International Constitutional Law

L’introduzione del comma 7 all’art. 33 Cost. conferisce allo sport rilievo costituzionale, riconoscendolo come diritto autonomo e non più mero strumento accessorio. Lo sport viene valorizzato quale fattore di integrazione sociale, culturale e spirituale, con un'accentuata dimensione antropocentrica. Si afferma una lettura che ne evidenzia il valore intrinseco e la funzione di inclusione e sviluppo psico-fisico della persona. L’accesso all’attività sportiva assume così la natura di pretesa giuridica nei confronti della Repubblica, in linea con esperienze costituzionali europee e indirizzi sovranazionali, soprattutto a tutela dei minori.

This article examines the use of artificial intelligence (AI) in early childhood education from a rights-based perspective, drawing on a critical interpretive synthesis (CIS) of the literature published between 2019 and 2025. A typology of four uses in early childhood-Tutor, Tool, Companion, and Tracker (THCR)-is proposed and each category is mapped against the core principles of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child: privacy, non-discrimination, best interests, and participation. The contribution includes: (a) a risk-safeguard matrix differentiated by type of AI; (b) a logic model and theory of change for care-centered implementations; and (c) the SAFE LEARN checklist (Safety by design, Agency/assent, Fairness, Explainability, Learning alignment, Educator capacity, Accountability, Risk logging, Non-replacement of care). Implications for policy and practice are discussed for schools, administrations, and providers, emphasizing human mediation and verifiable equity as minimal conditions for acceptance. This work offers a pioneering framework that connects international normative principles with operational instruments, providing immediate guidance for the Education 2030 agenda and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 4 and 16.

Il presente contributo analizza alcuni degli effetti – tanto giuridici
quanto pratici – prodotti dall’azione esterna negli ordinamenti dei paesi
terzi attraverso i vari metodi adoperati dall’Unione nella cooperazione in-
ternazionale. Gli strumenti politici e finanziari e i meccanismi di condizio-
nalità sono, infatti, funzionali al raggiungimento di obiettivi di natura giu-
ridica nei paesi terzi, in particolare al rafforzamento dei controlli alle fron-
tiere da parte degli stessi. L’Unione dota questi ultimi dei mezzi per svi-
luppare o riformare il loro diritto interno, nonché per applicarlo compati-
bilmente con gli interessi dell’Unione. La nozione di influenza giuridica
dell’Unione negli ordinamenti dei paesi terzi ben coglie gli effetti derivanti
dalla combinazione di strumenti apparentemente non giuridici – come le
pressioni diplomatiche e gli accordi non vincolanti – con l’erogazione dei
finanziamenti esterni che spesso accompagnano gli impegni politici profusi
in tali strumenti.

Con base en un marco normativo internacional especializado y en una metodología analítica-propositiva, la presente investigación tiene como objetivos: a) identificar el core rights, los derechos humanos que han sido reconocidos como parte del ius cogens a nivel internacional; b) justificar la utilidad de la codificación del ius cogens en derechos humanos en el sistema regional interamericano, y c) proponer un mecanismo dentro del sistema interamericano de protección de los derechos humanos que ayude a hacer efectivas esas prerrogativas imperativas. De esta forma, los Estados en la región podrán cumplir con la noción erga omnes --general-- de garantía colectiva subyacente en los tratados internacionales de derechos humanos y con la opinio iuris cogentis  que se traduce en la aceptación de las cualidades especiales de esas normas inderogables como normas generales del derecho internacional.

Отмечено, что в результате распада СССР Азербайджан снова восстановил свою государственную независимость, положил основу нового этапа и направления в отношениях между Францией и Азербайджаном. Взаимоотношения одновременно начали развиваться в многостороннем формате. Сформировались новые направления сотрудничества между двумя странами. Франция является сопредседателем в Минской группе ОБСЕ, занимающейся вопросом мирного урегулирования Нагорно-Карабахского конфликта. Основная цель статьи -исследование интересов и роль Франции в урегулировании и решении армяно-азербайджанского Нагорно-Карабахского конфликта. Исследование анализирует взаимосвязь политических факторов с геополитическими факторами, изучает конфликт из общей призмы этих факторов. Статья основана на источниках информации разных государств, международных правительственных и неправительственных организаций, имеет четкую структуру и сильную аналитическую и методологическую базу. После восстановления государственной независимости Азербайджана создание и развитие отношений со странами Европы превратилось в приоритет его внешней политики. Отношения Азербайджана и Франции начали развиваться на новом этапе. Франция сопредседательствует в Минской группе ОБСЕ, занимающейся вопросом мирного урегулирования конфликта Армении и Нагорного Карабаха. Франция также играет активную роль в сотрудничестве между Европейским Союзом и Азербайджаном в рамках Европейской политики соседства.

In this comparative analysis, Mr. Holloway suggests that before advocating the further constitutionalization of labor law as a means of improving the legal protection offered to working people, American jurists and lawmakers should examine other countries' experiences. He argues that the examples provided by England and Germany, as well as America's own experience as exemplified by Lochner and the Court-packing crisis of the New Deal era, indicate that those who advocate importing constitutional values into the employment relationship must proceed with caution. He concludes that while those who support the application of "constitutional values" to employment disputes may be well-intentioned, the political and social culture of the United States is such that the political process, rather than the judicial system, is a more appropriate vehicle for change in the area of employment rights protection.

