Iranian Modern History

This paper reviews the historical events relevant to the rise and fall of Reza Shah the Great, and then examines the allegations of financial misconduct against him—particularly the myth of the “44,000 villages,” a piece of propaganda circulated by the British Empire in collaboration with landlords and religious bodies within Iran.

Investigating ghosts within the magical-realist Palestinian literature opens numerous portals to the past and the future - an experience embedded in Palestinian collective memory and experiences. Palestinian ghosts emerge from Palestinians’ martyred bodies and return or ‘infiltrate’ back to Palestine. In Palestinian novels, when ghosts reunite with their living kin who make space for them, they play essential roles in fueling the steadfastness of the living while preserving and holding space for their memories of the past and their hopes for a liberated future. This talk will trace and expand on these instances within a selection of Palestinian and other works from the Global South. It will propose reframing and rethinking traditional Palestinian tropes, such as martyrdom and Palestinian connection to the land, through ghosts. It will also investigate the repercussions of Palestinian ghosts’ lingering in third or in-between spaces.

Despite geographical distance, Polish and Iranian cultures share not only Indo-European origins but also similar recent historical and literary experiences. These areas of cultural proximity can occasionally enrich the repertoire of strategies available in translation. Given the general tendency towards exoticisation when translating Persian texts into Polish, careful consideration of shared cultural notions, as well as the limited inscription of domestic ideas (in Lawrence Venuti's terms), emerges as a particularly valid direction for study. Drawing on methodology of translation studies, this article analyses strategies for translating a lengthy poem by the prominent Iranian modern poet Foruq Farroxzād, Oh, Land Full of Tre-asures… (Ey marz-e por-gowhar…). By comparing this social satire-written in Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's Iran-with its Polish counterparts from the communist and pre-WWII eras, as well as its English and Italian translations, the author highlights commonly unrecognized cultural and historical similarities that facilitate the straightforward translation of humour and satiric allusions between Persian and Polish. This comparison demonstrates that the Polish literary idiom is fully capable of providing satisfactory equivalents for terms reflecting such aspects of the second Pahlavi reign as bureaucracy, ideologized language, corruption, and censorship. Moreover, the longing for past glory and the hypocrisy mocked by Farroxzād in Iranians are national flaws often referenced by her Polish counterparts.

