to a notion of subjectivity commonly referred to as "Shakespearean. " Elaborating upon the work of both Jacques Lacan and Jacques Derrida, I argue that "subjectivity" in the plays is, rather, the articulated confrontation with a non-dialectizable remainder that haunts each text from within. Crucially in this respect I relate each of the texts to Lacan's account of the "gaze" as a species of what he calls the object a: an alien kernel of jouissance exceeding all subjective mediation yet, paradoxically, also that which confers internal consistency both to subjectivity and to the very process of symbolization as such. I am, moreover, also concerned to read the work of Jacques Derrida as providing an illuminating context for how this incursion of alterity that he terms differance (what Lacan calls the Real) may be read as the unacknowledged support of subjectivity. The thesis concludes with a consideration of how this analysis of the Shakespearean object, rather than succumbing to the heady pleasures of an unfettered textuality, opens, ineluctably, onto a rethinking of the very category of the "political" itself.

In a text dealing with the relations between the building of the modern state and cultural manifestations, Roger Chartier states that the development of that kind of state, between the 13th and the 17th centuries, follows three different but convergent strategies: the order of discourse, the order of signs, the order of ceremonies. More than convergent, they are twined together in a complex texture the aim of which is 'rGt&er sa ltgitimitt, r&affirmer son ordre, rep&enter sa puissance'. ' Although it may be difficult, in conceptual terms, to dissociate these three orders, as Chartier stresses,2 it becomes neverthless instrumental to understand the contours of each one. The development of the modern State, its legitimation and the way such a legitimation is represented imply, among several other factors the image of the prince as head of the state. The building of that image is perhaps the best example of the conceptual impossibility of disarticulating the orders referred by Chartier. In fact, it is made up of multiple strategies which may be found either in the order of discourse, of signs, or of ceremonies, bringing about a 'grammar' which generating symbolic implications about the prince, make him a symbol and gradually an 'antonomasia' of the state.) This paper has mainly to do with the order of discourse, particularly, the discourse about the image of the perfect prince. This discourse about the ideal prince mainly manifests itself in the existence of a vast political, moral, pedagogic and normative literature written for the prince which, tracing its roots back to Antiquity and being shaped during the Middle Ages, still plays an important part in the 16th and 17th century Europe, while naturally showing its own specificities. We are here dealing with the so-called ad usum delphini literature, the aim of which is to build the image of the ideal prince, a paragon of moral virtue and good government. Implying a political, juridical and philosophical type of discourse, sometimes difficult to circumscribe,4 the mirrors for the prince render not only a pedagogic dimension but mainly a representation of the royal office such as it is being formulated and understood. Although written for and addressed to a particular prince, they become normative and doctrinal texts, as Lester Born5 stresses, while the presence and specificity of a particular addressee is frequently toned down in them. Referring to the Middle Ages (omitting a more specific reference to this literary genre in Classical Antiquity, where one can find authors such as Dion, Isocrates and Xenophon), leaving aside the isolated case of St Martin of Dume (500-580), author of two works considered to be the first 'treatises' on the education of princes in Christian Europe:

A preocupação com a forma narrativa na escrita da História teve bastante relevância em 1970, após as proposições de Hayden White no que ficou conhecido como giro linguístico. A crença de que as/os historiadoras/es constroem ou acessam um passado real foi questionada e forçou pesquisadoras/es da História a considerarem os documentos como textos, e não mais como fontes neutras de onde se obteria
a “verdade”. A força mediadora da linguagem na representação do passado, que enfatiza a impossibilidade do acesso direto aos acontecimentos e às pessoas do passado, teve peso considerável nos estudos sobre a Idade Média, nos recortes temáticos e na maneira de tratar as fontes. Partindo-se das análises do historiador Jaume Aurell, pretende-se mostrar como grande parte da historiografia medieval se aproxima da historiografia atual e nos ajuda a ampliar nossos objetos e metodologias.