Last October, 106 female-footballers, members of 24 different National Football Federations, addressed a letter of protest to the President of FIFA against a spon-sorship agreement stipulated by the International Federation. The agreement is with one of the most powerful Saudi (and world) oil companies for the duration of the three-year period 2024/2027, in which the 2026 editions of the Men's World Cup and the 2027 edition of the Women's World Cup are considered the main ob-ject of sponsorship.

The contract, which has considerable economic importance for the Federation and, at the same time, considerable media and promotional importance for the sponsor (and therefore for the Saudi regime which has very close ties with the oil company), is branded as another example of Sportswashing, that is the instrumen-tal use of major sporting events and the social and ethical values of sport to cover up situations of abuse and systematic denial of the human rights of women, of the weakest categories and of the LGBTQ+ communities.

Starting from the protest of the female soccer players, the essay aims to analyse the characteristics of “sportswashing”, first used in 2015, comparing it with the propagandistic use of sporting activities and events that characterized an histori-cal phase in the first half of the 20th century. It proposes to highlight the different characteristics based on the transmission of the political and racial ideology of supremacy, in the oldest cases, and, in the most recent cases, on the laws of the market and on economic supremacy used to hide situations that are in open con-trast with respect of the most basic human rights.

Alongside the main topic of investigation, a further profile of reflection emerges: whether it is possible to propose a reinterpretation of the principle of neutrality of sport, which has declined in relation to the political choices of States. The new interpretation, according to a reading key that is more related to social complexity and to the protection of individual fundamental rights of all people, must be ad-dressed to the complete realization of the principle of inclusion and contrast to any abuse or discrimination and to affirm the actual existence of the right to sport.

This article delves into the much-debated issue of the amendability of the Preamble to the Constitution of India, more specifically, to the insertion of terms "Socialist" and "Secular" to the Preamble by way of the 42nd Constitutional Amendment in 1976, during the controversial "Emergency" period under the then Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi. The issue has recently been reignited in June 2025 when the then Vice President of India, Sh. Jagdeep Dhankar questioned the amendability of the Preamble and also the 42d Amendment. During the last five decades, the Hon'ble Supreme Court of India, through various landmark judgements, has deliberated and examined the issue in the light of the doctrine of Basic Feature of the Constitution and the amending power of the Parliament under Article 368 of the Constitution of India. This article traces the scope and amendability of the Preamble as interpreted by the Supreme Court of India. It also explores the concepts of "Secularism" and "Socialism" on the touchstone of judicial pronouncements. This discussion aims to inform legal professionals, academic scholars, lawmakers, etc., about the scope and limits of the amendability of the Preamble to the Constitution of India

Russia has been a member of the Council of Europe (CoE) for 25 years, and of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) for 22 years, which is in itself a remarkable achievement on both sides. This article asks the questions: how has this been this possible? And is the close and mostly positive relationship between Russia and the Council of Europe and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) about to come to an end? In order to answer these questions, I first provide an overview of the USSR's late acknowledgment of the need for compliance in its internal affairs with UN standards, and especially the contribution of Mikhail Gorbachev. I follow this with an account of Russia's accession to the CoE and ratification of the ECHR under Boris Yeltsin, and a snapshot of the popularity for Russians of complaining to Strasbourg. Second, I turn to the very controversial rulings by the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation (CCRF) and new legislation on the question of the CCRF ruling on the "impossibility" for Russia of implementing judgments of the ECtHR. Third, I analyse the controversial Yukos case. This was in fact the second and last until now such ruling on impossibility. Fourth, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe imposed sanctions on Russia following the illegal annexation by Russian of Crimea. Russia seemed poised to leave or be expelled from the CoE. Bu t in 2019 a controversial deal was done. Fifth, I ask whether President Putin's 2020 amendments to the 1993 Constitution really pose a threat to Russia's continuing relationship with the CoE and the ECHR.

This paper explores the provocative thesis that the theological and historical core of the Hebrew Bible-particularly Deuteronomy and the Exodus narrative-originated not in the wilderness of Sinai, but in the royal court of King Josiah of Judah (ca. 640-609 BCE). Drawing on the works of leading scholars such as Thomas C. Römer, Richard Elliott Friedman, Israel Finkelstein, John Van Seters, and Ronald Hendel, the paper argues that the so-called "Book of the Law" discovered in 622 BCE (2 Kings 22) was not found, but written by Josiah's scribes to legitimize his political and cultic reforms. Deuteronomy emerges as pseudepigraphal state propaganda cloaked in Mosaic authority, designed to centralize worship in Jerusalem and elevate Yahweh as the sole national god. As the second half to the paper The King Who Created God: Unveiling the Theological Curtain of Josiah's Reform, this study extends the thesis by proposing that the Exodus narrative itself-with its architecture, theology, and spatial design-was constructed in tandem with Josiah's reformist agenda. The Tabernacle is shown to be a literary prototype of the Jerusalem Temple, the Israelite war camp a portable version of sacred zoning, and the burning bush an early conceptual motif of the Menorah. These features, combined with the lack of pre-exilic manuscripts and the narrative's ideological alignment with 7th-century nationalism, suggest the Exodus is not ancient memory but theological allegory-a myth of national rebirth crafted to serve Josiah's vision. The result is a literary construction in which Moses speaks, but Josiah's voice is heard-a sacred past invented to sanctify the political present. The reign of King Josiah (640-609 BCE) represents a pivotal moment in the history of ancient Judah, marked by significant religious and political reforms aimed at consolidating power and fostering a unified national identity. As the Assyrian Empire began to wane, Josiah seized the opportunity to centralize worship in Jerusalem, eradicate foreign cults, and enforce a strict monotheistic practice centered around Yahweh. Central to the legitimacy of these reforms was the purported "discovery" of the "Book of the Law" (Deuteronomy) in the Temple, an event portrayed in 2 Kings 22 as a fortuitous moment of divine intervention. However, this narrative is better understood as a calculated political-theological maneuver designed to anchor Josiah's agenda within a mythic past, specifically through the creation of companion texts that included the Exodus narrative. This introduction posits that the Exodus story served three essential functions during Josiah's reign: it unified a diverse populace under a shared origin myth, legitimized the supremacy of the Jerusalem Temple, and framed Josiah himself as a "new Moses," leading Judah out of the oppressive shadow of Assyria. By examining archaeological critiques from scholars like Israel Finkelstein and literary analyses from Thomas Römer, this study unveils the constructed nature of the Exodus narrative, arguing for its seventh-century origins and its role as a vehicle for Josiah's political and religious ambitions. The implications of this research extend beyond mere historical inquiry; they challenge the traditional understanding of biblical narratives as static accounts, revealing them instead as dynamic texts shaped by the sociopolitical realities of their time.