На развалинахъ девнято Мерва. (Изъ путевыхъ записокъ). Наши азіатскія окраины привлекаютъ къ себѣ вниманіе какъ въ Россіи, такъ и за границей. И это настолько понятно, что нѣтъ надобности указывать причины... Наиболѣе интересной окраиной представляется Закаспійская область. Достаточно припомнить хотя бы тѣ вопли, которые подняли англійскія газеты въ дни скобелевской экспедиціи на Геокъ-Тепе, и потомъ послѣ занятія русскими войсками Мерва, чтобы понять все значеніе для насъ пустынь и степей Закаспійскаго края. Если сопоставить съ этимъ послѣднія и самыя недавнія нападки «властителей Индіи» на наше правительство за предположенную имъ постройку желѣзной дороги изъ Мерва на Кушкинскій постъ («и на Гератъ» -добавляютъ англійскія газеты), то важность ихъ пріобрѣтенія окалсется и для насъ внѣ всякихъ сомнѣній, -при всемъ нежеланіи Россіи принимать на себя тѣ задачи и цѣли, которыя такъ предусмотрительно старается навязать и разъяснить ей благожелательная сосѣдка. Не задаваясь непосильной задачей всесторонняго обозрѣнія Закаспійской области, -я остановлюсь на блестящемъ прошломъ Мервскаго оазиса, и на одномъ изъ первыхъ нашихъ начинаній въ краѣ, которому нельзя не пожелать отъ души самаго полнаго успѣхаа именно, Мургабскомъ государевомъ имѣніи, возникшемъ какъ разъ на томъ мѣетѣ, гдѣ процвѣталъ древній Мервъ, «Душа царская», какъ называли Мервъ въ VII и послѣдующихъ вѣкахъ. Русскій Вѣстникъ. I. Исторія Мервскаго оазиса. Старый и Новый Мервы.-Древность Стараго Мерва -Его высокая культура при арабахъ и сельджукахъ. -Разгромъ мовголами и паденіе. -Новый Мервъ. -Основапіе Мургабскаго имѣнія и его оросительной системы. Немного найдется на свѣтѣ мѣстностей, которыя могли бы поспорить съ Мервомъ своей древностью, а равно превратностью историческихъ судебъ и величіемъ славы въ дни процвѣтанія. Но чтобы не породить недоразумѣній, я должевъ теперь же оговориться и попросить читателя отнюдь не смѣшивать въ своемъ представленіи Стараго Мерва, о которомъ пойдетъ рѣчь далѣе, съ Мервомъ Новымъ, присоединившимся къ Россіи въ 1884 году и продолжающимъ существовать и теперыт, конечно, въ несравненно лучшемъ видѣ, чѣмъ при текинцахъ. Между тѣмъ и друіимъ городами нѣтъ ничего общаго. Начать съ того, что Старый Мервъ уже около ста лѣтъ прекратить свое существованіе, да и находился онъ не тамъ, гдѣ лежитъ одноименный русскій городъ, а верстахъ въ 25-ти на востокъ, подлѣ нынѣшней желѣзнодорожной станціи Байрамъ-Али. Онъ гремѣлъ славой и былъ средоточіемъ культуры въ то время, когда не только о Новомъ Мервѣ, но даже о самихъ основателяхъ еготекинцахъ, не было и помину въ средне -азіатскихъ степяхъ, а нынѣшняя владычица Закаспійской областивеликая Российская Имперія еще и не начинала своей исторической жизни. Исторія его восходитъ къ отдаленнѣйшимъ, прямо баснословнымъ временамъ. Подъ именемъ Моуру о немъ говорятъ уже священныя книги персовъ, называющія его третьимъ мѣстомъ изобилія, могучимъ, священнымъ и чистымъ, созданнымъ свѣтлымъ богомъ Ормуздомъ для своего собственнаго жительства (первыми двумя мѣстами изобилія были Балхъ и Гератъ). Страбонъ говоритъ о немъ, какъ объ изобильнѣйшемъ мѣстѣ, охваченномъ со всѣхъ сторонъ пустыней, и настолько производительномъ, что Антіохъ Сотеръ обвелъ его стѣной и основалъ въ центрѣ городъ, назвавъ его своимъ именемъ. Другіе дрёвніе географы называютъ строителемъ его Двурогаго (Александра-Македонскаго), а цитадели-Тахмураса, «ловца На развалннахъ древняго Мерва 123 злыхъ духовъ». Но такъ какъ нѣтъ твердыхъ данпыхъ, удостовѣряющихъ пребываніе знаменитаго завоевателя въ Мервскомь оазисѣ, то предполол;еніе это необходимо отнести къ числу легендъ ] ). Передъ нашей эрой Маргіана (Мервскій оазисъ) подчинился парѳанской династіи Арсакидовъ, при которой въ его предѣлахъ поселено было до 10.000 римлянъ, принесшихъ въ оазисъ свою культуру. Эту культуру поддерживало владычество персовъ (съ ВТ в. по Р. X.) и особенно арабовъ (съ VII в.). Въ IV в. въ Мервѣ появились христіане (яесторіане), имѣвшіе здѣсь въ течете трехъ вѣковъ свою епископію. Болѣе точныя свѣдѣнія о прошломъ Мерва начинаются съ VII вѣка, т. е. до того времени, когда городъ вмѣстѣ съ своею областью подчинился добровольно арабамъ, принесшимъ въ него свою богатую культуру. Они присоединили Маргіану къ Хорасану 2 ) и избрали . его базисомъ для дальнѣйшаго распространенія ученія ислама въ глубь Азіи, что давало особенное значеніе Мерву. При халифѣ Аль-Мамунѣ, сынѣ знаменитаго Гарунъ-аль-Рашида, Мервъ сталъ на короткое время столицей Аббасидской династіи и достигъ большой степени нроцвѣтанія. Съ тѣхъ поръ его стали звать Мервъ-Шахджанъ (Царская душа) или даже Мервъ-ПІахджеханъ (Царь Міра). Многіе тогдашніе путешественники говорятъ о немъ и съ восторгомъ отзываются о разныхъ сторонахъ его жизни. Такъ, одинъ изъ путешественниковъ X вѣка называетъ его однимъ изъ лучшихъ городовъ Хорасана, славящимся прекраснѣйшимъ хлѣбомъ, сухими фруктами, великолѣпными дынями, вывозимыми въ мѣдныхъ котлахъ ко двору халифовъ, и лучшими на всемъ востокѣ шелковыми тканями. «Своею чистотою, красотой расположенія, планировкою зданій и кварталовъ между каналовъ и древесныхъ насаждепій, обособленностью разныхъ ремесленниковъ на базарѣ Мервъ превосходитъ прочіе города Хорасана», говоритъ онъ. Другой писатель (Мукадаси) подробно разсказываетъ о прекрасномъ распредѣленіи воды по всему пространству города, объ умѣломъ устройствѣ оросительной плотины на Мургабѣ, а, опи-') Вопреки этому, на Мервскихъ развадинахъ указывають калу (крѣпость), будто бы основанную Алексапдромъ Македонсішмъ. 2 ) Сѣверо-восточная н одна пзъ богатѣйшихъ провннцій нынѣіиней Персіп. Русскій Вѣстникъ. сывая Мервъ, говоритъ о немъ, какъ о столицѣ, процвѣтающей, блестящей, просторной и обладающей здоровыМъ климатомъ. «Не спрашивай, добавляетъ онъ, о баняхъ Мерва, о кушаньѣ харисо г ), о хлѣбѣ, объ умѣ, о мужествѣ жителей, ибо они извѣстны; но спроси о водѣ ихъ. о заработкѣ ихъ и о добродѣтеляхъ, -такъ какъ они хромаютъ; и спроси о хитрости ихъ и о смутахъ: у меня объ этомъ списокъ, извѣстный, вѣрный, написанный чистымъ арабскимъ языкомъ: я правдивъ, я не изъ тѣхъ, которые ѣдятъ лепешку посредствомъ своего знанія (продаютъ знаніе). Я стремлюсь къ раю и желаю отвѣтить на благосклонный призывъ неба. Такъ, Мервъ былъ бы превосходнымъ городомъ, если бы въ немъ не было мало населенія...> Уже при арабахъ Мервъ пользовался широкой извѣстностью и былъ средоточіемъ наукъ и искусствъ. Въ немъ находились знаменитыя школы, библиотеки, обсерваторіи. Но при сельджукахъ (съ XI вѣка) онъ достигаетъ кульминаціоннаго пункта своего развитія. При нихъ становится столицей обширной империя, обстраивается громадными мечетями, дворцами, училищами, собираетъ въ своихъ предѣлахъ громадное населеніе и становится богатымъ торговымъ городомъ, въ которомъ сходились караванные пути изъ Европы, Индіи, Персіи и Китая. Изъ государей Сельджукской династіи особенно заботился о Мервѣ знаменитый султанъ Санджаръ 2 ), второй Александръ Македонские Средней Азіи, собравшій въ стѣнахъ своей столицы громадныя богатства и въ ней же похороненный въ великолѣпномъ мавзолеѣ, сохранившемся до нашихъ дней. Но вотъ въ началѣ ХШ вѣка проходитъ по Азіи всесокрушающей потокъ монголовъ, соединившихся подъ властью Чингизъ-хана Потокъ этотъ прошелъ черезъ Персію и Кавказъ и на своемъ пути срылъ и уничтолшлъ гордый Мервъ -«Царя Міра». Одинъ изъ современныхъ писателей говоритъ, описывая этотъ погромъ, что « человѣчество никогда не видало отъ сотворенія міра и, навѣрное, никогда не увидитъ болѣе подобныхъ катастрофъ и бѣдствій. Самъ антихристъ щадитъ тѣхъ, кто пристаетъ къ нему, и губитъ однихъ сопротивляющихся. Эти же варвары не щадили никого: они убивали всѣхъ до послѣдняго человѣка, не дѣлая исключенія для женщинъ и дѣтей и далее для тѣхъ, кто еще былъ въ утробѣ матери...» ') Толченая пшеница съ рубленымъ мясомъ. ?) Умеръ въ 1157 году.

This study examines the diaries of a young Iranian girl from 1938 to 1951, covering her development from adolescence to adulthood. Born into a middle-class family in Tehran, Guity Afrouz had an open-minded father and a traditional mother. She maintained her diaries in four notebooks at various intervals. In them, she discusses her inner conflict between her passionate, lively father and her traditional, later disabled mother. Additionally, she makes frequent references to new recreational spaces, such as café and cinemas, and the new hobbies of the middle-class youth of that time, as well as the relationships between friends and young people.
In her third notebook, she provides a detailed account of her first experience of traveling to Europe in the aftermath of World War II, offering a description of some of the places in Europe from the perspective of a young Iranian woman. The significance of this study lies in its unveiling
of the daily life of a new middle-class family in Tehran during the first half of the 20th century, in the period of the Reza Shah and the early years of the reign of his son, Mohammad Reza Shah, as seen through the eyes of a  young girl. This perspective provides insights that may add to those accounts of men and few women who have previously recounted their memoirs from this era in books, interviews, and films.

