International Migration and Immigration Policy

The 1951 Geneva Convention and its 1967 Protocol, the cornerstone of the refugee regime, do not explicitly enshrine the obligation of States to resettle refugees. Nevertheless, it becomes known as a broad or implied interpretation of the convention and UNCHR guidelines about States' responsibility for refugees and asylum seekers. The 2016 New York Declaration and the 2018 UN Global Compact on Refugees, which cite complementary pathways as burden-sharing and international protection tools, have widen existing, narrow traditional legal channels and boarded the range of beneficiaries. Despite the potential of these two important instruments on migration issues, their non-binding features as soft laws magnifying a political commitment double down on the prevailing challenges of refugee law as they leave a wide margin of discretion to States. The EU New Pact on Migration and Asylum and the EU Commission Recommendation also promote the development of legal pathways as an alternative to irregular migration for those in need of protection, elevating EU and its member states to the top of the list of countries hosting refugees through resettlement and complementary pathways. However, the trends towards complementary pathways as a supplement to resettlement has raised concerns over durability and humanitarianism of these channels for the protection of refugees, as EU member states not only prioritize their economic needs and weaponize such legal channels against the spontaneous arrivals of irregular migrants but also use them as political leverage over transit countries. Given this development on legal pathways to asylum as a response to the large movement of asylum seekers, with a lack of concrete legal obligation. This thesis strives to critically appraise the trends, potential, and pitfalls of policies and legal instruments exalting legal channels toward protection in the European Union (EU) in conjunction with other legal and political scholars to advocate for preservation of legal pathways' integral aim as a path toward durable solution and instrument of responsibility sharing.

Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht einen kurzen sozialhistorischen Überblick über das Migrationsgeschehen in Deutschland zu geben. Aus dem Auswanderungsland des 19. Jahrhunderts wurde ein Einwanderungsland neuen Typs. Die Anwerbephase der 60er-Jahre erweist sich retrospektiv als zeitliches Bindeglied zum "Einwanderungsland wider Willen". Obgleich alle Beteiligten auf deutscher wie ausländischer Seite noch lange am Gastarbeitermythos der baldigen Rückkehr in die jeweiligen Herkunftsländer festhielten, traten mit verlängerten Aufenthaltszeiten, Kettenwanderungen und verstärktem Familiennachzug bereits die Konturen der zukünftigen Einwanderungsgesellschaft Bundesrepublik immer deutlicher zutage. Schwerpunkt dieser Arbeit ist die Darstellung von Arbeitsmigranten und anderen einzelnen Zuwanderergruppen (Familennachzug, Spätaussiedler, jüdische Zuwanderung, politische Flüchtlinge aus ehemaligen sozialistischen Ländern, Asylzuwanderung, sonstige Flüchtlinge) sowie Fakten und rechtliche Grundlagen der jeweiligen Zuwanderungsform.

Türkiye, dünyada en çok Suriyeli mülteciye ev sahipliği yapan ülkeler arasındadır. Bu çalışmayla, Türkiye'deki Suriyeli mültecilerin dijital vatandaşlık pratikleri üzerinden entegrasyon süreçleri incelenmiştir. Çalışma, dijital iletişim araçlarının mültecilerin sosyal, politik, ekonomik ve eğitimsel entegrasyonundaki rolüne odaklanmıştır. Araştırma, 37 Suriyeli ile yapılan problem merkezli görüşmelere dayanmaktadır. Bulgular, dijital ortamın mülteciler için dil öğrenme ve ekonomik faaliyetlerde bulunma gibi alanlarda önemli bir araç olduğunu göstermektedir. Ancak, Türk toplumuyla entegrasyonun önündeki en büyük engelin ön yargılar olduğu belirlenmiştir. Mülteciler, dijital platformları kullanarak Türkçe öğrenme ve Türk kültürünü tanıma fırsatı bulsalar da kamusal tartışmalara katılım gibi konularda etkinlikleri sınırlı kalmaktadır. Sonuç olarak, dijital vatandaşlık, mültecilerin entegrasyon süreçlerinde önemli potansiyeller barındırmasına rağmen, ön yargılar ve dil engelleri gibi sorunlar nedeniyle bu potansiyeller açığa çıkmamaktadır. Bu nedenle, dijital iletişim araçlarının etkin kullanımı ve toplumsal ön yargıların azaltılmasına yönelik politikaların geliştirilmesi önerilmektedir.

When Andrés Manuel Lopes Obrador (AMLO) was elected President of Mexico in 2018, he championed a migration policy rooted in human rights. Consistent with this vision, his administration’s unveiling of a new Strategy on Migration in May 2024 framed it as a rights-based, humanitarian approach to managing irregular migration–a central feature of which was the establishment of “Multiservice Centers for the Inclusion and Development of Migrants and Refugees,” purportedly designed to provide a wide range of migrant-support services.

While authorities claim that these centres will not be used for the purposes of detention, a critical examination of Mexico’s history of immigration control–particularly its role as a proxy enforcer of U.S migration policy–warrants skepticism. As this working paper demonstrates, facing pressure from the United States to impose stringent migration policies since the 1980s Mexico has frequently employed euphemistic and misleading language to reframe coercive practices as humanitarian ones, effectively obscuring actions that contravene human rights obligations. Mexico’s latest strategy may represent yet another case of semantic gymnastics, concealing the persistence of punitive migration enforcement under the guise of humanitarianism and masking the country’s on-going role as a surrogate enforcer of U.S migration control.

