Independence Referendums

Title (EN)
The Republic as a People’s Choice and Constituent Pact for the Future

Abstract (IT)
L’articolo riflette sul significato costituzionale e politico della Festa della Repubblica italiana, celebrata il 2 giugno, come momento fondativo e sempre attuale di riaffermazione dei valori democratici. Il referendum istituzionale del 1946 non segnò solo la fine della monarchia, ma rappresentò la scelta popolare di fondare un nuovo ordine repubblicano, radicato nella sovranità del popolo, nell’uguaglianza, nella solidarietà e nella giustizia sociale. Viene sottolineata la centralità del diritto-dovere di voto (artt. 1, 48 e 75 Cost.) e la problematicità di recenti inviti all’astensione provenienti da alte cariche istituzionali, che rischiano di indebolire il patto repubblicano. L’autore richiama la necessità di difendere costantemente i principi fondamentali della Costituzione – lavoro, libertà, uguaglianza, pace – e di considerare il 2 giugno come un richiamo civile all’impegno personale e collettivo nella realizzazione del progetto costituzionale.

Abstract (EN)
The article reflects on the constitutional and political significance of Italy’s Republic Day, celebrated on June 2, as a founding and ever-relevant moment of reaffirming democratic values. The 1946 institutional referendum not only marked the end of the monarchy but also embodied the people’s choice to establish a republican order rooted in popular sovereignty, equality, solidarity, and social justice. The paper emphasizes the centrality of the right-duty to vote (Arts. 1, 48, and 75 of the Constitution) and highlights the problematic nature of recent calls for abstention from top institutional offices, which risk undermining the republican pact. It stresses the need to constantly defend the Constitution’s fundamental principles—work, freedom, equality, peace—and views June 2 as a civic call to personal and collective commitment to the realization of the constitutional project.

TITLE: Popular Self-Determination in the Digital Age: Between Regulatory and Technological Opportunities

ABSTRACT [IT]: Il contributo, dopo una breve introduzione sui rischi e sulle opportunità derivanti dal processo di trasformazione digitale rispetto al diritto di voto, si concentra su alcuni sviluppi normativi (§ 4) e tecnologici (§ 3) al fine di comprendere in che termini essi si intersecano con gli scopi costituzionali sottesi al referendum (ossia il rafforzamento dell’autodeterminazione popolare). In quest’ottica, non si richiede alcun nuovo diritto, ma piuttosto il potenziamento dei principi e dei diritti tradizionali mediante ulteriori specifiche “qualificazioni” finalizzate a rafforzare sia la consapevolezza sia l’empowerment dell’elettore. Di conseguenza, la questione centrale riguarda l’implementazione di quei presupposti che supportano la capacità dell’elettore di assumere “decisioni dirette” per la vita collettiva attraverso strumenti tecnologici funzionali al suo empowerment (come nel duplice rapporto tra referendum e sistemi tecnologici quali blockchain e gamification), nonché mediante strumenti normativi funzionali alla sua consapevolezza (come dimostrato da alcune iniziative europee volte a sostenere equità e trasparenza).

ABSTRACT [EN]: The paper, after a brief introduction of the risks and opportunities entailed by the digital transformation process in respect of the right to vote, focuses on some legal (§ 4) and technological (§ 3) developments in order to understand in which terms they intersect with the constitutional purposes that referendum underlie (i.e., the strengthening of popular self-determination). In this last respect, any new right is requested but rather the enhancement of traditional principles and rights by means of further specific “qualifications” that aim at reinforcing both the awareness and empowerment of the voter. Consequently, the pivotal issue falls on the implementation of those prerequisites that support the voter's ability to take “direct decisions” for the collective life by means of technological tools functional to his empowerment (what we deem could be found in the double arrangement between referendum and technological systems like blockchain and gamification), as well as by means of regulatory tools functional to his awareness (what we deem could be found in the address followed by some European initiatives that support equity and transparency).