İran, M.Ö. 3000’li yıllara kadar uzanan kadim bir medeniyete sahiptir. Sahip olduğu bu medeniyet, bin yıllarca bölgede etkisini göstermiş, zaman zaman istilacı güçler tarafından yok edilme tehlikesiyle karsı karsıya gelse dahi, istilacıları kültürel ve dini olarak asimile etmeyi başarmıştır. Tarihi boyunca her zaman kendisi gibi yasayan İran, kendine has devlet sistemi ve dinleri ile varlığını sürdürmüş, dış dünyadan gelen değerleri reddetmiştir.
İslam dininin Arap toprakları üzerinde doğuşu, İran medeniyetinin bu geleneksel yapısında ilk defa bir kırılmaya yol açmıştır. Sasaniler’in yok olmaya yüz tutmuş bir dönemde olması, İslam’ın İran topraklarına girmesini hızlandırmış, İran’ın ilk defa kendisinden olmayan bir dini benimsemesini sağlamıştır. Safeviler ile başlayan Şii merkezli devlet yapısı günümüze kadar etkisini sürdürmektedir. 16. yüzyılda başlayan ve 20. Yüzyıla kadar devam eden Şii-Türk hâkimiyeti Pehlevilerle birlikte Şii-Fars hâkimiyetine dönüşmüş, bu dört asırlık süre zarfında etnik ve dini unsurlar devlet yönetimini ziyadesiyle etkilemiştir. Dini değerlerin İran’a etki eden son örneği ise İslam Devrimidir. İslam Devrimi ile İran, değer yargılarından uzaklaşmış yönetimini ve dış mihrakların ülke üzerinde kurduğu hâkimiyeti bir kez daha reddederek 20. yüzyılın en büyük devrimlerinden birine imzasını atmıştır.
1979’da Batı dünyasına başkaldıran rejim, devrimin ardından pragmatik politikalar sayesinde ayakta durabilmektedir. Jeopolitik konumu ve nükleer enerji faaliyetleriyle Batı dünyasının çıkarlarına tehdit oluşturan İran, bölgedeki diğer ülkelerin aksine, en yumuşak karnı olan etnik çeşitliliğiyle vurulmaya çalışılmaktadır. Modern dünyaya uyum sağlamakta direnen İran’ın, bugün en büyük sorunu, yine kültürel saldırılardır. 21. Yüzyıl dünyasında İran, bir kez daha gelenekselcilik ile modernite arasında sıkışmış durumdadır.

پس از جنگ دوازده روزه که اسرائیل آغازگر آن بود؛ و با میانجی قراردادن آمریکا از سوی اسرائیل، و با شکست اسرائیل به پایان رسید، مردم و تحلیلگران ایران و جهان که مخالف جمهوری اسلامی بودند، به دو دسته تقسیم شدند؛ و این در حالی بود که تا پیش از این رخداد، تقریباً همه مخالفان، نابودی ج.ا. را می‌خواستند، به هر وسیله ای، حتا با کمک یک نیروی خارجی، همچون آمریکا یا دست کم، اسرائیل

This study examines the role of Ottoman corsairs in maritime expansion and the slave trade during the reigns of Bayezid II and Selim I. Ottoman historiography has prioritized land-based expansion, often neglecting the significant maritime policies and developments that shaped the empire's naval power. By integrating corsairs into their naval organization, the Ottomans established a mutually beneficial relationship that helped address their growing need for slaves, which were essential to Ottoman society and state functions. Corsair activities, supported by the Ottoman state, became a key mechanism for supplying slaves to the empire, especially during periods of peace when conventional sources, such as prisoners of war, were insufficient. Operating in the Mediterranean, corsairs captured individuals from North Africa and southern Europe, funneling them into Ottoman slave markets. The profits and prestige associated with slave trafficking made corsairing a lucrative enterprise, contributing significantly to the empire's economic and social structures. The study highlights key figures like Kemal Reis and Barbaros Hayreddin Paşa, whose efforts not only strengthened Ottoman naval capabilities but also expanded the empire's influence in the Mediterranean. Corsairs played a dual role as warriors and intermediaries, facilitating Ottoman conquests and rescuing oppressed Muslim communities like the Moriscos. Through primary sources, this research challenges traditional narratives, emphasizing the intertwined nature of Ottoman naval policies, slavery, and corsair activities. It calls for a reassessment of Ottoman maritime history, highlighting the critical contributions of corsairs to the empire's expansion and economy.

The Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA) signed between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan on September 17, 2025, represents a significant shift in Middle Eastern security dynamics, formalizing a long-standing collaboration into a binding framework akin to NATO's Article 5 collective defence clause. This pact obligates both nations to consider any aggression directed at one as an attack on the other, thereby solidifying their military partnership amidst a backdrop of diminishing U.S. security guarantees and rising regional instability, particularly from Houthi activities and escalating tensions with Israel.

Introduction
The main activity of people in the Sistan region is agriculture and animal husbandry, which due to the drought and the unavailability of surface water and the intermittent flow of water in the Sistan River, the digging of irrigation wells has expanded in this area. The Sistan River continues of Afghanistan's Helmand River, which passes through agricultural and urban areas. Therefore, it is possible that some kinds of pollutants, especially heavy metals, can come from different sources. On the other hand, after entering the Sistan Plain, the river affects the water level of wells along the river. Therefore, in case of contamination, it may increase the concentration of heavy metals in wells. However, until now, the concentration of heavy metals in the water wells has not been investigated and only the salinity factor has been considered from the point of view of water quality. The quality of drinking water is associated with the concentration of physicochemical compounds such as nitrate, phosphate, various anions and cations, and organic and inorganic pollutants such as heavy metals. Drinking water contaminated with metals is turning into a primary health concern for human health care. Therefore, surveying the quality of water can be helpful in management. The aim of this study is to investigate the concentration of heavy metals in the wells along the Sistan River, in order to ensure the quality of water for agriculture, husbandry, and human consumption.

Materials and Methods
In this research, in order to ensure the appropriate quality of water in terms of the concentration of heavy metals and also the possible effect of EC and pH factors on their changes, the concentration of some elements and factors were mentioned in the water samples of 26 active wells. The samples were collected along the Sistan River (with a maximum distance of 1000 meters buffer zone) from the border point to the entrance to Hamoun Hirmand (Afzal-Abad branch, Lorg Bagh and Khwaje mountain) from January to March 2022. According to the investigation of the Afzal-Abad branch and the absence of wells, no samples were obtained from this section. At the same time as the sampling, the characteristics of the well, such as the year of establishment and the type of water usage were recorded. Sampling was done in three repetitions and during sampling pH, EC, TDS, and salinity variables were measured by a portable calibrated device and recorded three times. The collected samples were transferred to the laboratory in order to measure heavy metals in sterilized frosted glass containers. The standard method of the American Public Health Association (APHA) was used to measure each of the considered factors. After the preparation of samples, the concentration of heavy metals was measured with ICP. The obtained results were zoned using the normal kriging and co-kriging methods based on the selected model resulting from the prediction standard error. Geostatistical kriging methods (such as simple kriging, normal kriging, and co-kriging) were used for interpolation of heavy metals distribution. In the semi-variable analysis, the variability of the factors with respect to the spatial distance was organized by different linear, spherical, etc. functions using ArcGIS software.