Artykuł przedstawia wstępne wnioski ze zrealizowanego projektu badawczego dotyczącego zmian narracji funkcjonujących w wiejskich społecznościach powiatu Nowy Targ na temat mieszkańców Ukrainy po inwazji rosyjskiej 24 lutego 2022 roku. Projekt zrealizowany metodami etnograficznymi w latach 2023-2024 pokazał, jak narracje zmieniły się w kontekście wojny i doświadczenia uchodźczego. Tekst rozważa różne aspekty doświadczenia kontaktu z uchodźczyniami i uchodźcami wojennymi z Ukrainy określane jako toposy: dyskursywnego konstruowania kobiecości i męskości, dziecięcego odbioru zaistniałej sytuacji, różnych motywacji działań pomocowych, wpływu doświadczenia goszczenia uciekinierek i uciekinierów na indywidualne konstrukcje tożsamościowe gospodarzy, resentymentów historycznych w kontekście świadczenia pomocy, pracy jako kategorii oceny migrantów i teorii spiskowych uzasadniających zaistniałą sytuację polityczną.

tiene derecho de dejar cualquier país, incluso el propio, y de regresar a su propio país.»' Se trata, por tanto, de un derecho universal, otorgado a todos los seres humanos, el derecho de emigrar, que evidentemente implica el derecho de inmigrar a un país distinto del de la emigración y, por tanto, el deber de la comunidad internacional de garantizar de algún modo su ejercicio. No se trata de un derecho humano de última o de reciente generación. Se trata, por el contrario, del más antiguo de los derechos naturales, enunciado en los comienzos de la civilización jundica moderna por el teólogo español Francisco de Victoria. Mucho antes de la teorización hobbesiana del derecho a la vida y de la lockeana de los derechos de libertad como razón de ser del contrato social y del artificio estatal, Victoria configuró el jus migrandi, en sus Relectiones de Indis recenter inventis desarrollados en 1539 en la Universidad de Salamanca, como un derecho universal, derivándolo de otro derecho, el jus communicationis ac societatis, y poniéndolo como fundamento del naciente derecho internacional, en el interior de una grandiosa concepción cosmopolita de las relaciones entre los pueblos orientada hacia una especie de fraternidad universal.2 La finalidad inmediata de esta construcción era, en realidad, la legitimación de la conquista española del Nuevo Mundo: incluso con la guerra, donde al ejercicio de estos edificantes derechos se hubiese opuesto una resistencia ilegítima.3 Y la misma función fue desarrollada a partir de la teorización de esos derechos en los siguientes cuatro siglos, cuando se trató de legitimar la colonización del planeta por parte de las potencias europeas y de sus políticas de rapiña y de explotación. Jus migrandi y jus communicationis, en suma, si bien eran formalmente universales, de hecho eran derechos claramente asimétricos, en tanto que no podían ser ejercidos por las poblaciones de los «nuevos» mundos. No puede negarse, sin embargo, que la legitimación que éstos proporcionaban al expansionismo de Occidente se basó sobre el principio, del que representa un eco el artículo 13 de la Declaración de 1948, del igual derecho de todos a moverse libremente sobre todo el planeta. Hoy que el ejercicio del derecho de emigrar se ha vuelto posible para RIFP/22(2003) pp. 41-51 ^'l

This article critically examines Michel Foucault's concept of disciplinary power, both visible and invisible, as a framework for understanding systemic oppression in the United States and the normalization of genocide in Gaza and the West Bank. In the United States, disciplinary power operates through institutions such as prisons, schools, and political structures, but also through immigration policies that round up non-White migrants, detain them, and deport them under the guise of "normal business." These practices exemplify how visible coercion is paired with invisible normalization, numbing the public's capacity for critical questioning. Internationally, the genocide in Gaza and the bureaucratic dispossession in the West Bank reveal how sovereign violence and invisible discourse combine to normalize atrocity at a global level. A comparative analysis demonstrates how disciplinary power blinds conscience by making oppression appear ordinary. The article concludes by calling for the cultivation of "double vision": the capacity to see both the visible violence and the invisible normalization of oppression as integral to resisting systemic domination.

Este artigo posiciona-se criticamente perante as abordagens disciplinares tradicionais sobre migração, argumentando que a sua complexidade multifacetada exige um enquadramento teórico-metodológico interdisciplinar. Partindo da alegoria da caverna de Platão, o texto analogia que as análises fragmentadas por áreas isoladas (Economia, Direito, Sociologia) oferecem apenas uma visão parcial e distorcida (“sombras”) do fenómeno. Defende-se que o migrante e o processo migratório formam um sistema ecológico de influências recíprocas, integrando dimensões económicas, legais, sociais, culturais, subjetivas e de redes de apoio. O objetivo central é demonstrar a indispensabilidade da interdisciplinaridade para iluminar não apenas as “sombras”, mas o “fogo” que as projeta — a realidade complexa e humana dos movimentos migratórios. O artigo desenvolve-se através de uma revisão crítica da literatura, identificando os desafios paradoxais inerentes a esta abordagem, como a tendência para o discurso metafórico, a dificuldade de operacionalização metodológica e os obstáculos institucionais. Conclui-se propondo que a superação desses desafios através de ferramentas concretas, como a triangulação de dados e a delimitação de questões de pesquisa que forcem a integração de saberes, é um imperativo ético e prático para produzir um conhecimento capaz de responder à realidade social complexa.

Policy recommendations \ Continue legal and psychological advisory services for the displaced and strengthen local ownership DC must combine educational efforts in the municipalities and in the education and health sectors as well as the reduction of financial and bureaucratic hurdles. Measures to support both local ombudsperson offices and victims' and migrant associations also strengthen local ownership. \ Promote start-up programmes By providing advice on the formalization of microenterprises in start-up programmes, DC can enable the beneficiaries to advance to the formal sector. In this respect, the contributors should generally expand measures to cover all particularly vulnerable parts (Colombian, Ecuadorian and Venezuelan) of the population.