SOMMARIO: 1. Il perimetro della ricerca. – 2. Transizione digitale e diritto di voto. – 2.1. L’amplificarsi degli strumenti di manipolazione. – 2.2. Il voto elettronico: libero, personale e segreto? – 3. Strumenti tecnologici funzionali al voto referendario. – 3.1. La gamification. – 3.2. La tecnologia blockchain. – 3.3. Segue: sicurezza e affidabilità per le procedure referendarie. – 4. Strumenti normativi funzionali al voto referendario. –
4.1. Trasparenza, equità. – 5. Tra diritto e tecnologia: un voto referendario consapevole e sicuro?

SUMMARY: 1. Research Scope. – 2. Digital Transition and the Right to Vote. – 2.1. The Amplification of Manipulation Tools. – 2.2. Electronic Voting: Free, Personal, and Secret? – 3. Technological Tools Supporting Referendum Voting. – 3.1. Gamification. – 3.2. Blockchain Technology. –
3.3. Follow-up: Security and Reliability for Referendum Procedures. – 4. Regulatory Tools Supporting Referendum Voting. – 4.1. Transparency, Equity. – 5. Between Law and Technology: Conscious and Secure Referendum Voting?

Patterns of Adjustment Associated with Academic Competence and Depressive Symptoms in Adolescence Kathleen M. Jodl Kai Schnabel Jacquelynne S. Eccles University of Michigan DO NOT CITE WITHOUT PERMISSION OF AUTHORS Presented at the biennial meeting of ...

Hiszpania według Konstytucji z 1978 r. jest państwem unitarnym, choć jest administracyjnie podzielona na regiony autonomiczne. Duże aspiracje autonomiczne ma Kraj Basków. Przez lata koegzystencji w większych organizmach państwowych Baskowie posiadali względną samodzielność i uzyskali liczne prawa i przywileje -fueros. Pomimo czasowego ograniczenia lub częściowego zniesienia w XIX w. oraz w dobie dyktatury Francisco Franco Konstytucja Hiszpanii uwzględniła autonomiczne ambicje Basków, respektując ich odrębność także w dziedzinie prawa, przywracając fueros zaktualizowane, dopasowane do obecnej sytuacji państwa. Baskonia posiada w niektórych kwestiach szerszą autonomię niż inne regiony Hiszpanii, co znajduje swoje odzwierciedlenie w Statucie autonomicznym Kraju Basków. Społeczeństwo baskijskie w przeważającej mierze akceptuje obecny stan politycznego posiadania autonomii uregulowany Konstytucją oraz Statutem autonomicznym. Skutkowało to m.in. częściowym społecznym niezadowoleniem wobec planu zmodernizowania Statutu Autonomicznego, a także przede wszystkim zmarginalizowanie organizacji terrorystycznej ETA.

Izvorni znanstv"eni rad UDK 340.12:1(09l)Hegel:l(091)1 lobbes Pisani ustav za Ujedinjeno kraljevstvo Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske -kraj jedne epohe ARSEN BAĆIĆ* Saže rak U tck.w se govori o vremenski otvorenoj ~kusiji treba li Vt:li.koj Britaniji "pisani" ili "nepisani~ u.\l av, OsnOVI:Ia pitanja koja su obrađena o tekstu jesu ona o akterima ustavne debate. nekim prijedlozima ustf.Mic reforme, o saddaju diskusije o "c:nglesk:om• ustavu, 1e jednom hroju po~ljedica koje bi proizišle i7 PrihvaćanJa "pisanog" ustava za jednu od najl>Ulrijih demokracija na svijetu. Zaključak~ autora !fa ula.! p ni ;n:nbijent ali i. motivacjska.~llll,l\a nacionalnog karaktera u VelikOJ Britaniji JO § UVIJC:k DJSU spn:mm ua revolut.-1JU pisanoj! u.\tava. ZabvaJjujući najnovijem plimnom valu ustava, koji je na prijelazu iz osamdc:::.et ih u devedl!sete godine XX. stoljeća na dramatičan način zapljusnuo dojučer "komunističke" dijelove evropskog kontinenta. zamalo da ne:: zamJelismo jedn u izvan red no zanimljivu politićko-ustav nopravou kootroverzu na sa:.vim drugom, od nas zapadnijt: polo-lenom, atlantskom ku tku Europe. Naime, riječ je o na novo potaknutim 1 oživjc::lim ra:.pravama o "'t:ngleskom ustavu", toj kl asićnoj temi konslitucionalne teorije i prakse. Gotovo stotinu godina stare rasprave o tome gdje se krije tajna "englt:skog ustava'' 1 , ili pak, da li razlog 1 Usp.