This paper is provisional and subject to change.

Abstract


This research examines the legal and socioeconomic implications of coastal peoples' maritime rights in Bangladesh with a core focus on the evolving blue economy. As Bangladesh’s coastal regions basically  home to millions of people are critical to the nation’s economic and ecological stability yet they face different  challenges from environmental pollution , climate change, sea level rising and industrial encroachment in the coastal areas. Besides blue economy assess  the sustainable use of ocean resources for economic growth. This research  study will see how contemporary  legal frameworks address or neglect the maritime rights of coastal communities particularly fishing populations and indigenous groups. Throughout  an analysis of existing  legal instruments and field based insights  the paper highlights gaps in governance, resource access and the lack of inclusive decision making processes for their sustainable livelihood . The research  critically examines the tension between industrial development and the protection of coastal communities' traditional rights to land as well as marine resources. The research  argues that the successful integration of the Blue economy into Bangladesh’s early development agenda requires a vivid legal recognition of coastal peoples’ rights which indicate equitable governance structures and the inclusion of local knowledge in the time of law making . The research provides recommendations for protecting  maritime rights with a sustainable blue economy ensuring both ecological preservation and the socioeconomic welfare of coastal people's.
Keywords: Coastal Peoples' Maritime Rights, Blue Economy, Sustainable Development, Bangladesh, Climate Change, Legal Frameworks

Global constitutionalism refers to the continuing debate on the character of contemporary international law in the context of the increasing integration in the realm of constitutional law of states. It is also an umbrella term that overarches pro-constitutionalist theories within the international legal theory. However, it largely consists of contributions from Western scholars, with negligible opinions from the rest of the world. The article evaluates a position for the Third World within the debate on global constitutionalism. While doing so, the article not only draws attention to the Western-centric nature of the debate, but also examines the changing structures and paradigms in the Third World.

Spesso l'espressione "associazione per delinquere" viene abusata, sia nel linguaggio comune sia giornalisticamente, per intendere genericamente un insieme di più persone che commettono un reato. In realtà-come avviene per quasi tutte le fattispecie di rilevanza penale-la definizione è più complessa e per la configurazione del reato di associazione per delinquere è necessaria la presenza di alcuni presupposti specifici attinenti all'elemento oggettivo. Sono "elementi strutturali dell'associazione" i seguenti requisiti: a) La pluralità di associati, nel minimo di 3 persone b) La stabilità del vincolo associativo tra i partecipanti (non occasionalità) c) L'indeterminatezza del programma criminoso, nel senso che, il fine associativo deve determinarsi in una serie svariata ed indeterminata di reati. Va infatti escluso il 416 c.p. qualora l'associazione si prefigga la commissione di uno o più specifici reati (Cass. Pen. Sez. II n. 16339/2013). La ratio per cui il legislatore ha configurato, come autonomo titolo di reato, il delitto di associazione per delinquere di cui all'art. 416 c.p., consiste nel pericolo per l'ordine pubblico provocato dal vincolo associativo che intercorre tra più persone legate da un medesimo fine criminoso. E ciò spiega perché per la sussistenza del delitto di associazione per delinquere sia irrilevante la consumazione dei delitti programmati, sottesi al disegno criminoso, il che costituisce una macroscopica eccezione nel codice penale. E proprio in quanto eccezione essa non è estensibile per analogia-e nemmeno nel linguaggio comune "per somiglianza o similitudine" (quasi a giustificare l'uso improprio dell'espressione). Si tratta di un reato di pericolo i cui elementi costitutivi sono ravvisabili nella l'esistenza di una struttura organizzativa di minimo 3 persone, anche rudimentale, ma idonea e adeguata a realizzare gli obiettivi criminosi, un vincolo associativo tendenzialmente permanente e l'indeterminatezza del disegno criminoso. L'elemento soggettivo richiesto è il dolo specifico che risiede nella consapevolezza di partecipare e contribuire attivamente alla vita dell'associazione; è necessaria la manifestazione di una c.d. affectio societatis, locuzione creata dal dettato giurisprudenziale formatosi nel susseguirsi di varie pronunce sul tema. http://www.salvisjuribus.it/associazione-per-delinquere-guida-minima-allart-416-del-codice-penale/ DICEMBRE 2024 Salvis Juribus-Rivista di informazione giuridica Listed in ROAD, con patrocinio UNESCO