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Many countries rely on immigration to sustain population growth and fill workforce needs. This includes Canada and its Five Eyes allies - the United States (US), the United Kingdom (UK), Australia and New Zealand, each of which has high rates of foreign-born population. Immigrants leave their homes for many reasons – including to pursue a better life, for family reunification, to flee persecution or violence, or to seek a safer environment. They bring to their new country skills, experience, and potential, as well as their networks, and join the workforce, including serving in their new country’s military. Although some research on immigrants in the armed forces exists, little of that work focuses on the lived experiences of foreign-born immigrant soldiers, aviators and sailors from a comparative and international perspective. To fill this gap, we undertook a qualitative study using narrative interviews to explore stories of immigration and military service experiences by immigrant soldiers serving in the militaries of the Five Eyes countries.

The mobility of higher education students within Africa has expanded considerably in recent years, raising urgent questions about the ethics of international education. This paper critically examines the ethical dimensions of international student mobility in East Africa, with emphasis on Uganda, a major and growing regional educational regional hub. Drawing on theoretical orientations from critical internationalization studies and postcolonial ethics, the study investigates how immigration policies and higher education policies intersect to shape international students' lived experiences. Using a mixed-methods research design, data were collected from 437 survey respondents and 16 in-depth interview participants, including students, university staff members, higher education officials, and one immigration officer. Quantitative data were analyzed with descriptive statistics using SPSS, while qualitative data underwent rigorous thematic analysis. Findings reveal that international students in Uganda, mainly originating from neighboring East African countries, face restrictive immigration regulations, particularly in relation to employment rights and opportunities for professional integration. Although regional protocols and agreements formally promote student mobility, international students in Uganda nevertheless encounter persistent administrative barriers, limited job opportunities, financial insecurities, and experiences of exclusion or marginalization. These contradictions highlight ongoing ethical tensions in how internationalization is currently conceptualized and practiced in resource-constrained contexts. The paper ultimately argues that East African countries urgently

Spain, like all of Europe, is struggling with a migration crisis in the 21st century. Although Spanish law regulates the legal and administrative situation of foreigners in quite detail, some of the norms no longer match the current geopolitical situation. The article mainly discusses the legal status of a foreigner through the prism of his fundamental rights contained in the Constitution and the Law on Foreigners, as well as problems related to the bureaucracy of the Spanish public administration system in the field of subjective rights of foreigners.  

Al respecto, recomiendo los artículos escritos por ), Meo (2010), Santi (2016) y Rovetta (2022). En este último, la autora presenta una revisión bibliográfica exhaustiva acerca de la pseudonimización, y advierte que, en los casos en que se decida develar los nombres, igualmente se recomiendan ciertos recaudos, como el de "valorar si, con el paso del tiempo, la información que hayan compartido podría perjudicar a los participantes de estudio que deseen revelar su identidad" (Rovetta, 2022, p. 46). En mi opinión, es relevante considerar la dificultad, si no imposibilidad, de valorar el

En el artículo se comparte una caracterización analítica de los sentidos y las estrategias que despliegan mujeres venezolanas en Córdoba, Argentina, para reproducir la vida, y su estrecha vinculación con ciertas formas de gestión de lo común. Por medio de un trabajo etnográfico, apoyado en entrevistas en profundidad y observación participante, me acerco a las experiencias migratorias y de vida de Rosa y Jenny, en las que se ponen de manifiesto las desigualdades en el mundo laboral, y las maneras que agencian para afrontarlas, en una trama que abarca sus lugares de origen, sus itinerarios de viaje y el lugar de destino actual. La pregunta: “¿cómo haces tú para vivir aquí?” nos traslada a sus cocinas domésticas como unidades de producción y a su inserción en ferias inscriptas en el ámbito de la economía popular. Desde estos espacios y dinámicas restituyen su subjetividad, establecen vínculos de cooperación y garantizan el sustento material e inmaterial de la vida. El trabajo propone un mapa en construcción acerca de las tensiones existentes entre lo doméstico y la producción de lo común para la reproducción de la vida en contextos de migración.

This paper provides an analytical framework to examine the relationship between structural inequality (SI) and the international mobility (IM) of the wealthy and technical talent from Asia. My argument is that since the deregulation of the 1980s new structures of inequality have been established with broad economic reforms under a neoliberal form of "globalization." While many Asian economies have benefited from global opportunities, there have been considerable disruptions in labor markets. The net effect in several Asian countries with large workforces has been the reinforcement of pre-existing inequality in the context of increasing technological capabilities and selective but enormous wealth creating opportunities for a few. Using empirical materials from four Asian countries, namely China, India, Japan, and South Korea, I show that the international mobility of the wealthy and talent is related to if not caused by the new structures of inequality, where the wealthy are becoming wealthier and disruptions in labor markets are generating informal and precarious forms of work. Notwithstanding the lack of systematic data, a basic political economy framework applied to SI and IM demonstrates that the multi-layered processes of inequality at the global and nationals level create the conditions for international mobility.

Pakistan's annual monsoon floods have evolved from natural events into recurring humanitarian crises. While traditionally viewed as acts of nature, the scale and frequency of these disasters increasingly reflect failures in governance, legal enforcement, and institutional preparedness. This brief argues that Pakistan's flood vulnerability is not solely environmental it is a consequence of legal and policy neglect.