Izvorni znanstv"eni rad UDK 340.12:1(09l)Hegel:l(091)1 lobbes Pisani ustav za Ujedinjeno kraljevstvo Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske -kraj jedne epohe ARSEN BAĆIĆ* Saže rak U tck.w se govori o vremenski otvorenoj ~kusiji treba li Vt:li.koj Britaniji "pisani" ili "nepisani~ u.\l av, OsnOVI:Ia pitanja koja su obrađena o tekstu jesu ona o akterima ustavne debate. nekim prijedlozima ustf.Mic reforme, o saddaju diskusije o "c:nglesk:om• ustavu, 1e jednom hroju po~ljedica koje bi proizišle i7 PrihvaćanJa "pisanog" ustava za jednu od najl>Ulrijih demokracija na svijetu. Zaključak~ autora !fa ula.! p ni ;n:nbijent ali i. motivacjska.~llll,l\a nacionalnog karaktera u VelikOJ Britaniji JO § UVIJC:k DJSU spn:mm ua revolut.-1JU pisanoj! u.\tava. ZabvaJjujući najnovijem plimnom valu ustava, koji je na prijelazu iz osamdc:::.et ih u devedl!sete godine XX. stoljeća na dramatičan način zapljusnuo dojučer "komunističke" dijelove evropskog kontinenta. zamalo da ne:: zamJelismo jedn u izvan red no zanimljivu politićko-ustav nopravou kootroverzu na sa:.vim drugom, od nas zapadnijt: polo-lenom, atlantskom ku tku Europe. Naime, riječ je o na novo potaknutim 1 oživjc::lim ra:.pravama o "'t:ngleskom ustavu", toj kl asićnoj temi konslitucionalne teorije i prakse. Gotovo stotinu godina stare rasprave o tome gdje se krije tajna "englt:skog ustava'' 1 , ili pak, da li razlog 1 Usp.

Under the influence of an increasing interest in the issues of democracy, human rights,
the growing globalization as well as its associated problems, a shift was noticed in the
concept of self determination. The most important of these includes those arising from ethnic
or religious minorities in which the governments of its home land has consistently called for
such orientation minorities to be given the right to secede and to legitimize PIL on such
secession under the heading self determination. This has prompted some scholars and
researchers to initiate a transformation of the concept of this fact as well as propagate an
international mechanism to achieve the independence of States under colonial and assurance
of full sovereignty over its national territory as a means of settling internal conflicts that exist
among some minorities with their governments.
Within the new international circumstances, the interest in the principle of the right of
peoples and nations to self-determination, as the contemporary international law recognizes
the right of all nations big and small, strong and weak, developed and developing, without
distinction of race, language or religion, equality and report sucking ware development in
areas economic, social and cultural rights.
Nowadays, the right in equality and determination is one of the fundamental principles
of contemporary international law and binding of methods used by separatist movements,
secession and corresponding areas such as the division and disintegration and civil war and
condescending. Also, the reasons and motives of the secession may be economic motives and
to undo the union and willingness of minorities to establish their own state, minorities can
play a big role in the secession of states and economic resources can represent one of the
motives for secession

The author of this article focuses on presenting the resistance strategies undertaken by Scottish society in 1706. Their aim was to manifest opposition to the proposed Act of Union, which led to the formation of the United Kingdom. The paper begins with a characterization of the key events that led to the union negotiations. Subsequently, the author focuses on introducing the figure of George Lockhart, as well as discussing the methods of working on his writings. The main part of the article is dedicated to presenting three primary resistance strategies: street riots, petition campaigns, and attempts to incite armed rebellion. Each section is accompanied by reflections on the mentality of the Scots and the challenges they faced in the 18th century. The work concludes with an attempt to resolve whether the Union of 1707 and the subsequent loss of Scotland’s sovereignty equated to the demise of national identity, or whether it merely marked the beginning of its new dimension, which has been evolving to this day.