The question “why war” was one which pre-occupied the humanists of the Renaissance, the philosophers of the Enlightenment, and poets, novelists and peace thinkers of the modern age from the early 19th century onwards. And it is a question which lies at the heart of the approach of any great writer or thinker to the intellectual and moral  challenge of peace and war.  Here in this paper, written in 2015 as the First World War's centenary was being debated, I consider Shakespeare's and Tolstoy's approach to peace and war

This chapter approaches adaptation from a hermeneutic perspective, specifically from a post-structuralist hermeneutics of discourse informed by symbolic interactionism. The intertextual relationship between a cultural product (e.g. a play) and its screen adaptation(s) is analysed as a performative intervention on an existing discourse formation which includes both the original product or text and the discourses using it, originating it, deriving from it or surrounding it. This intervention amounts to both an interpretation and an appropriation of the original text. Like other intertextual modes (translations, critical readings), adaptations produce a retroactive transformation of the original, not in se, but rather as it is used and understood in specific contexts and instances of communicative interaction. These theoretical issues are explored with a special focus on Shakespearean film adaptations, more specifically on the major Henry V films, Laurence Olivier's (1944) and Kenneth Branagh's (1989), and their treatment of violence and war in a variety of contexts. A case for a 'resisting' approach to Shakespearean adaptation is put forward.

A presente resenha tenciona abordar a O livro “O Deus da Idade Média: conversas com Jean-Luc Pouthier” que foi elaborado por Jacques Le Goff em formato de entrevista realizada com o redator-chefe da revista de história das religiões Le Monde de la Bible, e tem como objetivo iluminar a constituição do mundo divino dos cristãos da Europa Ocidental durante Idade Média. A concepção de Deus estabelecida no decorrer do diálogo mostra-se de importância ímpar, uma vez que representa o universo completo daquela sociedade, tão imersa e indissociável de seus conceitos espirituais.

O trabalho de BOURDIEU (1989) sobre o poder simbólico corresponde a uma das grandes obras sociológicas dos nossos tempos. Sua cosmovisão da sociedade bem como a qualidade meta-histórica de sua obra em muito vem contribuindo para o desenvolvimento das ciências humanas, inclusive a História, ciência que recebe do autor grande relevo. O presente artigo teve por objetivo aplicar o pensamento do sociólogo à clássica obra de Bloch (2018), “Os Reis Taumaturgos”. Buscou-se analisar os fatos narrados pelo historiador a partir da lente conceitual do sociólogo. Não foi nossa intenção questionar os dados trazidos pelo livro ou negar as inferências lá encontradas. Ao contrário, os fatos e inferências deduzidos por Marc Bloch foram utilizados para explicitar ao longo do artigo a teoria de Pierre Bourdieu.

This issue of the PJES brings five new papers:
E. M. Forster’s Last Love by Peter J Conradi
Redeeming Time: Henry V’s Transition from ‘Comedian’ to King by David Livingstone
Escaping the Women’s Sphere by Jana Valová
Principles of Mood Selection in Psalm 20: A Diachronic Study
on Psalm Translations from Old to Late Modern English by Kinga Lis
Scriptural content of the English medieval Book of Hours: Tracing textual
traditions of nine lessons from the Book of Job by Maja Hordyjewicz