Results and Discussion
The average amount of pH was measured at 8.31. The concentrations of salinity and TDS were 3.74 and 4.62 g l-1, respectively. EC value was also measured as 6322 µS/cm. The average concentration of Cr, Fe, Ni, Cu, Zn, and Pb was also obtained at 2.64, 124, 10, 5.9, 33, 17, 1.43, and 2.79 µg l-1 respectively. The trend of elements obtained Fe>Zn>Ni>Cu>Pb>Cr>Cd. The results indicated a low concentration of Cd, Ni, Cr, Cu, Fe, and Zn While Pb concentration was higher than the standard. The low concentration of the mentioned elements is due to the alkaline pH of water, which acts as a buffer and causes the elements to become insoluble and precipitate. Some dangerous elements such as mercury could not be measured due to their low concentration. The amount of salinity and EC factors also showed that the well water is not suitable for agriculture and livestock. The result of element zoning also showed that the concentration of metals increases from the border towards the lake. According to the age of the wells, it can be said that the reason for the decrease in the concentration of metals is due to the longer life of the wells and the chance of water mixing during the Sistan River water harvesting.

Conclusion
The result showed that the concentration of metals, except lead, is lower than the standard value. The low concentration of elements may be due to the alkaline condition of water, which acts as a buffer and causes the insoluble and finally precipitate. Or it can be due to the lower concentration in the bedrock, which can be obtained by surveying the geology of the bed of the wells. The variation in metal concentration among the sampling sites may be due to the age of the well. So up to the Sistan dam, where the wells are older, the concentration of elements is lower. It may be due to river flow, which can cause dilution of metals in wells during high water season. According to the amount of salinity and EC, irrigation with water can cause a quality decrease of soil that leads to loss of cultivated area. Moreover, the fact that water is not suitable for livestock and alternative sources should be introduced.

During the Soviet era, the works of 55 contemporary Iranian
authors were translated into Russian and published in the
Soviet Union. Prefaces and afterwords, usually written by Iran
scholars, provided the Soviet reading audience with a paradigm
for perceiving the translated novels and short stories. This paper
aims to offer an analytical survey of the history of the translation of
modern Iranian fiction into Russian and to trace the major trends
in the representation of the translated works. The thematic range
of translated works correlated with the domestic political agenda
and the changes in Soviet-Iranian relations, as well as with the
current state of Soviet Iranian Studies. The influence of personal
tastes and connections of certain Iran scholars engaged in the
process of translation can also be detected. Generally, the translations
of contemporary literature of Iran were to demonstrate that
Iranian intellectuals were aware of the flaws of their society, and
eager to choose the more humanistic values of the socialist countries.
Before World War II, the translators were mainly interested
in the socio-political aspect of the works. After the war and before
the thaw in Soviet-Iranian relations, translators focused mainly on
social satire. In the 1960s – early 1980s, many works of the most
prominent Iranian writers of the period were translated into Russian.
In the early 1980s, these translations were viewed as a means
of understanding the reasons for the Iranian upheaval. The novels
and short stories of Iranian modernists, as well as other ideologically
inappropriate works, remained untranslated.

توصَّلت إيران و«الوكالة الدولية للطاقة الذرية» في التاسع من سبتمبر في القاهرة إلى اتفاق توسَّطت فيه مصر؛ وذلك لمعالجة الخلافات المتصاعدة بين الجانبين، والتي بلغت ذروتها خلال يونيو 2025م، عندما شنَّت إسرائيل والولايات المتحدة هجومًا عسكريًا واسع النطاق على إيران وعلى منشآتها النووية، إذ أوقف هذا الهجومُ مسارَ الدبلوماسية النووية، وأوقفت إيران عملَ المفتشين الدوليين وبات مصير برنامجها النووي أكثر غموضًا، بما في ذلك مصير اليورانيوم عالي التخصيب. يُلقي هذا التقرير الضوء على السياق الذي جاء فيه هذا الاتفاق، وأهم ما جاء به؛ والنتائج المترتبة عليه.

The National Consultative Assemblies during the Qajar period emerged following the Constitutional Revolution and sought to establish a role within Iran’s governing system. Each session was shaped by its unique political and social context, and the parliament’s role in legislation and oversight varied accordingly. The composition of representatives reflected diverse social and economic groups, and competition among factions influenced decision-making processes. During this period, foreign interventions and global events, such as World War I, also affected parliamentary functioning. Despite these challenges, the assemblies endeavored to uphold constitutional principles and strengthen the rule of law in Iran. Some sessions faced dissolution or inactivity, while others managed to continue legislative work. Overall, these five sessions illustrate the complex path of attempting to establish a parliamentary system alongside a traditional monarchy. This entry provides a concise overview of the formation, activities, and outcomes of the National Consultative Assemblies during the late Qajar era.

مجالس شورای ملی ایران در دوران قاجار

مجالس شورای ملی دوره قاجار، پس از انقلاب مشروطه شکل گرفتند و تلاش کردند جایگاهی در نظام حکمرانی ایران پیدا کنند. هر دورۀ مجلس با شرایط سیاسی و اجتماعی ویژه‌ای همراه می‌شد و نقش آن در قانون‌گذاری و نظارت بر حکومت متفاوت بود. ترکیب نمایندگان نیز بازتاب‌دهنده گروه‌های اجتماعی و اقتصادی متنوع به شمار می‌رفت و رقابت میان جناح‌ها بر روند تصمیم‌گیری اثر می‌گذاشت. در این دوره‌ها، مداخلات خارجی و تحولات جهانی، مانند جنگ جهانی اول نیز بر عملکرد مجلس تأثیر داشت. با وجود این چالش‌ها، مجالس شورای ملی کوشیدند اصول مشروطیت و قانون اساسی را در ایران تقویت کنند. برخی دوره‌ها با انحلال یا فترت روبه‌رو شدند و برخی دیگر توانستند روند قانون‌گذاری را ادامه دهند. در مجموع، این پنج دوره مسیر پیچیده‌ای از تلاش برای ایجاد نظام پارلمانی در کنار سلطنت سنتی را نشان می‌دهد. این جستار تصویری کلی از شکل‌گیری، فعالیت و سرنوشت مجالس شورای ملی در پایان دوره قاجار به دست می‌دهد

Mumia is a bituminous material with legendary curative properties, whose meaning is dependent on its geographical and temporal contexts. To the Persians, mumia bore complex symbolic meanings associations with royal power and dynastic legitimacy, meanings it served to convey when employed as a diplomatic gift. Through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, mumia was included in ensembles to European princes by Shahs of the Safavid, Zand, and Qajar dynasties. By giving appropriate weight to the evidence of the exchanged gift itself and the context in its presentation, it is possible to better understand the underlying motivations of the giver in the three diplomatic encounters. This results in a shift away from a diplomatic history based on written documentation, towards a clearer, more accurate understanding of cross-cultural diplomatic exchanges grounded in the object.