This paper is concerned with explaining the reason for and how the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) managed to influence the perceptions of half of the population in Montenegro, thereby impacting the voting outcome of the 2020 parliamentary elections. The paper presents a historical overview of the political and religious situation in the country, focusing on the two main orthodox churches-the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Montenegrin Orthodox Church (MOC), as well as their relationships with the government of Montenegro and the president, Milo Đukanović specifically. The reason for the discussion between the SOC and the government was the passing of the law on the freedom of religion and legal property, article 52 to be exact. The paper also provides an insight into the agendas and rhetoric of both the SOC and MOC, as well as the Đukanović government. To address this issue properly, this paper combined various legal documents, such as the Constitution of Montenegro and the law of the freedom of religion and legal property issued in 2019, with various regional and global news outlets that reported on this heated argument between the two parties. The paper also provides an insight into the agendas and rhetoric of both the SOC and MOC, as well as the Đukanović government. Lastly, it serves as a study of the influence of religious institutions on democratic processes. The work concludes that the SOC in Montenegro still has a growing influence that has recently been exercised to impact their position and power through the shaping of public opinion.

Title: From the snap election to the new coalition government: the evolution of the Spanish form of government

Abstract [En]: This essay takes its cue from Spanish constitutional chronicle in 2023 for a critical and comparative commentary on the legal aspects that rule the dissolution of parliament, the new government formation, but also on the roles of the President of the Government and the Crown. This focus is useful in order to trace the evolution of the Spanish form of government: on the one hand the confirmation of the coalition governments in the context of a new bipolarism, on the other hand the renewed protagonism of regional parties in the formation of the national government.

[It]: Il saggio prende spunto dalla cronaca costituzionale spagnola del 2023 per un commento critico e comparato sugli aspetti giuridici che presidiano lo scioglimento anticipato del parlamento e la formazione del nuovo governo, nonché su ruolo e poteri del Presidente del Governo e della Corona. Tale focus è utile per tracciare l'evoluzione della forma di governo spagnola: da un lato la conferma dei governi di coalizione innestati su un nuovo bipolarismo, dall'altro il rinnovato protagonismo dei partiti indipendentisti nella formazione del governo centrale.

This week has seen a clash between David Cameron and Scotland's First Minister' Alex Salmond over a referendum on Scottish independence. Looking at the three decades of conflict between Quebec's independence movement and the Canadian government, Françoise Boucek argues that the complexity of the independence question may mean that we will see a long war of attrition between Westminster and Holyrood.

The Smith Commission, the body tasked with recommending reforms to the governance of Scotland recently released its final report. Democratic Audit asked Scottish constitutional and political experts John Curtice, Katie Boyle and Stephen Tierney, and Sionaidh Douglas-Scott to respond. (Part 1 can be found here)

Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights.

Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights.

Anyone interested in theories of federalism and European integration will find much to chew over in the books of Larsen, Tierney and López Bofill. They defend different theses from different prisms but taken together they may help us to have a more complex and nuanced picture of the issues that we have discussed. Tierney develops the broad idea of federalism as a constitutional rule within sovereign states that offers a territorially-pluralist alternative to traditional unitary constitutionalism. Larsen is interested in the European federation as a genuine association of states that transcends the sovereign state, whereas López Bofill focuses on the European Union as a political instrument for building and securing the sovereignty of its nation-states.

When should groups within a state be owed a process, such as a referendum, that can enable their secession or greater internal autonomy? Much of the prior normative literature has overlooked the constitutional theory context of this question. Autonomy movements raise a “constitutional legitimacy crisis” in which the core question is what a constitution’s normative foundations are or should be. Firm answers remain elusive. The parties tend to make selective and circular (“normative bootstrapping”) claims, which are neither sound nor practically persuasive to the other parties to a dispute. Thus this article, firstly, relies on the constitutional legitimacy crisis lens to explain why disputes over autonomy movements are largely intractable under existing approaches; and, secondly, identifies a promising species of solution to the problem. Departing from both “primary right” and “remedial right only” theories, the article endorses a duty to deliberate. This duty relies on deliberative democratic procedures (e.g., “mini-publics,” “deliberative referendums,” and “deliberative negotiation”), applied to autonomy movements’ various phases, to decide how and whether autonomy movements should progress. Such an approach may offer a sounder and more practically effective approach to resolving autonomy-related constitutional legitimacy crises.