For too long the Irish works of the medieval cleric and writer Gerald of Wales (c. 1146–1223) have dictated how the supposedly contemporary ‘English’ view of Ireland is portrayed in the historiography. This alleged view posits the Irish as primitive and uncivilised – traits that contemporary writers would have summed up with the use of the term barbarus. The historiography paints such denigratory attitudes as being representative of a clear departure from the more positive views that have come to be associated with early medieval opinion, epitomised by the idea of medieval Ireland as an ‘Island of Saints and Scholars’ or, as Ludwig Bieler described it, a ‘harbinger of the Middle Ages’. The dramatic change in attitudes of writers towards Ireland and its affairs in the twelfth century marked what John Gillingham defined as ‘one of the most fundamental ideological shifts in the history of the British Isles’. However, just how extensive was this ideological shift in the Latin chronicles and histories of early Plantagenet England? Did contemporary writers really view Ireland as an inherently backwards place inhabited by Christian barbarians? By utilising a comparative approach to examine contemporary Latin sources written during the first century or so of English Ireland, what emerges is a hodgepodge of contemporary depictions and attitudes that range from contempt for aspects of Irish life to sympathy for their colonial experiences to admiration for Ireland’s natural environment to more ambiguous and indeed indifferent views. Taken together, this material shows that Ireland, its people and its affairs were malleable constructs for contemporary writers seeking to understand and record for posterity a past, present and future for the inhabitants of early Plantagenet England.

A presente resenha tenciona abordar a O livro “O Deus da Idade Média: conversas com Jean-Luc Pouthier” que foi elaborado por Jacques Le Goff em formato de entrevista realizada com o redator-chefe da revista de história das religiões Le Monde de la Bible, e tem como objetivo iluminar a constituição do mundo divino dos cristãos da Europa Ocidental durante Idade Média. A concepção de Deus estabelecida no decorrer do diálogo mostra-se de importância ímpar, uma vez que representa o universo completo daquela sociedade, tão imersa e indissociável de seus conceitos espirituais.

In the course of the Hundred Years War, the English King Henry V changed
the traditional military tactic of destroying and plundering the enemy’s territories to the conquest and occupation of Normandy, which from 1415 to 1450 was under English rule. The paper analyses reactions of the Norman and Parisian chroniclers, Pierre Cochon and Michel Pintoin, as well as of the population of Normandy via exemplary studies of letters of remission. Although most Norman and French sources use a vocabulary of military ‚occupation‘, most Normans seem to have reacted in a rather pragmatic way to the change in rule: Most of all, they were interested in their own personal safety and wellbeing, no matter which king ensures this. However, as the English promise of safety and peace was not fulfilled, local unrest as well as resistance became rampant.

The issue of war is present in a number of Shakespeare’s works, one of them being Henry V. The figure of King Henry, his motivations to go to war, and his behavior in the battlefield are among some of the elements that can be explored in theatrical and filmic productions. The aim of this article is to cinematically analyze the film adaptationof the play, directed by Kenneth Branagh in 1989, more specifically the portrayal of the complex figure of King Henry, as well as how war, violence, and their consequences arevisually presented, mostly focusing on the battle of Agincourt.

À la veille de la guerre de Cent Ans, le port d’Harfleur, situé dans l’estuaire de la Seine, est l’un des plus prospères du Royaume. Il joue sur la Manche le rôle de La Rochelle sur l’Océan et d’Aigues-Mortes sur la Méditerranée. Dans la seconde décennie du XVeme siècle, il fait l'objet d'une lutte acharnée entre Français et Anglais.