In recent times, the social activist organisations in India have raised the alarm about the growing number of acts of violence against women that have been accused of witchcraft. Accusations of witchcraft and violence against the alleged witches are not a new phenomenon in Indian cultural history; both men and women have been the target of persecution because of alleged use of harmful magic for personal gain, or out of vengeance or envy. But what makes the contemporary form of the witch hunt particularly worthy of analysis is the setting of the phenomenon in the context of contemporary social and cultural changes in India, where the social and symbolic repression of femininity coincides with violent economic and political changes undermining the meaning of the sanctified social and symbolic order. All these changes are accompanied by fear of losing traditional identities, and in particular the fear of the privileged classes for losing their existing prerogatives. The reaction to these emerging fears is literal and symbolic violence directed at cultural actors not always openly contesting the old order, but, in particular, at those who, for various reasons can be targeted and used as scapegoats. The article is a preliminary analysis of the growing phenomenon of violence against women, motivated by religious or quasi-religious reasons. Using the approach of psychosocial studies, the author analyzes the mechanisms of production of the discourse on witchcraft in India and points to various, inter alia, psycho-social causes of the contemporary epidemic of accusations against women of witchcraft.

This article explores the relationship between the poor and the state, emphasizing how the state's politics of citizenship are overshadowed by the politics of community. Focusing on the postrevolutionary era in Iran, particularly during the Iran-Iraq War (1980–88), it examines how nonelite Iranians’ quiet acts of citizenship interacted with the state's efforts to reconfigure them as maktabi citizens—religiously pious and ideologically committed to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Contrary to the notion that the poor were swayed by the regime's propaganda, which idolized the male martyr, it reveals that the poor, particularly women, engaged in collective efforts to assert an ethics of care, addressing the community's needs and values. The article contends that the urban poor, rather than being passive victims, foot soldiers, or mere recipients of patronage, interacted strategically and pragmatically with the Iranian state's expectations of them as model citizens. Drawing from original ethnography in a marginalized neighborhood in the city of Qom, it analyzes the acts of citizenship by these men and women and their family members, who contested, negotiated, repaired, and complied with the state's subject-molding projects while emphasizing the maintenance of community and family values during the 1980–88 period.

The Mohammad Mosaddegh era encompasses an important political period in Iranian history between 1951 and 1953. During his term as Iran's prime minister, Mosaddegh fought against imperialist powers regarding the nationalization of Iranian oil. During this time, relations with the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), controlled by Britain, became strained. Mosaddegh nationalized AIOC as the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) in order to make Iranian oil solely Iranian. This was met with great enthusiasm by the Iranian people. Britain and America, on the other hand, considered this move a threat to their own economic interests and sought various ways to stop Mossadegh. During this time, political and economic sanctions deepened in Iran, and Western powers and local opposition united to overthrow Mossadegh's government. In 1953, Mosaddegh was removed from office in Operation AJAX, which was carried out in cooperation with the CIA and MI6. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi returned to the throne. Mossadegh's era has gone down in history as a symbol of Iran's struggle for independence and its stance against imperialism. However it also reveals the profound effects of foreign interventions and internal conflicts on Iranian politics.

The aim of the study is to explain the process of modernization in an Islamic country, Iran, with the application of the concept "reflexive traditionalism". "Reflexive traditionalism" is a term used to describe the reaction of a traditional society to attempts at modernization, which can be explained by three categories: Imitation, phobia, aggression. The Iranians tried to imitate the West in the 19th century. The undertaking failed. The failure of the modernization process led to distrust and phobia against the West in the first half of the 20th century, and eventually led to aggression against the West in the second half of the 20th century.

The winner of 2023’s Nobel Peace Prize is Narges Mohammadi from Iran. Perhaps this isn’t too surprising for those
who follow the news of the women’s rights movement in Iran, local in its geographic scope yet global in influence. A
movement that is very much alive and creative under the influence of figureheads like Narges. The prize captures the
efforts and sacrifices of the generations of women for freedom and human rights whom Narges symbolises and
represents in her relentless campaigns outside and inside of prison.

С конца XVII в. французский язык занял прочные позиции в Иране как язык европейской культуры. Несмотря на активную деятельность британских, американских и русских миссионеров в XIX в., которые посредством своих школ распространяли английский и русский языки, к началу XX в. французский не утратил своего влияния. После Второй мировой войны в связи с экстралингвистическими факторами, прежде всего – усилением влияния США в регионе и активными программами культурной дипломатии англосаксонских стран – французский язык утратил прежний статус. Его влияние сохранялось в аристократических семьях и среди молодежи, учившейся во Франции. Состоятельные иранцы обучали своих детей в двух франкоязычных средних школах: школе им. Жанны д'Арк и лицее Рази. После Исламской революции 1979 г. преподавание французского сохранилось.

The effect of modernization in Iran has taken place in different ways in many different fields. The modernization that emerged with its unique features in politics, economy, religion, culture, art and architecture started in Iran from the Qajar period (1789-1925). During this period, Iran's relationship with Europe made Iranians familiar with Western paintings and ornaments. The national state established after the Qajar period corresponds to the I. Pahlavi period (1925-1941). The first Pahlavi period has an important role in the development of modernization in different layers of Iranian society and in various regions of the country. After the first Pahlavi period, the second Pahlavi period (1941-1979) also saw major developments in the field of architecture. In this period, Western architects were invited to Iran to design modern structures and reconstruction plans were implemented with great speed. The traditional fabric of many cities has changed significantly, and new building typologies have emerged. It is seen that new building materials such as steel, cement and glass were used in this period. Tehran, the capital of Iran, has been severely affected by this change in every sense of the word. In this period, the effect of modernization in the city first appeared in public buildings, then in civil architectural structures and religious buildings. In addition to these buildings, it is seen that mass housing projects were implemented in Tehran for the first time in this period. Mass housing projects were carried out first in the north of Tehran, then in other parts of the city. In this study, the modern period, public buildings, civil architectural structures (detached houses, multi-storey houses, mass housing structures, cultural and artistic structures, educational buildings) and religious buildings built in Tehran during the II. Pahlavi period were examined, and three mass housing settlements were identified, with particular emphasis on mass housing structures. (ASP Towers, Eskan Towers, Ekbatan Complex).
KEYWORDS: Modernization in Iran, II. Pahlavi period in Tehran, modernization in Tehran, modern architecture in Tehran, mass housing settlements in Tehran

Mainstream schools of International Relations theory, largely, refrain from studying socio-political revolutions in earnest. Their absence has been compensated for by historians, sociologists, and political scientists who have identified the influence of 'international' causes both in the occurrence and outcome of revolutions in the modern period. Revolutions are international events in their origins, ideologies, processes and consequences and affect the logic and rhythm of international systems of their times. On the other hand, the scholarly enthusiasm toward studying revolutions with revisionist agendas in the conduct of international relations ignores a vast array of revolutions throughout modern history were looking to adapt themselves with the established conventions of the international system and its dominant hegemon. This paper will examine the 'international' causes in a wave of liberal-nationalist revolutions that happened in the early 20 th century in a number of less developed Asian countries that had been spared outright colonization and formal integration into European colonial empires.