IV. 4. Förderprogramme s. V. Unterfinanzierung der Förderung postsekundärer Bildung s. V. 1. Gestiegene Studien-und Lebenskosten s. V. 2. Ablehnung qualifizierter First Nations aufgrund fehlender Mittel s. V. 3. Demographisches Wachstum s. V. 4. Unterfinanzierung von Bildungsinstituten der First Nations s. V. 5. "Why should Canada be interested in providing more resources?" s. Weg zu postsekundärer Bildung durch historische strukturelle Diskriminierung s. VI. 1. Das Erbe der Residential Schools s. VI. 2. Altersstruktur und familiäre Verpflichtungen s. VI. 3. Armut s. VI. 3. 1. Armut -ein politisches Thema? Betrachtungen zum kanadischen Wahlkampf 2008 s. VI. 4. Arbeitsmarkt s. VI. 4. 1. Jugendarbeitslosigkeit s. VI. 5. Geringes Selbstwertgefühl, hohe Suizidraten s. VII. Aktuelle Pläne zur Umgestaltung des Fördersystems s. VII. 1. "accountability" vor dem Hintergrund fehlender Mittel s. VII. 2. Gleiches Recht für alle? s. VII. 3. "Studied to Death" s. VIII. Die Notwendigkeit verstärkter Wissensvermittlung über indigene Themen und Sichtbarmachung von Diskriminierung s. IX. Ausgewählte Fallbeispiele, die von positiver Veränderung zeugen s. IX. 1. Die Bedeutung der Elders in den Kulturen der First Nations s. IX. 2. Politische Brisanz von höhere Bildung s. X. Kampf um den Erhalt der Sprachenvielfalt s. X. 1. Kulturelle Bedeutung und politische Dimension indigener Sprachen s. XI. Fazit und Ausblick s. XII. Anhang s.

An unprecedented maritime dispute has opened up between Greece and Libya due to the overlapping borders of their respective EEZs, following recent initiatives by the two countries. As early as 2005, Greece specifically criticized the Libyan EEZ border, shifted northward due to the disputed closure of Sirte, extending beyond the median line with Crete and its small island of Gavdos. The issue is not merely bilateral. In addition to the two Libyan governments in Tripoli and Benghazi, Turkey, Egypt, and, albeit indirectly, Cyprus are currently involved. Italy is also interested in the dispute, as Libya has declared that part of the western border of its EEZ borders the Italian coast.

Un inedito fronte marittimo si è aperto tra Grecia e Libia per i confini delle rispettive Zee che si sovrappongono a seguito delle iniziative adottate dai due Paesi negli ultimi tempi Già nel 2005 la Grecia formulò specifiche critiche per il confine della ZPE libica , spostato verso nord per effetto della contestata chiusura della Sirte, si spingesse oltre la mediana con Creta e la sua isoletta di Gavdos. La questione non è solo bilaterale. Ad essere coinvolti sono attualmente oltre ai due governi libici di Tripoli e Bengasi, Turchia, Egitto nonché, sia pur in modo indiretto, Cipro. Ma anche l’Italia è interessata alla partita il quanto la Libia ha dichiarato che parte del confine occidentale della sua ZEE si rapporta con le coste italiane.

Across the vast and diverse continent of Africa, a complex web of militia groups has emerged, driven by a volatile mix of ethnic grievances, resource disputes, ideological fervor, and state fragility. From the jihadist strongholds of the Sahel to the resource-rich battlegrounds of the Congo, these groups wield significant influence, reshaping economies, displacing millions, and challenging the stability of nations. This book, Warlords of the Continent: How Militia Economies Undermine Africa’s Future delves into the origins, operations, and devastating impacts of 50 prominent militia groups operating across the continent. Through meticulous research and analysis, we uncover the intricate dynamics of their formation, funding, and activities, revealing how these non-state actors exploit weak governance to amass wealth and power. The economic toll—billions in losses from disrupted trade, agriculture, and infrastructure—underscores the urgent need to understand these groups not merely as security threats but as catalysts of long-term developmental stagnation. This exploration offers a sobering look at the challenges facing Africa and the resilience required to forge a path toward stability and prosperity

Les sociétés des Suds sont très largement extraverties par le biais de programmes de développement et leurs États sont souvent sous régime d'aide internationale. De larges pans de l'action publique sont ainsi pris en charge par une ingénierie institutionnelle et financière animée par des acteurs tant internationaux que locaux (hauts fonctionnaires, praticiens, courtiers, bénéficiaires évoluant dans des ministères, agences parapubliques, organisations internationales, ONG, centres de recherche etc.). Ce cours magistral (CM) vise à comprendre comment les politiques de développement sont élaborées, mises en oeuvre, traduites ou contestées, et par qui. Il ambitionne de saisir les paradigmes, les méthodes et les outils du secteur de l'aide internationale et du développement ainsi que ses évolutions depuis l'apparition dans les années 1940-50 d'une conception politique d'un monde partagé entre « pays développés » et « pays sous-développés », plusieurs fois rebaptisés par la suite (Tiers-Monde, Pays les Moins Avancés, Sud global etc.). Au terme de ce CM, les étudiant•es seront en mesure de : • Citer les principaux paradigmes des politiques d'aide, de développement et de coopération internationale, en historiciser les évolutions, en comprendre les filiations et réformes ; • Cartographier les acteurs de cette ingénierie ; • Retracer et exemplifier par cas les grands enjeux sectoriels de l'aide et du développement ; • Proposer une analyse critique de ce champ d'action ; • Savoir construire et défendre un argumentaire -oral ou écrit ; • Appliquer les analyses critiques à leur pratique professionnelle (étude de cas, briefing note). ORGANISATION DU CM Ce CM est découpé en trois parties : (1) la première partie « l'histoire de l'aide et du développement » présente les paradigmes successifs et les acteurs-clés de ce secteur ; (2) la deuxième partie « évolutions et enjeux contemporains » aborde certaines des grandes tendances actuelles et modalités transversales d'action ; (3) la dernière partie « Défis et avenir » ouvre sur les critiques et pistes de réforme de l'industrie du développement. Á chaque fois des études de cas sont mobilisés dans les textes et en classe. Ce cours prend la forme d'un séminaire. Chaque séance thématique repose sur la lecture obligatoire d'un texte indiqué dans le syllabus et accessible sur le Moodle. Ces textes ont été sélectionnés pour introduire et illustrer les différentes approches théoriques et/ou cas d'étude. La compréhension et la discussion des textes reposent sur la participation active des étudiant•es. Ce premier moment d'échange pourra être complété par l'étude de matériaux empiriques (audiovisuels, textuels, statistiques etc.) fournis en classe. Une reprise systématique des connaissances indispensables sur le thème de la séance (notions, auteurs-clés, axes de problématisation etc.) est faite par l'enseignante. La deuxième partie de la séance est ensuite réservée au travail collectif (exercice oral : cf. évaluation). Le Moodle dispose d'un forum auquel les étudiantes peuvent contribuer en posant leurs questions, ou en partageant des ressources. La ponctualité et l'assiduité aux CM sont requises. Toute absence doit être justifiée : le règlement des études n'autorise pas les absences injustifiées en Master. Le CM évalué par contrôle continu : il n'y a pas d'examen final. La note se compose des 3 exercices suivants :