Gender identity, as an expression of personal identity, constitutes a fundamental right that is presupposed, recognised, and protected under the Constitution. The legal process of gender reassignment amends the identity recorded in the civil status registers, thereby introducing a discontinuity with the natural fact of birth. Within this legal context, the sexualisation process is conceptualised as a juridical fact in the strict sense, independent of the will of the individual, thereby advancing a legal and cultural framework that endorses gender reassignment even in the absence of surgical intervention modifying or extinguishing primary sexual characteristics. Recent jurisprudential developments from the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, coupled with competitive events at the Paris Olympic Games, underscore the necessity to reconcile the competing interests of athletes, ensuring respect for their dignity and fundamental rights while maintaining sector-specific regulatory rationality to safeguard fair competition. This legal balancing act seeks to protect both cisgender athletes and those who are trans or intersex. The International Olympic Committee (IOC), through successive regulatory frameworks, has delineated specific provisions governing the participation of trans and intersex athletes in competitive sports. Initially, the IOC adopted testosterone levels as the determinative criterion for eligibility in competitive events. However, since 2021, the IOC's approach has shifted towards more inclusive regulatory policies, affirming genuine "gender selfdetermination" and opposing the discriminatory effects perpetuated by previous regulatory practices. Notwithstanding this shift, ongoing media discourse continues to question the perceived failure to observe fairness principles, particularly in instances where cisgender athletes compete against transgender or intersex athletes. This entire issue must be viewed in light of recent constitutional amendments recognising sport as a fundamental human right. Accordingly, sport, like other social formations, is entrusted with performing a "socializing", "educational" and "health-promoting" function, irrespective of an individual's physical or mental conditions. In this regard, sport must serve as a vehicle through which individuals may express their personality, personal identity, and, more specifically, their gender identity.

El profesor Pizzorusso ha señalado también sobre este punto que: «L'avvento del fenomeno della "globalizzazione", manifestatosi soprattutto come fenomeno economico, ma progressivamente diffusosi anche in altre sfere dell'attività umana, ha avviato un processo di graduale trasformazione capace, a lungo andare, di modificare l'assetto derivante dalle decisioni prese al tempo dei trattati di Vestfalia».

The Constitutional Court's grounds include a series of deeds about Court states that it would represent infringements of the legislation on the financing and conduct of the electoral campaign, online and offline. These deeds and related accusations are almost identical to those invoked in a complaint that, a few days ago, the Court dismissed by Decision no. 29/2024. We will not list them, the reason being a very simple one: leaving aside the fact that these alleged deeds could never grounded, according to the law, the annulment of the entire electoral election, the very existence of these deeds and the validity of these accusations has not been verified at all by the Court. The Court's reasoning does not include a single name of a single person who allegedly committed the deeds. There is no mention of any specific article of the electoral legislation that the Court affirms was infringed. Not even the laws in the field of financing and conducting the electoral campaign are mentioned. In short, the Court simply did not verify anything at all: whether the illegal deeds existed or not, whether the accusations brought are true or not, whether or not the accusations are grounded de facto and de jure, who is the person(s) who committed them, whether that person is guilty or not, etc. Obviously, there was no right of defense of anyone, since no one's name appears as the perpetrator of the violations of the electoral legislation. This is how the hideous lack of rule-of-law in constitutional justice appears in Decision no. 32/2024.
It is also true that after the annulment of the entire electoral process by Decision no. 32/2024, the prosecutors unleashed a real storm of criminal investigations for the deeds infringing the law for the financing and conduct of the electoral campaign. But above all, criminal investigations were launched for other spectacular crimes, with great impact on the public, such as "actions against the constitutional order", "coup d'état" or "initiation or establishment of an organization with a fascist, racist or xenophobic character”. It sounds familiar, doesn't it?
The very text of the Court is worthy of any activist of the correct ideology of any historical period. Constitutional Court watched over, as it has a responsibility and not just any one, but a positive one. But above all, because it has a duty to the country and democracy: neutrality. Through its democratic, positive but, above all, neutral vigilance, the Constitutional Court has protected my and yours right to a free, direct, equal and secret vote, it has prevented, it has strengthened us (resilience), it has made us consciences, it has restored our trust and it has removed our suspicions and in the democratic legitimacy of public authorities in the most neutral and democratic way possible: by annulling my vote, yours and of all citizens who voted and banning my vote, yours and of all citizens in the second round of voting. It protected the direct exercise of national sovereignty by the people, annulling and prohibiting this exercise of sovereignty. And, as a corollary, by annulling the direct exercise of the sovereignty of the people by voting, the Constitutional Court maintained `the democratic character and the rule of law (sic!) of Romania`.
The Orwellian Big Brother has found its correspondent in Romania of 2024: the Constitutional Court. Orwell would certainly have been envious of the members of the Constitutional Court.
It is horrifying – at least for those who lived their childhood and early adolescence before 1989 – that what dominates in Romania is silence and the fear of expressing an opinion for the fear of being considered "ideologically impure": pro-fascist, anti-European, pro Russian and all the ridiculous labels invented by the apostles of the correct ideology. It is a standard scenario. Everyone must be silent or, better, pro-active pro-European for the `superior good of Romania` decided by those – almost the majority in power – self-proclaimed holders of the monopoly on the "superior good of the country", on "Europeanism" and on "democracy". We all have to contribute to the "noble lie" to `save the pro-European democracy journey of Romania` and so that "the Russians do not come again".
It is obvious that a historical period that began in 1989 is starting to end. As a result of Decisions 32/2024, the course of the history of Romanian democracy has already entered an easily recognizable pattern. Everyone who has a minimum knowledge of Romanian history can grasp where Romania is heading- how I wish history will prove me wrong!-  under the glorious banner of another correct ideology, which aims, as well as others before it, to eliminate any form of dangerous impurity in order to keep Romania on the  `right path`. From now on, not IF ? but When did the official death of Romanian democracy take place? is the fundamental question posed by Romania's next historical evolution.

