More so than other regions within the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland’s deep-seated religious traditions, Catholic and Protestant alike, have shaped the roles and structures of both the public and private lives of men and women. Within...
moreMore so than other regions within the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland’s deep-seated religious traditions, Catholic and Protestant alike, have shaped the roles and structures of both the public and private lives of men and women. Within the legal and political spheres, both religions (and governments) find common ground on issues such as abortion and contraception, which is evidenced in the strict controls placed on abortion in Northern Ireland (the only region in the UK to have such limits) and the late arrival of legal contraception in the Republic of Ireland, where it also remains illegal to perform abortions, and until recently to even disseminate information on obtaining an abortion. In addition, reforms to domestic violence legislation in Northern Ireland in 1980 was applicable to “married couples only and not to cohabitees, since the latter ‘chose to live in sin they would have to face the consequences’”, though this legislation was subsequently amended to include those women cohabitating with their partners (McWilliams in Hughes, 83). In essence, such laws place a woman’s bodily and reproductive rights second to men’s, a legal status that echoes the domestic reality of many Northern Irish homes. While the rest of the UK was moving forward (the Abortion Act was passed in 1967 and the workplace became more female-friendly with the Equal Pay Act of 1970 and the Sex Discrimination Act of 1975), Northern Ireland lagged behind with regards to prioritizing issues concerning women. While similar legislation was passed in Northern Ireland soon after the British originals (with the aforementioned exception of the Abortion Act), the sectarian nature of the Troubles meant that “[s]ubsequent legislation in the field of employment rights has shifted the emphasis to tackling religious and political discrimination”, rather than gender discrimination (Mahon and Morgan in Galligan et.al, 61). Such legislation perhaps further discouraged working-class women from speaking out for their own rights, as it would have significantly affected their working-class male counterparts. Thus, the struggle simply to gain an active role in the male-dominated political process has meant that raising women’s concerns is often postponed or avoided: for example, the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition (NIWC) put such issues as abortion on the backburner, seeing their priority as solely “woman’s participation, and campaigning on reproductive choice would not have contributed strategically to that end” (Fearon 27). The odds have surely been stacked against the women of the province.
Following from this, my paper will consider the policing of women by men within the home and the workplace, as well as the policing of women by other women, in three plays by Gary Mitchell: As the Beast Sleeps, The Force of Change, and Loyal Women. Within these plays, it is evident that Mitchell ultimately reflects distinct and separate spheres for men and women in his drama, as gendered space exists both within and without of the home. There also exists an underlying desire, on behalf of the male characters, to keep the women confined to the private, domestic sphere, rather than the public, political sphere. Within the home of Kyle and Sandra in As the Beast Sleeps, Sandra reigns supreme, though she is firmly excluded from the paramilitary undertakings of her husband; in the Antrim Road Police Station, the setting of The Force of Change, Caroline comes up against one obstacle after another as she tries to navigate her male-dominated workplace and maintain order in her own home; while in Loyal Women, the Women’s UDA is shown to have no autonomy from its father organization, and wind up perpetuating violence against their own at the behest of men. But although these women are constantly met with challenges from male, as well as female, characters, they remain determined, strong, and resilient. Indeed, when considering the majority of female characters in Gary Mitchell’s plays, it is hard to imagine that he “‘found it hard to take women seriously. […] I took years fighting against it in my own psyche, this thing of not respecting women’” (quoted in McKay, 117). If anything, the women in Mitchell’s plays are more deserving of respect than the men, as they constitute some of the strongest characters in his oeuvre.
Works Cited
Fearon, Kate. Women’s Work: The Story of the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition. Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1999.
Galligan, Yvonne, Eilís Ward and Rick Wilford, eds. Contesting Politics: Women in Ireland, North and South. Oxford: Westview Press, 1999.
Hughes, Eamonn, ed. Culture and Politics in Northern Ireland: 1960-1990. Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1991.
McKay, Susan. Northern Protestants: An Unsettled People. Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 2005.