En este capítulo se analizará el juicio de amparo indirecto 1597/2018, resuelto por el Juzgado Primero de Distrito en Materia de Amparo y de Juicios Federales en el Estado de Baja California, con residencia en Tijuana. Dicho juicio fue promovido por Alma Migrante, A. C., en contra de las declaraciones públicas realizadas en 2018 por diversas autoridades municipales de Tijuana, las cuales expresaban un mensaje de rechazo social hacia las caravanas de migrantes centroamericanos y advertían sobre la posibilidad de ser puestos a disposición de las autoridades migratorias; consecuentemente, se estimaron violatorios de derechos humanos, en particular, del derecho de acceso a la información.

Produzir uma Tese de Doutorado se provou um enriquecedor desafio. Várias vezes fui levado ao limite da minha capacidade técnica, física e emocional. Conciliar o desejo pessoal de fazer um trabalho de alto nível com as expectativas e demandas da profissão e dos entes queridos nunca é fácil, assim como seria impossível realizar este trabalho sem o apoio, sugestões e ideias das pessoas com as quais convivo. Por isso, considero indispensável manifestar meus sinceros agradecimentos a todos que participaram direta e indiretamente desta jornada, e reconhecer o quanto este trabalho foi construído coletivamente. Em primeiro lugar queria agradecer a Deus pelo conforto diante dos mistérios da existência e na indignação da dúvida. Obrigado por me ensinar a viver uma vida digna, desvalorizando os interesses egoístas. A minha esposa, Clara, companheira fiel nestes quase cinco anos. Obrigado por me compreender nos momentos de pressão, por me repreender quando me afastava demais e por me amar assim como eu sou. Minhas desculpas pela constante ausência (você sabe como) e meu obrigado por sempre estar comigo. Ao meu filho, Gabriel, que nasceu e cresceu junto com a Tese. Pelos momentos em que me desconcentrou, por competir em atenção com meu trabalho, me conectando, assim, com minha vida, e sempre me ensinando o que era mais importante. Aos meus pais, por todo o sacrifício que fizeram para me conduzir à Universidade e pelo inesgotável amor, carinho e apoio. Ao meu irmão, Rodrigo, amigo fiel, colega docente, obrigado pelas constantes palavras de ânimo e por sempre poder contar contigo. Aos meus queridos sogros Marcos e Marluce, e minhas cunhadas, Larissa e Natália, por sempre acreditarem em mim e me apoiarem. Ao meu orientador Dimitri Fazito, que me acompanhou durante todo o curso de Demografia no Cedeplar, leu e releu diferentes projetos, e, com sua inteligência aguçada, sempre soube ressaltar os aspectos mais importantes de cada ideia. Agradeço pela liberdade de pensamento que me conferiu, pelo respeito e tolerância em relação às minhas outras funções, pelas boas conversas na sua sala, definindo os rumos do projeto e me vi consolando nos momentos de angústia. Mesmo que você já esteja me acompanhando desde a monografia de graduação, comemoro agora o alvorecer de uma parceria promissora nestas investigações sobre os migrantes e suas redes! Agradeço a todos os professores e funcionários do Cedeplar. Os cinco anos em que fui estudante nesta casa me forneceram um aprendizado inestimável. Agradeço a todos pela seriedade e competência que tornam esta instituição tão excelente. Agradeço especialmente aos professores com os quais tive a oportunidade de estudar neste período: Carla, Simone,

This paper comparatively analyses the political economy of labour immigration in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan as new immigration countries in East Asia. It argues that the logic of their political economy of developmentalism, productivist welfare regime, and social contract of shared growth explains why all three democracies have a dual labour immigration regime, which encourages the immigration of highly qualified foreign labour and strictly controls the inflow of low-and medium-qualified foreign workers. This leads overall to low immigration movements and limited expansion of foreign residents. To reveal these commonalities of labour immigration regimes in East Asia, we discuss the three new East Asian immigration countries and their political economy in comparison to Italy and Spain as two new democratic immigration countries in South Europe. The paper also discusses the variations between political economies and resulting differences in labour immigration patterns among the three new East Asian immigration countries. This comparative analysis shows more pronounced similarities between Japan and South Korea and stronger peculiarities in the case of Taiwan. It can explain why Japan, despite having by far the fastest and most advanced demographic aging process among the three countries, had proportionally the lowest inflow of foreign labour. Still, based on this analysis, we expect a significant increase in labour immigration in Japan and in contrast to this a slowdown in labour inflows in South Korea in the coming years. Finally, it also explains why labour immigration regime in Taiwan is more responsive to the national labour market situation.