This contribution is a tribute to Halton Cheadle's work over the years, particularly his significant contribution to labour legislation and policy development and the enhancement of the role of international labour standards (ILS) in the SADC sub-region and elsewhere in Africa. Ever since the establishment of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) more than a hundred years ago, ILS has been a persuasive instrument in the search for universal democratic governance norms worldwide. Nowhere has that influence and impact been as visible as in developing countries. The impact of ILS in Southern Africa has been profound, not only in the struggle against racial discrimination, for instance in Zimbabwe and South Africa, but also in fostering labour rights through what was later designated as 'decent work'. In more recent years, the promotion of ILS has been extended through the reform of labour legislation and policy. Cheadle has been deeply involved in the work of labour law reform, starting with South Africa in 1994, efforts that culminated in the current Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995, and then other African countries, such as Nigeria and Tanzania. His contribution continued when he served as a member of the ILO Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations (CEACR). In an era that can be characterised as one of 'global polycrisis', the importance of ILS as a well-tested yardstick, renewed to address the challenges of a rapidly changing world of work, has become greater than ever before. This article will examine and analyse selected areas related to democratic governance developments.

Comparative Constitutional Law: Contemporary Insights is one such collaborative project, a small effort to provide an overview of the field. It is inherent that any such effort will be incomplete, and I surely recognize the limitations of any effort to distill such a rich field into a single volume. But we also believe that the time has come for some organization of the various issues and controversies that structure academic and legal debate. As the field matures, such efforts will help to advance scholarship to the next level, by focusing attention on outstanding questions as well as raising awareness of issues worth pursuing in under-analyzed jurisdictions.

The concept of "Haq" (Right) is deeply rooted in the ideas of justice, responsibility, and the harmonious balance between the individual and collective. This philosophy provides a profound framework for analyzing international collaboration in space exploration, illuminating the moral and ethical dimensions of these endeavors. Below, we delve into the principles of Haq and how they manifest in key examples of global partnerships in space missions.

| www.fondation-pierredubois.ch 1 Le Centenaire du service social international : points de vue historiques L'année 2024 a marqué le centenaire du Service social international (SSI), une organisation non-gouvernementale dont le mandat porte sur la protection de l'enfance, l'assistance et la réunification des familles à travers les frontières internationales. Avec ses quartiers généraux à Genève et sa présence dans 120 pays dans le monde par des branches, des bureaux affiliés et des correspondant-e-s, le SSI met au coeur de son travail les principes de neutralité, de confidentialité, d'indépendance, de transparence et d'impartialité. L'organisation offre une assistance sociojuridique et un soutien psychologique aux enfants dans le besoin, plaide pour l'amélioration du droit national et international dans les domaines de l'enfance, de la migration et de la famille et s'engage pour la formation de professionnel-le-s de l'assistance sociale à travers l'organisation de conférences et des publications scientifiques i .

Local community initiatives are vital components in creating a stronger society, as they foster social cohesion, empower individuals, and address specific local needs. When community members participate in educational programs, they form bonds that strengthen the social fabric, reduce crime rates, and create a more harmonious environment. These programs provide individuals with the knowledge and skills needed to improve their socio-economic status, allowing them to contribute positively to society. Local community initiatives can tackle issues such as unemployment, health disparities, and environmental challenges unique to the community, promoting targeted solutions that yield effective results. Furthermore,

Given that society is constantly searching for the solutions of its social and political conflicts, the present work aims to carry out an analysis of the legal systems, using concepts of the general theory of law and the general theory of the process, and surface of the analogy between the exact and natural sciences, such as statistics, and legal sciences. Based on the initial concepts of demand, process, procedure, norm, fact and principles, in addition to the superficial study of the legislative production of legal systems. The light of the ThreeDimensional Theory of Law, from which the concept of legal plans is assimilated. The light of the plurality of legal systems from which the concept of parallels is assimilated. The light of statistical models seeks to create the definition of parallel legal systems. Based on this concept, it is sought to understand the behavior of these legal systems, and their legislative production, proposing changes in the form of visualization of legal...