What happened to the romantic relationship, nay the love affairs between Iranian state/Pahlavi monarchy and the Western powers? How did the monarchical/statist Iran go from being a sweet, devoted, and submissive darling to being written off after the 1979 Revolution, as a nasty ex-darling by the Western powers?  This is a story to be told. Not an innocent and joyful love story, but a story of domination and liberation. This is a story of a historical subjugation, attempted liberation and a full-scale covert and overt war of attrition to crush it.

In what follows I have tried to examine this transformation and offer a hypothesis that ultimately, when we unwrap the cloak of Western powers’ public proclamations, after 1979 Revolution the Iranian state opted to forge an independent foreign policy and a complementary strategic national security outside of the Western powers’ orbit of influence and domination. Such a political and security architecture for a strategically important country such as Iran could not have been and is not tolerated by Western powers. And this is the crux of the animosity towards the Iranian state.

The Jina uprising, ignited by the state-sanctioned killing of Jina (Mahsa) Amini in September 2022, marked a historic convergence of gender, ethnic, and religious resistance in Iran, particularly in Eastern Kurdistan (also known as Rojhelat or Iranian Kurdistan). Although the movement was initially framed as a feminist revolution, Sunni Muslim clerics and leaders played a pivotal role in shaping its trajectory. This article examines how religious discourse catalyzed and sustained the uprising, challenging conventional secular frames of social movement theory. Sunni-majority Eastern Kurdistan became a hub for both Kurdish nationalist and religious mobilization as clerics leveraged mosques and sermons to amplify the movement's demands, intertwining gender-based struggles with calls for ethnic and religious recognition. Despite historical restrictions on political organization, networks of Sunni Islamic groups and clerical bodies provided leadership, solidarity, and moral legitimacy to protesters, even as state violence escalated. By contextualizing the Jina uprising within Iran's Persian Shiʿi nationalist framework, this article demonstrates how religion, often sidelined in analyses of modern uprisings, remains a powerful force of resistance, uniting diverse grievances against multilayered systemic oppression. It also is a reminder of the duality of religion as both a site of state control and a transformative vehicle for recognition and liberation.

This paper examines whether the concept of Iranian citizenry, as articulated by Aram Hessami in Two Three Words, can serve as a unifying framework for Iran's future. It traces the historical evolution of Iran's civic, political, and economic societies over the past century-both inside the country and across the diaspora-highlighting their interconnections, divergences, and persistent challenges. Drawing on examples from the Constitutional Revolution, the Pahlavi era, the 1979 Islamic Revolution, reform movements, and contemporary protests, the analysis explores the potential for convergence around a shared civic identity rooted in dignity, responsibility, and participation. The paper argues that such a convergence requires bridging the lived realities of those embedded in Iran's institutional systems with the freedoms and resources of the diaspora, while confronting deep-seated patterns of prejudice and rivalry that undermine collective purpose.

There is a group of humble Ethiopian weavings circulating the vintage rug market that has recently drawn the interest of scholars. These uncomplicated works feature images of lions and are linked to the biblical tribe of Judah and their presumed descendant, the Emperor Haile Selassie.

Im Laufe ihrer modernen Geschichte waren Iraner gezwungen, verschiedene politische Ansätze in ihren Interaktionen mit westlichen Regierungen zu verfolgen, bedingt durch die militärische Präsenz und den politischen Einfluss der Kolonialmächte. Einer dieser wesentlichen und vorherrschenden Ansätze war die Annahme einer freundschaftlichen Politik und friedlicher Beziehungen. Diese Studie untersucht die Rolle des Pazifismus und des friedlichen politischen Verhaltens der Iraner gegenüber den wichtigsten westlichen Mächten. Dabei wird thematisiert, warum die Iraner trotz gewaltsamer Auseinandersetzungen mit dem Westen weiterhin freundschaftliche und friedliche Beziehungen pflegten. Die Betonung auf die Etablierung freundschaftlicher Beziehungen und die Annahme eines pazifistischen Ansatzes wurde sowohl theoretisch von Intellektuellen als auch praktisch von Staatsmännern und Politikern verfolgt. Die Forschungsergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass die Iraner eine freundschaftliche Beziehung zum Westen anstrebten, um ihre territoriale Unabhängigkeit zu bewahren, politische Stabilität zu erreichen und zivile Fortschritte und Wohlstand zu fördern. Das Wissen und die Technologie des Westens wurden als unerlässlich für den industriellen und zivilen Fortschritt angesehen, und ein freundliches Verhalten des Westens war für die politische Stabilität innerhalb des Irans notwendig. Wirtschaftlich und militärisch war das Land nicht in der Lage, dem Westen entgegenzutreten, und jede Zwangsmaßnahme der iranischen Politiker führte zu einer noch aggressiveren Reaktion der westlichen Mächte.

The international order is undergoing profound transformations, ushering in a transitional period marked by instability and redefined power structure. This global transition has created a power vacuum in the Middle East, where regional actors, including Iran, Turkey and Israel, are pursuing unilateral strategies to establish dominance. However, these efforts have intensified rivalries and instability, while events such as the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel, Hezbollah’s involvement in the conflict, escalating tensions in Syria, and the eventual fall of Bashar al-Assad have further exacerbated regional instability. This study explores a pivotal question: What strategy can safeguard Iran’s national interests amidst the dynamic transitions in the international and regional order? The research posits that Iran, as a pivot state, should adopt a paradigm shift to an issue-based foreign policy.
This strategic shift enables Iran to move beyond a security-driven, survival-focused paradigm toward becoming a constructive middle power balancer. By prioritizing multilateral cooperation, addressing critical regional issues, and fostering diplomatic engagement, this approach enhances Iran’s ability to manage tensions, strengthen its influence, and promote stability. Ultimately, this redefined role aligns Iran’s national interests with broader regional and global frameworks, ensuring a more resilient and impactful foreign policy stance.

Account of the three visits of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar to Vienna in 1873, 1878 and 1889; his impressions of Austria and Vienna in particular and his relationship with Kaiser Franz Joseph I and the Imperial Court in Vienna. Excerpts of his accounts from the three visits with contemporary photographs, illustrations and newspaper accounts of the visit.