Türkiye'nin dört bir yanını küle çeviren yangınlar giderek bir mecaza dönüşüyor. Ormanlarla birlikte, bütün bir ülkenin, dogȃnın cömertçe sunduğu güzelliğin, emekle var edilmiş zenginliğin, birbirine ulanarak bugünlere gelmiş kolektif hafızanın yanıp yok olduğunu, geriye kül ve dumandan ibaret bir manzara bırakarak bu topraklardan koparıldığını anlatan bir mecaz. UC lke yangın yeri, hem gerçekten hem de mecazen… Kuşkusuz bu günlere bir anda gelinmedi. Türkiye bir açıdan bakarsak yüz yıldır, bir açıdan bakarsak 12 Eylül'den itibaren, bir açıdan da son çeyrek yüzyılda adım adım, kasten ve sistematik biçimde bu uçuruma çekildi. Türkiye'yi uçuruma çekenler emperyalizm, sermaye sınıfı ve onların türlü kılıklara girmiş siyasetçileri, yöneticileri, kanaat önderleri oldu. UC lke bir işgal ordusu tarafından yağmalanmış bir topragȃ dönüşürken zenginliklerinin, kariyerlerinin, güçlerinin sürekli artmış olması bu ülkeyi bu uçuruma neden böyle şevkle, zevkle, el birliğiyle ittiklerini açıklıyor zaten. Bu tablonun kahredici olduğunu söylemeye gerek yok. Yaşananların ve yaşatılanların doğurduğu öKkenin ve çaresizlik hissinin giderek büyümesi de olagȃn. Ancak buradan bir çıkış, bir direniş, bir diriliş çıkması da zorunlu. Eğer bir siyasal ve toplumsal irade onu bir mücadele kulvarına dönüştürecek yaratıcılığı göstermezse, biriken öKkenin ve çaresizlik hissinin ya çıkmaz bir yola saparak ehlileşeceği ya da kendisine dönerek içsel potansiyelini berhava edeceği kesin.

Japan's current refugee protection and immigration detention practices are at a significant divergence from international human rights standards. It cannot be said that Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, "the right to escape persecution," or the principle of non-refoulement in the Refugee Convention are being fully respected.

I recognize that there are insufficient efforts to raise international awareness of this situation. As a first step in that effort, I have translated and published the following two booklets regarding Japan's current refugee protection and immigration detention practices.

This booklet is one of them.

The research is historical study about the political refugees and exiles from the Ottomans who came to Cairo in the period of 1468-1517A.D/ 872-923H، and policy of the Mamluk authority in dealing with these groups. Also، the political and diplomatic connotations of these groups، as well as how the Sultanate of Mamluk benefited from them. The study clarified the role ofthe Mamluk authority and their desire to maintain the internal and external security of the Mamluk Sultanate، and to consolidate external relations with neighboring powers through their dealing of refugees and diplomatic embassies. The study demonstrated the role of the Mamluk diplomacy in trying to resolve political and military crises، and diplomatically benefiting from their policy of peaceful openness with neighboring powers. Finally، the study illustrates the policy of Qāytibāy and Qānṣūh al-Ghūrī in dealing with these groups، and its role in exploring how to manage Mamluk authority from external dangers during times of crisis.

RESUMEN: En el contexto externo de la Argentina, las relaciones interculturales en el Cono Sur son un factor de cambio que-de un modo u otro-puede sensibilizar su política exterior. Sobre todo porque la relación con el cambio externo es uno de los aspectos más ...

Bu çalışma 1980-2010 yılları arasında OECD ülkelerine göç eden Türk göçmen stokunun göç eğilimlerini makro iktisadi parametrelerde meydana gelen dönüşümler ile etkileşimi çerçevesinde ele almaktadır. Neoliberal politikalar ve küreselleşen dünya dinamikleri, günümüz göç sürecinin sistemler ve ağlar arası bir etkileşim bağlamında değerlendirilmesinin zorunluluğunu ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bireylerin göç sürecinde izledikleri stratejiler sistemler arasındaki yapısal boyutlar değişimi çerçevesinde şekillenmektedir. Bu kapsamda 1980-2010 yılları arasında 19 OECD ülkesindeki Türk göçmen stokunun yığılım gösterdiği alanları, vasıf ve cinsiyet kategorilerini içeren panel veri seti kullanılmıştır. Araştırma sonuçlarına göre 1980-2010 yılları arasında Türk göçmen stoku şu değişimleri kaydetmiştir: (1) Ülke profili açısından yayılım alanını genişletmiş ve devletler arası anlaşmalardan bağımsızlaşmıştır, (2) Cinsiyetler açısından göçün ciddi bir feminizasyonu söz konusu olmuş ve kadın-erkek kategorileri arasındaki farkın yıllar içerisinde kapandığı görülmüştür, (3) Göçmen stokunun vasıf kategorileri arasında ayrım yıllar içerisinde şiddetlenmiştir. Düşük ve orta vasıf kategorileri yıllar içerisinde yüksek vasıflı göçmen stokuna dönüşmüş ve bu eğilim giderek artmıştır, (4) Göçmen stokunda yüksek vasıflı kişilerin yıllar içinde hızlı yükselişinin merkez ülkelerin ekonomik kalkınma anlayışındaki değişimler ile paralellik gösterdiği gözlemlenmiştir, (5) Göçmen stoku yıllar açısından düşük vasıflıdan yüksek vasıflıya dönüşüm geçirirken yığılımlarını etkileyen faktörler açısından kendi içlerinde de farklılaştığı tespit edilmiştir.