This articles analyses political attitudes to the union in England, Scotland and Wales after the Scottish independence referendum. Using public opinion data we explore constitutional preferences and perceptions of national grievance before examining the role that national identity plays in structuring preferences. Our evidence shows that considerable demand exists for nationally demarcated forms of government within the UK, although these constitutional preferences do not translate in support for policy diversity across the UK. We also find evidence that these constitutional preferences relate closely to national identity, but relate also to appeals to national interest.

Las consultas populares en el Estatuto de Autonomía de Catalunya (EAC). IV.1. El art. 122 EAC. IV.2. La STC 31/2010 sobre el Estatuto de Autonomía de Cataluña y su pronunciamiento sobre el art. 122 EAC.-V. La Ley de Catalunya 4/2010, de consultas populares por vía de referéndum. V.1. El contenido de la Ley. V.2. El Dictamen 15/2010, del Consejo de Garantías Estatutarias de Cataluña. V.3. El recurso de inconstitucionalidad del Gobierno del Estado.-VI. El proceso catalán para el ejercicio del «derecho a decidir». VI.1. La declaración de soberanía del pueblo de Catalunya. VI.2. Un incierto tertium genus: las consultas populares no referendarias. VI.3. La propuesta de delegación específica en el Gobierno de la Generalitat de la competencia para realizar un referéndum para el ejercicio del «derecho a decidir».-VII. Conclusiones. I. Introducción La iniciativa política conocida popularmente como «Plan Ibarretxe» se desarrolló temporalmente en dos tramos diferenciados. En el primero, el Gobierno vasco adoptó un Acuerdo denominado «Propuesta de Estatuto Político de la Comunidad de Euskadi» (PEPCE), luego concretado por la mayoría absoluta del Parlamento (1), en forma de propuesta de «reforma» del Estatuto de Autonomía del País Vasco (EAPV) (2). Trasladada al Congreso de los Diputados y defendida por el mismo Lehendakari, Juan José Ibarretxe, no superó el trámite de la toma en consideración, en sesión de 1 de febrero de 2005. Tras este rechazo, el Lehendakari convocó anticipadamente elecciones, el resultado de las cuales le permitió componer una mayoría (1) Diario de Sesiones del Parlamento Vasco (DSPV), VII Legislatura, núm. 114, de 30.12.2004. (2) Si bien el texto no mencionaba explícitamente que se tratara formalmente de una «reforma», la iniciativa se verificó por el trámite previsto para esta finalidad en el artículo art. 46.1 a) EAPV. El 4 de noviembre de 2003, la Mesa de la cámara vasca acordó su admisión, para su tramitación conforme al procedimiento legislativo, y ordenó su remisión a la Comisión Parlamentaria de Instituciones e Interior, así como su publicación en el

The current political and social debate about improving the quality of democracy has brought about a widespread questioning of the role of the so-called ‘active citizenship’ and the proposal of new forms of political participation beyond political parties and electoral democracy. Thus, it can be said that today, the decisive point of the concept of democracy is the right weight forms of representative democracy and direct democracy mechanisms like the referendum. Against this evidence, in Spain persists refractory attitude of political elites and part of constitutionalism, based on the memory of the key manipulation in this mode plebiscitary consultation during tardofranquismo, which has helped to maintain a constitutional and legal regulation very restrictive. In recent years, the approach to regional level consultations, decisions related to the “sovereignty” of the Basque Country and Catalonia has sparked intense political debate and legal respect.

In this special issue we will address some of the clichés present in the study of comparative federalism. In so doing we shall focus on little-explored federalising processes that are undergoing significant evolution or require different interpretations from those traditionally proposed.

If you were unlucky enough to come accross this paper, please keep in mind that this is a very preliminary version. At this point, we decline any responsability on the consequences of using the implications of our analysis in the real world.