On February 24, 1803, the United States Supreme Court, for the first time in recorded opinion, invalidated an Act of Congress in the case of Marbury v. Madison. I Twenty-two years later, Justice John Gibson of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court wrote a now-famous dissenting opinion in the case of Eakin v. Raub, discussing at length the circumstances in which judges may and may not declare statutes unconstitutional.2 This dissent, obscure until its rediscovery late in the nineteenth century by James Bradley Thayer, 3 has come to be regarded by many scholars as the most elaborate, if not the only, contemporaneous rebuttal of Marshall's argument in support of judicial review. Statements of the alleged Marbury-Eakin collision are so numerous as to defy computation. For example, Donald 0. Dewey, author of the only full-length book devoted exclusively to Marbury, claims that "[b]y 1825, when Justice John B. Gibson of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court undertook a refutation of Marshall in Eakin v. Raub, he complained that judicial review had become 'a professional dogma' resting on faith rather than reason."4 Rocco Tresolini and Martin Shapiro remark that, "The most effective answer to Marshall's argument was given in a dissenting opinion written by Judge Gibson of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania in the relatively unimportant case of Eakin v. Raub, decided in 1825."s More recently, Stanley I. Kutler says that Judge Gibson's dissent is

Nowadays, enabling the transmission of knowledge and information among people belonging to different cultures is fundamental. Therefore, there is an always rising request of translations. To address this rising demand, translators in the past decades have started to rely more on tools that can aid their job: machine translation (MT) and computer-assisted translation tools (CAT), which are now essential. However, when it comes to languages that are quite distant from each other, such as Russian and Italian, finding words in the SL that do not have an attested translation in the TL can create some difficulties. In this case, one of the strategies that can be adopted is transliteration. Even MT has to perform transliteration when processing those words, such as proper names and toponyms. One of the main problems is that the outputs across various MTs do not always correspond, producing TWs with different characters that do not allow for a standardized transliteration. In this thesis an analysis on the accuracy of MT outputs is provided, so to assess which perform better among Language Weaver, ModernMT, Intento, DeepL and Yandex when transliterating Russian anthroponyms and toponyms into Italian, taken from Russian passports. The metric of the assessment is based on a comparison between the output of each word generated from MTs and the norms suggested by the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for anthroponyms and the UNGEGN Working Group for toponyms. Moreover, further investigation is devoted to ChatGPT-4Omni and its processing of selected STs to assess the translation outputs produced after receiving specific instructions in the prompt.

U radu se analiziraju teoretske postavke odnosa međunarodnoga i unutrašnjega prava. Polazi se od tradicionalnoga učenja o postojanju dva shvatanja odnosa ova dva prava. Prema dualističkom, međunarodno i unutrašnje pravo predstavljaju dva neovisna i različita pravna sistema, s pripadajućim teorijama u pogledu međunarodnopravnih normi, onoj o transformaciji i onoj o adopciji. Prema monističkom gledištu, međunarodno i unutrašnje pravo dijelovi su jednog jedinstvenog pravnog sistema, u kojem postoje dva suprotna gledišta u odnosu na primat međunarodnog ili unutrašnjeg prava. Međutim, ustvrđuje se, da nijedna od prethodno navedenih teorija ne odgovara u potpunosti praksi i praktičnoj primjeni međunarodnih pravila u unutrašnjem poretku država. Stoga se dihotomija dualizma i monizma napušta te se sljedstveno tome razvija teorija koordinacije međunarodnih i unutrašnjih pravnih pravila, s ciljem olakšavanja stvarne primjene međunarodnopravnih normi. Potonja teorija pokazuje da se međunarodno i unutrašnje pravo međusobno prožimaju i naslanjaju jedan na drugi, što dokazuje i praksa – u kojoj ne samo da međunarodno pravo vrši svoj utjecaj na unutrašnje, već je i ispitivanje unutrašnjeg prava od osobite važnosti pred međunarodnim tijelima. U drugom dijelu rada ispituje se status međunarodnoga prava u pravnom sistemu Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije prema Ustavu iz 1974. U tom najvišem državnom, općem pravno-političkom aktu, u različitim se odredbama uočavaju elementi utjecaja međunarodnopravnog poretka u dijelu međunarodnoga prava ljudskih prava, poput pozivanja na prava, slobode i dužnosti čovjeka i građanina savezne države, ali i predviđanja kolektivnih prava naroda i manjina. U prilog tezi da Ustav iz 1974. nominalno slijedi osnovna načela i međunarodnopravne obaveze SFRJ, svjedoči i odredba VII iz uvodnoga dijela Ustava, da je miroljubiva koegzistencija i aktivna saradnja ravnopravnih država i naroda, bez obzira na razlike u njihovom društvenom uređenju, neophodan uvjet mira i društvenoga napretka u svijetu, da SFRJ zasniva svoje međunarodne odnose na načelima poštovanja nacionalne suverenosti i ravnopravnosti, nemiješanja u unutrašnje poslove drugih zemalja i rješavanja međunarodnih sporova mirnim putem. Prema predmetnoj ustavnoj odrednici, u svojim se međunarodnim odnosima SFRJ pridržava načela Povelje Ujedinjenih nacija, ispunjava svoje međunarodne obaveze i aktivno sudjeluje u djelatnosti međunarodnih organizacija kojih je članica. Jednako tako je primjetno da se u Ustavu iz 1974. koristi sintagma „međunarodna zajednica“ kod poštivanja interesa ovoga „nesubjekta“ kao cjeline, naročito u pogledu zaštite životne sredine. O zaključivanju međunarodnih ugovora i njihovom statusu i važenju na prostoru tadašnje države i njezinih republika i autonomnih pokrajina se posebno raspravlja u ovoj studiji. Praktičnu važnost je imala odredba iz člana 210. Ustava koja je bila predvidjela da „sudovi neposredno primjenjuju međunarodne ugovore koji su objavljeni.“ Ova će norma imati golemi značaj u komparativnoj analizi ustavâ država sljednica SFRJ, kako u svojim međusobnim odnosima, poput važećih, inter alia, Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine, Ustava Republike Srbije, Ustava Republike Crne Gore i Ustava Republike Hrvatske, tako i u odnosu na Ustav iz 1974., a u pogledu primjene međunarodnoga prava kroz zaključivanje, ratifikaciju i osiguranje izvršavanja dvostranih i mnogostranih međunarodnih ugovora u unutrašnjim poretcima država sljednica SFRJ. U ovome se segmentu izdvaja primjer Ustava BiH iz 1995. u kojem Europska konvencija za zaštitu ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda iz 1950. čini sastavni dio ustavnoga teksta i ostvaruje svoju izravnu primjenu u unutrašnjem pravnom poretku BiH. Ili bar tako predviđa odnosni Ustav.