Раннее творчество иранского режиссера Аббаса Киаростами характеризуется глубоким интересом к детскому восприятию мира, что отражает ключевые черты «иранской новой волны»: минимализм повествования, использование непрофессиональных актеров и обращение к повседневным жизненным ситуациям. В таких фильмах, как «Путешественник», «Первоклашки», «Домашняя работа» и «Где дом друга?», Киаростами исследует темы взросления, идентичности и социальной справедливости через призму детского взгляда. Дети в его работах выступают как наблюдатели и рассказчики, создавая контраст между их наивным восприятием и сложностью взрослого мира. В данном докладе анализируется, как Киаростами использует детскую перспективу для раскрытия социальных проблем иранского общества, включая изоляцию детей от взрослых, влияние образовательных институтов и культурных традиций. Особое внимание уделяется моральным дилеммам, с которыми сталкиваются юные герои, а также их неконфронтационному сопротивлению авторитетам. Настоящий доклад фокусируется на малоизученных аспектах социальной критики в ранних фильмах Киаростами.

Throughout recorded history, the human response to adult sexual attraction toward children has followed a predictable arc: denial, suppression, and retroactive punishment. This response has not only failed to protect children-it has created ideal conditions for industrial-scale abuse. From the pederastic rituals of Ancient Greece to the Catholic Church's decades-long concealment of clergy rape, and from the silencing of child actors in Hollywood to the systemic exploitation orchestrated by political and intelligence elites, society has repeatedly chosen institutional comfort over protection of the most vulnerable. Now, the emergence of artificial intelligence presents an existential shift. Generative AI technologies are capable of producing infinite volumes of hyperrealistic child abuse simulations-images, narratives, and immersive environments that blur the line between thought and action, fantasy and rehearsal, simulation and intent.

خاطرۀ «طارق عزیز» را بدان دلیل در اینجا می‌آورم، تا خوی خودبزرگ بینی (تکبّر)، سلطه گری، برتری جویی و دیکتاتورمنشی ابرقدرتها را به دلیل احساس قدرت، نشان دهم.
آمریکا و همه کشورهای اروپایی که دم از حقوق بشر و دموکراسی می‌زنند، این چارچوبها را برای حفظ منافع، امنیّت، و سپس سروری خود می‌خواهند؛ وگرنه هنگامی که پای این احقاق حقوق، بر خلاف منافع آنان باشد، همه چیز را نادیده می‌گیرند. از دیرباز گفته‌اند:
«قدرت فساد به بار می‌آورد»؛ و با تجربه‌های تاریخی، ثابت شده که این اصلی اساسی در جوامع انسانی است که برای هر کس و هر قدرتی، در هر لباس و پوششی، و از هر طبقه و قشری که باشند، رخ می‌دهد؛ زیرا «قدرت» حقیقی از آن خداوند است و «تکبّر» ابلیس موجب افول او از اوج «قدرت»، به حضیض «فرومایگی» شد.

Based on nine months of ethnographic fieldwork, this article examines Palestinian political graffiti in Berlin as a visible form of resistance against state repression. It conceptualises this repression as a transnational extension of settler-colonial mechanisms – understood as settler coloniality, following Anna-Esther Younes – and deeply entangled with Germany's anti-Palestinian racism and institutionalised memory politics. This framework legitimises surveillance, censorship, racialized policing, and the deployment of high-tech state power against Palestinian activists. Amid this repressive landscape, political graffiti functions as a counter-public, confronting dominant narratives, resisting structural silencing, and reimagining Berlin's urban surfaces as spaces of response. These visual interventions are not merely symbolic; they provoke ideological opponents, nurture political consciousness, and resist historical erasure. Much of this graffiti is created by recently arrived Palestinian refugees, particularly those affiliated with Samidoun, the now-banned Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network. The suppression of political graffiti and the framing of Palestinian activism as ‘new antisemitism’ serve to uphold a colonial hierarchy that systematically delegitimizes Palestinian resistance. While acknowledging the limitations of graffiti as a tool for political change – its vulnerability to erasure, alteration, and smudging – this paper emphasises its role in asserting agency, sustaining transnational anti-colonial solidarity, and exposing the contours of anti-Palestinian racism in Germany.

The family is one of the social institutions formed according to the laws of social life in every society. Being a small, closed social group, the family is studied as the first socializing institution and primary unit of society. The importance of increasing the level of young people's socio-psychological preparedness for family life becomes more urgent in a globalizing world with shifting value systems. In modern Azerbaijan, approximately 20% of marriages end in divorce annually. Alternative forms of marriage emerge, and the clash between traditional values and modernity leads to sharper generational conflicts.

Critics have not proved to be very interested in vigorous investigations of novel at the time of its conception as a new literary genre in Persian literary tradition over the period of five decades extending from the first commentaries of Akhundzadeh to Jamalzadeh's introduction to Yeki Bud Yeki Nabud, i.e. 1872-1922. However, these writings can serve as the early manifestos of fiction in Iran. Although these remarks are quite scattered, they have moral concerns, realism and the value of fiction as their common themes. This can be explained by exploring the historical context and societal developments during the Constitutional period that demanded engagé literature. This study historically investigates the theoretical foundations of the first instances of fiction and its criticism in Iran and argues that they paved the way for the emergence and development of realism in Iran.

From the first commentaries of Akhundzadeh to Jamalzadeh’s introduction to Yeki Bud YekiNabud, i.e., over a period of almost fifty years, we can see a collection of a few scattered commentaries on story and novel which are rarely noticed by researchers. These scattered commentaries can be regarded as the first literary manifests of story and novel. These critiques and commentaries include subject matters that can be regarded as commonalities of writers and critics of the contemporary era. Moralism, realism and usefulness of novels are three common features of such commentaries. Historical conditions and social developments in the constitutional era provided an atmosphere that only allowed committed literature to survive. The first novels as well as theories and critiques associated with them were written in such circumstances and purposefulness of stories and novels was inevitably prioritized. Thus, in the present study, attempts are made to investigate the theoretical foundations o...

Seyyed Jamaluddin Waez Esfahani is one of the intellectuals of the constitutional period, who expressed a special and unique reading in order to determine the political and social direction of the newly established constitutional system. Most of his positions in this regard have been published in Al-Jamal newspaper. Therefore, this article examines the content and main components of his speech in the mentioned newspaper in order to determine the main elements emphasized by him. Therefore, the main problem of the research is, what were the main components of Seyyed Jamaluddin's discourse and how were these components explained? According to the findings of this research, returning to authentic Islam, preserving the constitutional system, establishing freedom and realizing justice have been the most important components of Isfahani's attention. Understanding the complicated situation and the troubles and sufferings of his time, he proposed the necessity of returning to the teachings of the Quran and authentic Islam as a solution. This return has been through the lens of modernity. In other words, with a positive view on the developments of the modern period of the West, Sayyid established a link between the authentic Islamic teachings and the forms of modernity and interpreted the Quranic and religious teachings through the concepts and forms of modernity. In this way, religious and political tyranny was rejected and the constitutional system was accepted as a desirable western element; He spoke about freedom as the highest blessing that God has created for mankind and introduced the realization of justice and equality as the necessary introduction and the beginning of the country's prosperity. This reading of Seyed Jamaluddin is influenced by the requirements of the time and the actions that took place during that period. The intensification of political tensions and the alignment of supporters and opponents of the constitution, the debates of legitimacy and constitutionalism are among the actions to which Seyyed Jamaluddin's positions and opinions have been a reaction or a response to them.