Este libro explora cómo, tras la crisis financiera de 2008, el movimiento independentista catalán optó por una vía unilateral anticonstitucional para alcanzar la independencia. Este camino culminó en la Declaración Unilateral de Independencia (DUI) de 2017, lo que llevó a la aplicación del artículo 155 de la Constitución Española para restablecer el orden constitucional.
A través de un detallado análisis jurídico, desentraño las complejidades de las principales sentencias del Tribunal Constitucional relacionadas con este tema.
Con un enfoque riguroso pero accesible, esta obra no solo ilumina el caso catalán, sino que también ofrece una reflexión crítica sobre los desafíos territoriales y de descentralización que enfrentan las democracias liberales contemporáneas en Europa.
Es un libro esencial para académicos, juristas y cualquier persona interesada en comprender los fundamentos legales y políticos del independentismo catalán y su impacto en el ordenamiento constitucional español.

(https://www.editorialreus.es/libros/analisis-juridico-sobre-el-denominado-proces/9788429028614/)

Vecchie regole dell’interpretazione normativa e “soluzioni politiche”. “Senso” della disciplina costituzionale del referendum approvativo e “intenzione del Costituente”. Connessione delle parole e del loro (comune) significato. L’adesione puntuale del legislatore ordinario alle prescrizioni costituzionali. L’applicazione immediata di regole costituzionali “facili”. Il referendum c.d.“consultivo”: un comodo equivoco. I capisaldi della giurisprudenza della Corte costituzionale sulla compatibilità delle manifestazioni di volontà popolare con i principi di una democrazia bilanciata. Il significato effettivo del referendum lombardo sulla “devolution”. Il mutamento di “rotta” della Corte costituzionale.

4 that engulfed Sudan since its independence in 1956. 5 The CPA was the immediate culmination of the negotiations that ended the hostility between the National Congress Party ("NCP") and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army ("SPLM/A"). 6 It ultimately created a new political dispensation and landscape in South Sudan. Over 2 million people have died and 4 million have been uprooted due to the civil war. 7 In fulfilling the mandate of the CPA, a referendum on self-determination 8 was conducted in January 2011, and 98.83 percent of South Sudanese effectively voted to secede from North Sudan. 9 The General Assembly of the United Nations admitted the Republic of South Sudan into the community of nations as the 193rd member of the United Nations on July 14, 2011. 10 The root causes of the war included disputes over resources, the role of religion in the state, self-determination, bin/pagessoa?a=pdf&d=Dl1d36.1.1&dl=1&sim=Screen2Image [hereinafter Comprehensive Peace Agreement].

Más allá de las elecciones periódicas, es conocido que en Chile la Constitución Política de 1980 consagra escasas-por no decir meramente anecdóticas-instancias de participación directa de la ciudadanía en la toma de decisiones. No podía ser distinto teniendo presente que algunos de los personajes más influyentes durante su elaboración y en la redacción de su texto final, fueron declarados escépticos del sufragio universal, y de la democracia como forma de gobierno. Baste con considerar, por ejemplo, los dichos del comisionado Jaime Guzmán en una de las sesiones de la Comisión Ortúzar, al señalar que: "el pueblo está formado por hombres, que están expuestos y son víctimas del pecado original, por tanto, tienen tendencia al mal. Pensar que del enfrentamiento de todas las doctrinas el hombre siempre escogerá las mejores es desconocer la historia, pues debemos tener presente que uno de los primeros plebiscitos conocidos es el del pueblo judío, que entre Cristo y Barrabás escogió al último agitado por demagogos o intereses de pequeños grupos de la época. Los pueblos no siempre escogen la verdad (…)".

En el seguent article es preten analitzar l’emergencia de l’esquerra independentista a Escocia, tot relacionat l’auge de l’independentisme amb processos mes amplis de resposta a la crisi sistemica que observem, no nomes en el pla de la Unio Europea, sino tambe en el nivell global. Per aixo, emmarcarem les demandes de sobirania en la privatitzacio de la democracia, i estudiarem la seva articulacio populista en relacio amb l’accio estrategica de l’independentisme per representar demandes contraries a l’statu quo. Malgrat que, per tal d’oferir un marc mes general, farem referencia a l’auge de l’independentisme escoces en un sentit ampli, el nostre objecte d’estudi sera l’independentisme d’esquerres representat per la “Radical Independence Campaign” i “Rise”.