تسعى هذه الورقة إلى تناول مواقف الدول الإفريقية من سياسة ترامب لترحيل المهاجرين؛ من خلال مناقشة سياسة إدارة ترامب تجاه المهاجرين ودوافعها من هذه السياسة، والطريقة التي تم من خلالها تنفيذ هذه السياسة، لا سيما ما ترتب على رفض بعض الدول استقبال مواطنيها من البحث عن دولة ثالثة لاستقبال المهاجرين غير الشرعيين، ومِن ثَمَّ مواقف حكومات الدول الإفريقية من ترحيل مواطنين ذات أصول لا تنتمي لها، بالإضافة إلى ما ترتَّب على ذلك من تداعيات سياسية واقتصادية وإنسانية وقانونية.

The protection of cultural heritage of Africa remains a germane issue under international legal regimes. Despite the existence of robust international legal frameworks, which include the UNESCO World Heritage Convention and the Hague Convention, et cetera, the practical implementation and enforcement of these provisions in Africa have more often than not been criticized for enforcement deficits and geopolitical biases. This paper adopts doctrinal legal research methodology to examine the international legal regime for the protection of African cultural heritage assets in a bid to highlight their successes and limitations. It further examines issues of the repatriation of looted artifacts, the destruction of heritage sites during conflicts, and the role of international institutions, including UNESCO. While using Prosecutor v. Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi (2016) as a case study, which addressed the destruction of cultural heritage in Timbuktu, this paper, nevertheless, evaluates the gap between theory and practice. It is revealed that the protection of the cultural heritage of Africa under international legal frameworks is merely rhetoric and far away from the substantive mandate of the law due to variables such as lack of local representation in global decision-making, geographical bias, and systemic inequalities. It is concluded that the protection of the cultural heritage of Africa under the watch of the international legal frameworks remains vulnerable to destruction, neglect, and exploitation.

This report provides an exhaustive, evidence-based analysis of immigration in the United Kingdom, assessing its multifaceted impacts, the effectiveness of government policy, and the overall balance of success and failure. Drawing exclusively on official government data and academic research, the analysis concludes that immigration has yielded discernible, albeit modest, net economic and fiscal benefits, filled critical labour market gaps, and contributed significantly to demographic vitality. However, these successes have been profoundly undermined by a persistent failure of governance, characterised by volatile, reactive policymaking and severe implementation deficiencies. The result is a system that lacks stability, predictability, and, at times, basic regulatory control.

Migration to the United States (U.S.) has been an ongoing topic in the political discourse. In the specific case of migration using the United States-Mexico border, it is difficult to understand the patterns and uncertainty that comes from trying to capture the behavior of individuals and groups. Migrants using the U.S.-Mexico border present features and migration patterns that are unique, particularly in the case of group migrations, structured social networks, and caravans that travel towards the border together. We build an agent-based model (ABM) that simulates migrant decision-making of which border to choose, to test the effects of social influence on an agent's migration strategy, as well as the effects of policy changes on migrant behavior. Deciphering these emerging patterns of migration and social phenomena can help provide researchers and policymakers with an added dimension of knowledge on how to better utilize resources at the U.S. ports of entry.

Resumen El artículo aborda los tránsitos y rutas migratorias desplegadas a partir del desplazamiento de personas provenientes de África Occidental que atraviesan territorios sudamericanos y centroamericanos con destino a Estados Unidos. Desde una perspectiva transnacional y multisituada, se describen las distintas etapas del tránsito que las personas migrantes deben experimentar, explorando los tipos de violencias sufridas, así como las formas de resistencia posibles. Una primera hipótesis es que las migraciones de personas africanas por esta ruta constituyen estrategias de movilidad resultantes de la mayor peligrosidad que adquirieron los desplazamientos por las rutas del Mediterráneo y el Sahara en dirección a Europa.. Palabras clave África Occidental; Sistema migratorio Cono Sur-Centroamérica; Violencias; Resistencias.

The increasing religious diversity accompanying migration processes in Europe has shown the significance of fostering social cohesion, for example through interreligious dialogue (IRD). This article provides an overview of IRD in three countries: Austria, Croatia, and Serbia, focusing on whether various projects and initiatives have paid attention to the religious diversity of refugee and migrant populations. After providing a basic picture of religious and migration patterns in three countries and how migration has been debated socially, it focuses on how rising religious diversity is taken into account and if and how religious diversity connected with migration has been addressed at the grassroots level. The article shows some similarities and important differences among the three countries. Despite very different migration trajectories, migration has increasingly come to be seen as a social threat and security challenge in all countries. At the same time, the IRD in Austria has a longer history and has been institutionalized. In Croatia and Serbia, the rising religious diversity initiated by refugees and recent migration has been considered only by grassroots initiatives linked to informal engagements embedded in humanitarian efforts. The concluding part summarizes the results and proposes directions for future research.

Resumen Este artículo analiza políticas estatales que tuvieron impacto significativo en la migración haitiana en Argentina en el período 2011-2019, concentrándose en dos de las regulaciones vigentes en el período abordado: la implementación de la categoría de falso turista (2014) en las fronteras nacionales y la política de visado a la población haitiana (2018). Nuestra premisa propone que la formulación de políticas relacionadas con la migración haitiana reciente está intrínsecamente vinculada con cómo se ha pensado y tratado políticamente la negritud y la afrodescendencia en Argentina. Con base en una metodología cualitativa que combinó el análisis de documentos públicos oficiales, entrevistas, documentos estadísticos y otras fuentes pertinentes a la temática, buscamos reflexionar críticamente sobre la racialización del pensamiento de Estado en Argentina, especialmente en lo que respecta a ciertas migraciones y presencias migrantes en el país, una dinámica que ha mostrado una notable persistencia a lo largo del tiempo.