The Electi Model presents a comprehensive meta-system for governance, ethics, education, and adaptive sociopolitical evolution. Synthesizing political philosophy, classical ethics, bioethics, AI alignment theory, education science, and historical political analysis, it proposes a scalable framework designed to address both current governance deficits and foreseeable ethical-technological challenges.

The model integrates:
A meritocratic selection system informed by psychometrics, bioethics, and educational alignment.


Constitutional adaptability protocols, ensuring systemic evolution across generational shifts.


AI-human ethical integration, anticipating both functional and emergent consciousness scenarios.


An education architecture personalized by cognitive, ethical, and genetic profiles, preparing future citizen-leaders.


Bio-social enhancement standards for ethical leadership qualification.


The Electi Model does not advocate a static utopia. It is a dynamic, revision-aware meta-system intended to remain functional across technological, cultural, and cognitive transformations.
Bridging philosophy, governance, and future studies, this work challenges traditional democratic theory while offering a forward-compatible, ethically grounded alternative for emerging societies.

Keywords:

Political philosophy, governance systems, ethics, AI alignment, genetic bioethics, meta-systemic theory, education policy, meritocracy, futurism.

Parimet kushtetuese gjatë masave të jashtëzakonshme janë garancitë themelore për mbrojtjen e Shtetit të së Drejtës përgjatë tyre. Në situatat e jashtëzakonshme, prioritetet dhe balancat e qeverisjes zhvendosen, për shkak të nevojave specifike të menaxhimit të situatës dhe shmangies së pasojave të krijuara. Kjo mund të sjellë deformime në respektimin e parimeve të Shtetit të së Drejtës. Ky punim synon të analizojë parimet kushtetuese që përbëjnë garancitë për mbrojtjen e Shtetit të së Drejtës në këto periudha. Përmes metodave empirike dhe krahasimore, ai shqyrton përvojën shqiptare në lidhje me standardet që burojnë nga aktet ndërkombëtare dhe me përvojat e vendeve të tjera, për të nxjerrë mësime të vlefshme. Duke mos qenë në gjendje të analizojë të gjitha aspektet që lidhen me sundimin e ligjit, punimi fokusohet në çështjet e parimeve të Kushtetutës dhe të zbatimit të saj.

L’articolo analizza l’evoluzione della giurisprudenza della Corte di giustizia in materia di libera circolazione degli status personali e familiari, con particolare attenzione al contributo offerto dal caso più recente, Mirin. Nel fare ciò, lo scritto esamina i rapporti tra il diritto dell’UE e le competenze statali in ambiti particolarmente sensibili come l’identità personale e lo stato civile, approfondendo le sfide connesse al riconoscimento transnazionale dei cambiamenti di genere effettuati in altro Stato membro dell’UE. L’articolo colloca la sentenza Mirin all’interno di una più ampia ricostruzione giurisprudenziale volta a garantire non solo la libera circolazione dei cittadini dell’UE, ma anche (e soprattutto) i loro diritti fondamentali. La conclusione cui si giunge è che la sentenza Mirin, attraverso un’estensione applicativa del principio di mutuo riconoscimento degli status, rappresenta un passo significativo nell’integrazione del riconoscimento dell’identità di genere nel quadro della cittadinanza europea e sottolinea una volta di più il ruolo della Corte di giustizia nel plasmare progressivamente i diritti fondamentali nell’ordinamento giuridico europeo.

This article explores the evolving jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union regarding the free movement of personal and family status, focusing on the most recent case Mirin. It addresses the intersection of EU law with national competence in sensitive areas like personal identity and civil status, highlighting the challenges of transnational recognition of gender changes made in another EU Member State. The article situates Mirin within a broader judicial framework aimed at ensuring not only the free movement of EU citizens but also (and above all) the protection of their fundamental rights. The article concludes that Mirin, as it extends the application of the mutual recognition principle, represents a significant step in integrating gender identity recognition into the framework of EU citizenship, and it underscores the role of the Court of Justice in progressively shaping fundamental rights in the European legal order.

The Natural Law Economy (NLE) introduces a transformative economic model designed to address persistent global challenges such as inequality, resource depletion, and ecological degradation. Rooted in principles of sustainability, equity, and harmony with natural laws, NLE prioritizes the replenishment of resources, ensuring economic activities respect ecological balance and human well-being.

NLE guarantees universal access to basic necessities, including food, housing, healthcare, education, and renewable energy, fostering dignity and fairness without reliance on monetary systems. Citizens contribute through their natural abilities, earning rewards via a hemp-based and blockchain reward system to access luxuries while ensuring sustainability. Flexible work structures and psychological safeguards nurture empathy, integrity, and societal collaboration.

The system complements Open Direct Competent Democracy (ODCD), aligning resource stewardship with participatory governance. Together, they create a society where humanity thrives in harmony with nature, enabling long-term survival and flourishing. By integrating advanced technologies and collective decision-making, NLE envisions a future of shared prosperity, ecological integrity, and equitable opportunity for all.