Analyse sous l'angle du droit international de la  tentative du gouvernement français de modification du corps électoral de la Nouvelle-Calédonie. Cette modification constituerait un violation du droit des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes et de l'Accord de Nouméa.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, or stored in any restricted system of any nature without the written permission of the copyright holder, application for which should be addressed to the distributor. Such written permission must also be obtained before any part of this publication is stored in a retrieval system of any nature. Typeset by Cambrian Typesetters Camberley, Surrey Printed in Great Britain by Polestar Wheatons Ltd Cover design by Nick Clarke * For fuller biographies see Chapter 8. 1 We know that there are reservations in some quarters about describing each of England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland as 'nations' but, for ease, this is the nomenclature we adopt throughout this review.

Colonialism as a model of imperialism and governance had been ruling the currently so-called Global South for centuries. Colonialism is linked to violence, resource-grabbing and exploitation. The great empires of the West, after their voyages of exploration and appreciation of their discoveries, settled the regions across the sea, imposed themselves on the native peoples and established sub-countries with local administrations, which were controlled by the core - the emperor and the court.
This status quo lasted for centuries, from the time of the discoveries (15th century) until the middle of the previous century. In the 20th century, and more specifically, after the end of World War II, the system of colonialism collapsed. The modern world and the new global order that was being born demanded the existence of independent states, which would make every effort to achieve peace and stability . The decolonization was a very difficult process for the ex-colonies, as they had been “squeezed” by the West and the majority of them could not stand on their own. This resulted in having an almost unbreakable connection with the ex-colonial states and an unequal dependency relationship (ex. Morocco, Lebanon, Sudan etc.).
This unequal relationship created the space for the powerful states, which were former colonial powers, to re-exploit the former colonies. It was thus observed that a "neo-colonialism" gradually began, in which no violence was needed but control of governments, or of resources through excessive borrowing or the provision of security.
Such is the example of Sudan which is examined in this paper. Sudan was a British colony for about a century. It went through many economic and social crises. It was partitioned (into Sudan and South Sudan) and is now a state which has a huge external debt, is going through a very intense political, social, economic, humanitarian and migration crisis, the main cause of which is its colonial past.

This chapter looks at potential legislative and non-legislative pathways for arriving at a national devolution settlement for Cornwall, and considers recent constitutional developments relating to the nation-regions of Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland (NI). Whilst recent innovations do not yet amount to a determined programme to establish a federal architecture, the UK’s governance is nevertheless being transformed steadily towards a less centralised form. Given that Cornwall is one of the historic nations of Britain, and perhaps the most 'politically peripheralised', it seems reasonable it should be an early beneficiary of such transformation.

Public Services 2025 is hosted by Cardiff Business School and is a unique partnership between Cardiff University and five national bodies in Wales: the Welsh Local Government Association, SOLACE Wales, the Welsh NHS Confederation, the Wales Council for Voluntary Action and Community Housing Cymru. Its goal is to provide fiscal, economic and policy analysis on public services in Wales which is authoritative and independent. The Wales Governance Centre The Wales Governance Centre is a research centre that forms part of Cardiff University's School of Law and Politics undertaking innovative research into all aspects of the law, politics, government and political economy of Wales, as well the wider UK and European contexts of territorial governance. A key objective of the Centre is to facilitate and encourage informed public debate of key developments in Welsh governance not only through its research, but also through events and postgraduate teaching.

2018 is a watershed year for devolution in Wales. From this year forward, each annual budget will now incorporate decisions on Welsh taxes, borrowing for capital expenditure, and any use of a new facility called the Welsh Reserve. In addition, recent developments at the UK level – the Autumn Statement 2016, the Spring Budget 2017 and the General Election – each have an impact at the Welsh level through the UK’s block grant to Wales. This report sets out the key changes to the UK fiscal context and to Welsh devolution over the past year, and using this as a basis, runs through a number of public spending scenarios. It demonstrates that current UK spending plans could result in a further and potentially damaging period of cuts in unprotected services. With new devolved tax powers expected to have only a limited impact on total spending by 2021-22, decisions about the future balance between protected and unprotected services are likely to become increasingly stark and may prompt questi...

El declive del Procés puede comportar un retroceso de su proyecto de liberalización de un nacionalismo tradicional y potencialmente étnico. Una vez que el independentismo catalán deja de estar en el foco de atención, es posible que afloren sentimientos latentes y arraigados. Más aún cuando el discurso oficial u oficialista ha estado dominado por un tipo de progresismo de cara a la galería. No parece mera casualidad que la caída del Procés en las urnas coincida con la llegada del independentismo identitario al Parlamento de Cataluña. La fiera ya enseña los dientes.