This article critically examines the multiscalar, transnational, and interdependent nature of deportations with a focus on complex assemblages of power in shaping deportation outcomes inside and beyond the state. The police are the main actor in the securityoriented deportation regime in Finland, playing a key role in the formation of deportation policies by developing new assemblages with different actors in order to advance deportations. While deportations entail multiple forms, methods, and strategies with different degrees of coercion, geopolitical realities and readmission policies contribute to asymmetric outcomes. Even if tight asylum policies are central to the legal production of deportable people, deportations from Finland are mainly enforced to other member states and post-socialist countries, often on other grounds than negative asylum decisions. Despite the small numbers, the deportation regime by default targets all deportable people considered as a problem for the social and national order, rather than manifesting normative ideals of citizenship.

The U.S. employment-based immigration system is increasingly exploited through fraudulent sponsorship practices, particularly among H-1B, EB-3, and similar visa categories. Investigations reveal that applicants from India, Pakistan, and China are routinely charged illicit “sponsorship fees” ranging from $20,000 to $40,000 by employers who often fabricate tax records and business operations to obtain USCIS approval. According to the Department of Labor and GAO reports, over 21% of H-1B petitions reviewed between 2019 and 2023 contained violations, including wage suppression and fake documentation, while labor trafficking cases rose by 36% in hospitality and IT consulting sectors during the same period.

These schemes undermine the integrity of U.S. immigration law, displace genuine talent, and perpetuate systemic labor exploitation. Current statutory frameworks under the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) and Department of Labor regulations lack rigorous pre-approval sponsor verification and fail to criminalize fee recovery schemes effectively. This paper proposes a comprehensive reform package including: (1) mandatory IRS-DOL cross-verification of sponsor financials; (2) capital and operational thresholds for sponsorship eligibility; (3) felony-level penalties for collecting sponsorship fees; (4) biometric payroll compliance systems; and (5) victim restitution mechanisms.

The recommendations aim to restore credibility to the immigration process, protect foreign workers from trafficking-like conditions, and ensure that employment-based immigration aligns with the economic and humanitarian objectives of U.S. policy.

Co-authored with Daniel McCulloch (The Open University). Preoccupations with Covid-19 have not hindered the Government's Brexit agenda. In the new world of Brexit, and related to the UK Government's ongoing hostile environment approach to migration, under new changes to UK immigration rules, from 1st December 2020 the Home Office are entitled in law to expel non-EEA (European Economic Area) nationals who are sleeping rough. From the 1st January 2021 this law also applies to newly-arriving EEA citizens.

The U.S. asylum system is strained by unprecedented application volumes, lengthy adjudication timelines, and systemic vulnerabilities that invite exploitation. The existing 180-day Employment Authorization Document (EAD) eligibility framework, while intended to prevent prolonged economic hardship, has become a magnet for frivolous claims and economic migration.

This policy proposal advocates for a comprehensive reform of the asylum work authorization process, introducing integration-driven prerequisites such as GED enrollment, English proficiency programs, identity verification, and tax compliance as conditions for EAD issuance and renewal. The framework draws on international best practices from Canada, the EU, and the UK while remaining consistent with U.S. statutory and treaty obligations, including non-refoulement under the 1951 Refugee Convention.

By re-engineering the current EAD policy into an “Integration Before Authorization” model, this reform seeks to preserve humanitarian values while deterring abuse, enhancing security, and fostering long-term self-sufficiency among genuine asylum seekers.

Bu çalışma mültecilere yönelik yaygın nefret söylemine odaklanmaktadır. Mültecilerin toplumda bir huzursuzluk kaynağı olarak görüldüğü ve halkın önemli bir kısmının alışılageldik yapısal durumun bozulmasından endişe duyduğu gözlenmektedir. Sosyal düzensizlik teorisyenleri başta olmak üzere sapma konusunu çalışmış olan birçok sosyoloğa göre, bir toplum alışılageldik sosyal düzene uygun düşmeyen yeni fikirlere ve geleneklere maruz kaldığında, sosyal düzensizlik artar. Bu çalışmanın odağındaki etiketleme kuramı bu bakış açısını, orta sınıfları bir analiz nesnesi kılarak ortaya koymaktadır. Bu çalışmada öteki/yabancı unsurların, etiketleme davranışı yoluyla kamusal alanda hedefe konmalarının çelişki ve düzensizliği daha da artırdığı iddia edilmektedir. Zira bireylere atfedilen negatif etiketler, bu negatif imaj odağında çatışmalı bir vasatın oluşmasına yol açmaktadır. Suriyeli mültecilerle ilgili örnek haberler üzerinden dışlama ve etiketleme davranışlarının incelendiği bu çalışmada nitel araştırma tekniği kullanılmış ve içerik analizi yoluyla da veriler çözümlenmiştir. Örnek haberler Suriyeli mültecilerle ilgili şiddet içerikli hadiseleri barındırmaktadır. Mülteciler toplumun grupsal onur ve dayanışma ekseninde örgütlenme çabasına dönük bir tehlike olarak değerlendirildiğinden, bu durum milli duyguları harekete geçirmekte ve kendi ev sahiplikleri konusunda bir irade beyanını gerektirmektedir. Örnek haberlere konu olan eylemler de bu duyguyu destekleyen anahtar kelimeler içermektedir. Çalışmayı ilgilendiren asıl boyut ise medyada geniş yer bulan insan eylemlerinin analizidir. Bu hadiselerde etiketleme ve buna eşlik eden doğallaştırılmış tepkinin medyaya yansıyan boyutları çalışmanın odak noktasını oluşturmaktadır.