This essay introduces Open Direct Competent Democracy (ODCD), a transformative governance model designed to address the systemic flaws of traditional political systems. ODCD combines direct citizen participation, expert guidance, and ecological stewardship to create a transparent, equitable, and sustainable framework for governance. The essay establishes the philosophical and ethical foundations of ODCD, emphasizing the intrinsic value of every individual, the importance of aligning with natural laws, and the necessity of transparency and collaboration in decision-making.

ODCD critiques current governance structures, highlighting their susceptibility to corruption, inefficiency, and lack of accountability. The proposed system resolves these issues through mechanisms such as localized and decentralized decision-making, exclusion of exploitative economic disciplines, and integration with a complementary economic model, the Natural Law Economy (NLE), which will be detailed in a separate work. Together, ODCD and NLE aim to ensure equitable access to basic necessities, incentivize societal contributions, and manage resources sustainably.

The vision for ODCD encompasses a future where human potential is fully realized, communities thrive, and humanity coexists harmoniously with nature. While the transition to such a system presents challenges, the essay argues that the long-term benefits, including restored ecosystems, equitable governance, and collective well-being, make ODCD an urgent and achievable solution to current global crises.

The relentless pursuit of understanding and resources beyond Earth has ushered in a new era of space exploration, where the extraction and utilization of extraterrestrial resources have become a focal point of scientific, legal, and ethical discourse. This paper aims to articulate the need for a comprehensive and forward-looking legal framework that specifically addresses the use of space resources in situ-directly where they are found. Unlike traditional models of resource exploitation, which typically involve the extraction and return of resources to Earth, this paper proposes a model where these materials are used to construct and sustain space habitats. These habitats are envisaged as the foundations for new economies that could one day operate in a symbiotic relationship with Earth, much like the intercontinental economic relationships that emerged following the European discovery of the Americas.

Scientific research has profoundly shaped the modern world, driving advancements in technology, healthcare, environmental sustainability, and socioeconomic equality. By addressing pressing issues and providing innovative solutions, scientific research not only increases our understanding of the world but also promotes social development across communities. This paper explores the multifaceted impact of scientific research on social development, focusing on advancements in health, economic growth, education, environmental sustainability, and cultural understanding. The Role of Scientific Research in Social Development Social development refers to the improvement in well-being and quality of life within societies, often measured by factors such as education, healthcare, economic stability, environmental protection, and social equality. Scientific research supports these areas by: • Enhancing Knowledge and Problem-Solving: Research uncovers new knowledge, enabling societies to identify and address the causes of complex issues. This knowledge, in turn, informs public policies, technological advancements, and educational reforms. • Fostering Innovation: By fostering creativity and innovation, research contributes to technological advancements that can improve living standards, create jobs, and enhance productivity, all of which are fundamental to social development. • Improving Policy and Decision-Making: Research findings provide evidence-based insights that policymakers can use to design, implement, and evaluate policies aimed at improving societal well-being.

This paper provides a nuanced examination of constitutional litigation in Uganda, emphasizing the critical role of constitutionalism as the foundation for limiting government authority. Through an in-depth analysis of Uganda’s legal framework and judiciary’s role, it argues that upholding constitutional ideals surpasses mere allegiance to the Constitution itself. The study highlights the jurisdictional importance of Uganda’s Constitutional Court in interpreting constitutional questions, underscoring how this interpretation impacts the enforcement and legitimacy of laws. By discussing key precedents, jurisdictional boundaries, and interpretative principles, this work contributes valuable insights to constitutional jurisprudence and fortifies the framework for safeguarding fundamental rights and justice.

The backbone of the land dispute mechanism in Zanzibar lies on the Land Tribunal, mandated as the primary organ to decide land disputes. This work presents the strengths and weaknesses of the Land Tribunal. The objective is to assess the practicality of the Tribunal through a qualitative legal research methodology. This paper discusses that the Tribunal has been successful in providing a proper channel for people to lodge their cases, a medium of research and aligning the decisions as per the Tribunal's assessors and experts. However, the Tribunal is faced with challenges including applicability of legal technicalities in its procedures, few sub-offices as well as limited manpower and inadequate financial support. Apart from recommending suitable support for the Tribunal, a revisit of the law is also essential to address unnecessary legal technicalities.

The judicial function has been decisive in the history of Colombian institutions. Despite its formalism and adherence to the letter of the law rather than to the objective of pursued justice, the judiciary has been the branch of public power that has most closely complied with the principles of the rule of law. However, this does not signify that there is an overall positive assessment of the functioning of the administration of justice or that this constitutional function is exercised without an interference or
problems with corruption. In comparative terms within Latin America, Colombian judges and courts are recognized as being relatively independent. The great revolution in Colombian legal thought commenced in 1991. Since then, different methods of reasoning have survived and competed, but distinct forms of judicial reasoning have also been harmonised.

E I Derecho Constitucional es una de las disciplinas jurídicas mas importantes; no solo por que permite la comprensión integral del ordenamiento jurídico, si no mas bien por que constituye la puerta de entrada para el estudio de la Ciencia Jurídica. El Derecho Constitucional como disciplinajurldica no se reduce únicamente estudio de la consti tución, a pesar que su desarrollo a estado vinculado al avance del constirucionalismo, sino mas bien, estudia las instituciones juridicas y políticas expresadas en el ordenamiento jurídico o si se quiere estudia al cstlldo desde una perspectiva jurídica