This article explores the uses of popular music as a propaganda tool during political events in Montenegro’s recent past. The ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) employed music as part of their propaganda campaign during the 2006 referendum to gain support for Montenegro’s independence. Patriotic songs, disseminated through state-controlled media and paid advertisements, celebrated a modern, multicultural, independent Montenegrin state. However, after the referendum, important political issues remained unresolved (especially the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church and Serbian–Montenegrin relations in general). Tensions over these culminated after the adoption of the Law on Freedom of Religion at the very end of 2019, which triggered protests throughout Montenegro known as the “Litije.” In 2020, with the ample assistance of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the opposition won the parliamentary elections that ended the rule of the DPS. The propaganda that surrounded the Litije movement relied on music as an essential medium. This time, it conveyed messages calling for a stronger role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro and closer political ties with Serbia. By analyzing both periods’ most influential popular songs, the author highlights the intricate interplay between music, popular culture, national narratives, and the ever-evolving political climate in Montenegro.

The Spanish nation-state is gradually being rescaled by Catalonia's "secession crisis." Recently and dramatically, in the aftermath of the "illegal" and "constitutive referendum" that took place on 1 October 2017, 2,286,217 Catalan citizens attempted to exercise the "right to decide" to ultimately become "stateless citizens." This paper examines this rescaling process that has been forming in Barcelona since 10 July 2010 when 1 million Catalan citizens marched to claim their "right to decide" on secession. This paper concludes that, at present, it is not feasible for the Spanish nation-state to accommodate Catalonia's "stateless citizenship."

Separatists in Eastern Ukraine are planning to stage an independence referendum in Ukraine this weekend, despite criticism from the international community. With comparisons to international comparisons held in a number of other states, Matt Qvortrup considers the democratic credentials of the vote. He argues that holding a referendum now represents the majority attempting to impose its views on the minority, and that a vote on Eastern Ukraine's future should only take place once there has been a negotiated settlement among all parties in the region. US Secretary of State discusses the Ukraine crisis with international counterparts. Credit: US State Department On Sunday 11th May, the voters in Eastern Ukraine will be voting in an unofficial referendum on independence. The vote is an act of defiance. Even Vladimir Putin-who previously was in favour of the referendum-has now urged that the referendum is 'postponed'. But the vote now looks set to go ahead anyway. What are the consequences of the referendum? Is it legal or is it unconstitutional? Is it prudent of Putin to suggest that the vote should be postponed as he did on Wednesday? Categorical answers are rare in politics, law and international affairs. This brief note outlines some of the consequences and the legal situation pertaining to the referendum and provides-we hope-a dispassionate analysis of the situation. In a statement Wednesday the 7th May US Secretary of State John Kerry, said that the US and its allies rejected all efforts for organising the referendum, calling it 'bogus'. He went on to say that the referendum 'will create even more problems in the effort to de-escalate the situation'.

У книзі подано аналіз практики правового регулювання місцевими радами територіальних громад порядку проведення громадських слухань, загальних зборів громадян за місцем проживання та порядку реалізації місцевої ініціативи. Автори книги пропонують типові положення про порядок реалізації вищевказаних механізмів
участі громадян у розв’язанні питань місцевого значення.
Видання буде корисним для керівників органів місцевого самоврядування, депутатів місцевих рад, активістів громадських організацій, фахівців у галузі державного управління.

September 2022 marks twenty-five years since the referendum on the creation of the Scottish Parliament. From the early days of devolution, debates over Holyrood's tax powers have been a recurring theme. Recent reforms to the Parliament's tax powers have been driven by the Scottish National Party and the Scottish Conservatives, an indirect coming together of arguments from two unlikely political allies. Both have, however, embraced arguments for greater autonomy and fiscal responsibility within Scottish devolution. This article reflects upon the experience of enhanced tax devolution in Scotland through the lens of three competing 'logics' of devolution, namely: a logic of 'accumulating competencies'; 'delivering fiscal responsibility'; and 'capacity to pursue distinct policies'.