Şah İsmail, vefatının ardından Tahmasb, Elkas, Behram ve Sam adlı dört oğul bırakmıştı. Oğullarından Tahmasb Mirza tahta geçtiğinde hem iç hem de dış tehditlerle uğraşmak zorunda kalmış, bu zorlukları kardeşlerinden destek alarak çözme yoluna gitmiştir. Sam Mirza, genç yaşta Horasan Valisi olmuş, Özbeklere karşı savunmada önemli roller üstlenmiştir. Ancak görevini terk etmesi, onu Şah'ın gözetiminde münzevi bir hayata sürüklemiştir. İsyan girişimleri ve Osmanlı ile ilişkileri, hanedan içinde huzursuzluk yaratmıştır. Behram Mirza, daha sadık bir figür olarak çeşitli valilikler ve askeri görevlerde yer almıştır. Osmanlı-Safevi mücadelelerinde başarılar elde etmiş ancak Gilan Valiliği'ndeki yönetim sorunları itibarını zedelemiştir. Kardeşi Elkas Mirza'nın isyanını bastırmış ancak 34 yaşında hastalıktan vefat etmiştir. Safevi mirzalarının kaderi, dönemin hanedan içi rekabet ve politikalarının karmaşıklığını yansıtmaktadır. Şah Tahmasb, bu süreçte merkezi otoriteyi güçlendirmeyi başarmış ancak kardeşleriyle ilişkileri devleti içsel zayıflıklara açık hale getirmiştir. Sam ve Behram Mirza'nın hayatları, bu dönemdeki politik ve askeri gerilimlerin bir özeti niteliğindedir.

States determine their foreign policies at the end of making qualitative and quantitative evaluations on several factors from their historical processes to their geographical locations, from their political structure to their social values. This study combines concepts from analysis in political data and from organizational behavior better to understand variation in the organization-government interface in the example of Iran and its foreign policy making process. We argue that variances in organization-government relations across countries can be better understood by examining the institutions through which culture and government interact with certain attention to formal restraints such as rules that individuals develop and informal restraints-such as norms and culture of behavior. We also present that characteristics of the institutions involved in the interaction of organization and government can be better comprehended by observing how individuals are appealed to, selected by, and choose to stay as members of institutions. In the study, the factors affecting Iran's Foreign Policy were tried to be explained. Organizational behaviour is the academic study of the paths people act within groups. Its principles are implemented primarily in attempts to make businesses as well as states operate more effectively. Therefore, the Historical Process, Geopolitical Situation, Political Culture, Social Values, Ethnic Structure, Social Structure, and Petroleum Revenues, Public Opinion, Shiite Islamic Understanding were assumed to be independent variables in the analysis process of Iran's Foreign Policy and organization. These independent variables were tried to be analysed in the study by determining the Decision-Making Process and Dependent Variables in foreign policy analysis. While the study mentions that leadership is an important factor in Iran, the influence of religion on the leaders in power tried to be explained. The study states that religion and leadership are influential factors, especially in Iran's foreign policy.

Supervision within the Iranian legal system is one of the fundamental pillars for achieving justice, ensuring the soundness of governance structures, and guaranteeing the proper enforcement of laws. This study aims to analyze the structure, functions, and challenges of Iran's supervisory system through an analytical-descriptive approach, utilizing library sources, legal documents, and comparative studies, and seeks to answer the question: "Why does Iran's oversight system, despite having diverse legal mechanisms and numerous supervisory bodies, face serious problems in practice?" Employing an analytical-descriptive methodology and drawing on library resources and comparative research, this paper examines the structure, performance, and interactions of supervisory institutions in Iran. The findings reveal that although various forms of judicial, parliamentary, and executive supervision are meticulously designed in legal texts, in practice, weaknesses in the scientific evaluation and selection of judges, the prevalence of personal connections over merit-based criteria, the inefficiency of the parliamentary representation system, and the lack of effective mechanisms for public participation and feedback have all contributed to the diminished effectiveness of oversight. The consequences of this situation include protracted legal proceedings, an increase in case volumes, and a decline in the quality of judgments and public trust. The study concludes that reforming supervisory structures, enhancing scientific and ethical criteria in the recruitment of judges and representatives, strengthening public feedback mechanisms, and institutional transparency are essential prerequisites for overcoming the current situation and achieving an efficient, accountable, and justice-oriented oversight system in Iran.

This analytical report investigates the ongoing conflict between Israel and Iran, examining its multifaceted implications across the Middle East and South Asia. Through a comprehensive geopolitical lens, the study dissects military capabilities, ideological motivations, proxy dynamics, and diplomatic entanglements involving key actors such as the United States, Gulf States, Turkey, India, and Pakistan. The paper critically evaluates scenarios of regime change, proxy warfare, and potential global fallout—including oil price volatility, refugee surges, and regional destabilization.

The report further contextualizes Bangladesh’s strategic posture amid this conflict. It explores how rising Islamist politics, historical foreign policy doctrines under Ziaur Rahman and Suhrawardy, and the controversial role of Jamaat-e-Islami intersect with the shifting regional order. The document also critiques the Awami League regime’s duality—public condemnation of Israel alongside covert surveillance dealings with Israeli-linked technology.

Ultimately, the study advocates for a balanced and pragmatic foreign policy for Bangladesh—emphasizing diplomatic neutrality, national sovereignty, and economic pragmatism. It warns against ideological entanglement with sanctioned states and urges mid-tier nations to play stabilizing roles in a multipolar global order. The report contributes to a timely understanding of how regional wars reverberate through global and domestic spheres, particularly for geopolitically vulnerable states like Bangladesh.

NB: This article includes abysmal typographical errors that were not found in the author-submitted manuscript, but were later introduced by the Cambridge/Integra copyediting and production teams. 

This article centers on tsarist Russian officials' understandings of and approaches to the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1905-11). Although these officials relied on fragmental information and reflected internal discoordination in their dealings with Iran over the course of the revolution, a diachronic shift marked the policies they formulated in response. Although many of them attempted to navigate the Constitutional Revolution's complexity in its early phases, they tended toward the use of force as unrest continued, culminating in the Russian invasion of northern Iran in December 1911. Uncritically confident in their exercise of power, Russian officials proceeded without considering alternative courses of action or the potential costs of military engagement in the revolution's final stages. This heavy-handedness reflected continuity with the tsarist government's crackdowns on socialists in the Caucasus after the Russian Revolution of 1905, and presaged its repressive, self-defeating responses to uprisings across the Russian Empire from 1912 to 1917.