A grande maioria dos brasileiros continua prisioneira do preconceito forjado pelos historiadores liberais do século XIX, que definiam a Idade Média como um "período de trevas". É preciso soterrar, de vez, equívoco tão grosseiro. O Medievo não significa somente a fundação da Europa em suas bases cristã e romana. No bojo da Idade Média gerou-se o mundo moderno. Lá, com Ockham, Oresme e outros, surgiram os fundamentos da ciência contemporânea, como tão claramente comprovou Pierre Duhem. Ao chamarem de obscurantista a Idade Média, os historiadores liberais a ela opuseram o grande clarão do Renascimento. Ao fazê-lo, esqueceram duas coisas: os inúmeros proto-renascimentos que ocorreram durante o Medievo, e o fato de que os homens geniais da Renascença formaram-se no chamado Baixo Medievo. E mais: esqueceram a revivescência dos sentimentos religiosos no Quatrocento, e ainda, que a Renascença não começou com os humanistas e Petrarca, mas com Francisco de Assis. E mais: que o Medievo foi uma eclosão contínua de Renascenças: a Carolíngia, a do Século XII, a Franciscana, a Otoniana, a Escolástica, a Nominalista. Duas Renascenças assinalaram o início da Idade Média: a Carolíngia, no século IX, que promoveu a latinização dos povos germânicos e sua conquista espiritual pela Igreja Católica, e a do Século XII, quando se dá, nos conventos, a ressurreição dos estudos clássicos, fonte do humanismo europeu. Precedendo uma outra Renascença medieval -a da Escolástica, já referida -, ocorre com a Patrística o encontro do Cristianismo com o mundo. Esse encontro foi preparado pelos padres gregos, sobretudo Clemente e Orígenes. É o momento da maturidade do platonismo, que ilumina toda a Idade Média. Como pode um período tão rico em fatos culturais, que modelaram a fisionomia do Ocidente, ser chamado de "época das trevas"? É claro que a civilização medieval foi uma civilização eminentemente religiosa, mas não divorciou o homem da terra. Ela, a terra, se transformou em sua oficina. Explodiram as invenções: a do arado, a do moinho d'água e do moinho de vento, a dos teares etc. Se a atividade rural continuou sendo a base de tudo, um insurgente artesanato provocou um movimento de urbanização. Com o nascimento das cidades aceleraram-se as trocas, desenvolveu-se o comércio. Delinearam-se as bases de uma economia monetária. Não há erro em dizer que no século XII estabeleceram-se princípios econômicos que ainda hoje regem a nossa civilização. Mas, quando se inicia a Idade Média? Suas origens datam do final do Império Romano (começo do século V) e sua vigência histórica estende-se até o século XVI, quando se instaura a grande Renascença Italiana, que ela preparou. O Convento e o Castelo são os seus emblemas, mas o maior de todos é a catedral gótica, que parecia procurar abolir as fronteiras entre o finito e o infinito. Erwin Panofsky, o extraordinário historiador da arte, formado na escola de Warburg, e que fundou uma nova disciplina -a história da produção das imagens -, viu no gótico a trasladação estética da Escolástica. Sociedade densamente hierarquizada, a Idade Média foi, por isso mesmo, cenário de revoltas sociais contínuas que têm o seu paradigma na Jacquérie, em que os camponeses oprimidos tentaram quebrar os grilhões do feudalismo assassinando os seus senhores, violando suas mulheres. A de 1358 foi seguramente a mais sangrenta de todas as revoltas sociais do século XIV. Se o cenário social alberga insurreições camponesas, há no pólo oposto talvez a maior criação humana medieval: a Universidade, que surge em Praga,

Death was a frequent occurrence in Shakespeare's plays. Copious blood and violence appealed to Tudor audiences. Seventy-five deaths occurred in total, two thirds were violent, but twenty-eight were not violent from a variety of other natural causes. These deaths are analyzed in this article from the diagnostic perspective of twenty-first century pathophysiology.

https://journals.shu.ac.uk/index.php/EMLS/issue/view/20

On his deathbed, Giacomo Attendolo Sforza reputedly told his son Francesco: 'If you have three enemies: make peace with the first, broker a truce with the second, and attack and destroy the third'. Often ignored due to that betweenness illustrated by Sforza's rhetoric, truce is an essential feature of the conduct of military and political affairs. Relying on examples taken from Plutarch, Cicero, Livy, and recent history, early modern political thinkers referred to or investigated truce, its legal shape, political and even ethical ramifications. The early modern discussion differs from The Peace and Truce of God movement as it does not officially issue socially structuring measures. The movement that lasted between the tenth and thirteenth centuries and officially aimed to limit the use of violence, protect the defenceless and curtail the development of private wars. 2 The religious aspect, as seen in this collection of essays (Mathieu, Reid, Lafont), remained an important part of early modern truces. Yet the discussions were increasingly secularised. As shown in several articles (Daniel, Rivere de Carles, Gonzalez and Hampton), the literature of and about truce flourished in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, but it was more...