Humanitarian Emergency Aid

Resume Objectif : Comparer l’efficacite du fentanyl transdermique a celle de l’analgesie usuelle chez les patients ayant subi au moins un pontage mammo-coronarien a l’Hopital Laval. Methodologie : Etude ouverte, controlee et hasardisee aupres de patients ayant eu un ou des pontages mammo-coronariens. Des doses variant de 25 a 50 mcg/h ont ete utilisees et ajustees selon le poids. Des mesures d’echelle visuelle analogue, de consommation d’analgesiques opiaces et de rythme respiratoire ont ete prises. Resultats : Quinze patients ont ete inclus dans le groupe fentanyl transdermique et neuf dans le groupe temoin. Les scores moyens d’echelle visuelle analogue ont ete de 1,91±0,27 et de 3,25±0,40 (p=0,0046) pour les groupes experimental et temoin respectivement. Les sujets du groupe fentanyl transdermique ont consomme moins d’entre-doses en equivalent mg de morphine que le groupe temoin par periode de huit heures (4,8±0,93 mg c. 8,3±1, 22 mg; p=0,0328). Le rythme respiratoire moyen n’a pa...

Arka Plan: İnme, dünya çapında 15 milyon kişiyi etkileyen ve 5 milyon kişinin ölümüne neden olan ciddi bir sağlık sorunudur. İnme sonrası uzun dönem bakım ihtiyaçları karmaşık olup, sosyal hizmet müdahaleleri bu süreçte kritik rol oynamaktadır. Gereç ve Yöntem: Bu çalışmada, inme sonrası uzun dönem bakımda sosyal hizmet müdahalelerini değerlendiren araştırmalar sistematik olarak incelenmiştir. Semantic Scholar veri tabanından 50 makale seçilmiş, belirlenen kriterlere uygun 10 çalışma analize dahil edilmiştir. İncelenen 10 çalışma arasında 2 gözlemsel çalışma, 2 randomize kontrollü çalışma (1 küme randomize kontrollü çalışma dahil), 5 sistematik inceleme veya meta-analiz ve 2 literatür taraması yer almaktadır. Bulgular: İnceleme sonucunda, sosyal hizmet değerlendirmelerinin inme hastalarının %40'ında karşılanmamış ihtiyaçları ortaya koyduğu, bakım koordinasyonunun sağlık hizmeti kullanımını artırarak maliyetleri düşürdüğü ve psiko-eğitsel müdahalelerin aile işlevselliğinde sınırlı ama anlamlı gelişmeler sağladığı belirlenmiştir. Sonuçlar: Sosyal hizmet müdahaleleri, inme sonrası uzun dönem bakımda sosyal ve ailesel destek eksikliklerini azaltmada etkilidir, ancak müdahale türü ve uygulama ortamına göre sonuçlar değişkenlik göstermektedir. Holistik bakım yaklaşımları ve sürekli destek sistemleri geliştirilmesi önemlidir.

La militarización de la política democrática es la concesión, por gobernantes electos democráticamente, de poder y tareas al personal militar en diferentes áreas. Ello excede la seguridad pública, pues en Brasil, Colombia y México abarca sectores que van desde el medioambiente hasta la salud. Se trata de una situación que no se asocia a una ideología, ya que ha tenido lugar en gobiernos de distintas orientaciones políticas. En el artículo se evalúan los efectos de este proceso sobre la calidad de la democracia en gestiones iniciadas o concluidas a partir de 2020 en los tres países mencionados. Con base en la propuesta metodológica del entendimiento, planteada por Leonardo Morlino, y desde una perspectiva comparada se presentan evidencias sobre los efectos de la militarización de la política democrática en el estado de derecho, en la accountability interinstitucional, en la libertad y en la responsividad. Además, se ahonda en la impunidad hacia crímenes cometidos por los militares en la seguridad pública, en la pérdida de control civil sobre las Fuerzas Armadas, en la falta de preparación del personal militar para encargarse de áreas en las que no tienen formación y en las violaciones a las libertades civiles de las poblaciones vulnerables. En distintos grados, esos hechos pueden ser observados en algunos o en los tres casos estudiados.

Cet article vise à saisir les effets ambivalents de l’incertitude entourant les
missions humanitaires sur les travailleurs·ses expatrié·e·s de l’organisation Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). Tantôt choisie, cette incertitude se révèle synonyme de liberté ; tantôt subie, elle s’avère source de précarité. Basé sur une enquête qualitative comprenant soixante-huit entretiens menés entre 2014 et 2023 auprès d’expatrié·e·s MSF, cet article montre d’abord comment la précarité n’est pas seulement une question objective de ressources face aux conditions d’emploi de l’organisation mais le résultat d’un entrelacement de privilèges relatifs pouvant réciproquement s’annuler (expérience, métier,
disponibilité, origine géographique et sociale). Il révèle ensuite comment les individus les plus vulnérables sont soumis par les politiques managériales de MSF à un sacrifice à double tranchant : enrichissant intellectuellement mais fragilisant économiquement. Il éclaire enfin la façon dont l’organisation se trouve elle-même précarisée par l’incertitude et les turnovers fréquents que son mode de fonctionnement génère.

Entre 1990 y 2000 la República Árabe Saharaui Democrática (RASD), el Estado del Sahara Occidental, emitió un total de ciento una series de sellos. Amén del interés histórico de estas emisiones, los sellos del Sahara Occidental cuentan con bellos diseños que los hacen atractivos para muchos coleccionistas. Sin embargo, muchos amantes de la filatelia se encontraban con la dificultad de identificar el número total de sellos y de emisiones de la RASD, ante la falta de un catálogo de los mismos. Esta obra pretende cubrir ese vacío. La calidad artística de los sellos de la RASD llevó, también, a que algunos actores particulares hicieran sus propias emisiones de supuestos sellos, de la República Saharaui después del año 2000, en realidad, viñetas ajenas a la RASD. Este libro intenta identificar esas emisiones de viñetas y catalogarlas igualmente. Además, y también desde el año 2000, algunos de los sellos emitidos por la RASD fueron objeto de sobrecargas de fantasía, en general de gran belleza, a manos también de agentes privados. Este trabajo también intenta identificar, ordenar y catalogar esas sobrecargas de fantasía. La ordenación y sistematización de los sellos de la RASD, y de viñetas y sobrecargas pretendidamente de la RASD, se acompaña en este libro con otros documentos filatélicos relacionados con la RASD: varios pliegos de sellos, sobres primer día, numiscartas, sellos sin dentar y sellos con errores de impresión. Todo ello aparece precedido por una introducción que intenta situar las emisiones de la RASD en su contexto histórico, político y jurídico.

Dönüştürücü adalet bağlamında Yaratıcı Müdahale yöntemi hakkında sivil toplum alanında kullanmak üzere geliştirdiğim kısa bir sunum. İşe yaraması dileğiyle.
Sunumumda örnek vaka olarak Sosyal Oyun ve Sokak Sanatları Derneği'nin değerli çalışmalarından faydalandım ve tamamen kendime ait olan bir analiz çıkardım, bu analiz derneğin iç çalışmalarını yansıtmaz.

En este artículo se aborda la remilitarización de América Latina y el Caribe desde una dimensión complementaria que da cuenta del regreso de la influencia militar a la escena política de la mano de Gobiernos civiles. Sin desconocer la presencia histórica del militarismo y la militarización en la región y sus características endógenas, se visibiliza el rol que jugado Estados Unidos en su desarrollo durante los siglos XX y XXI. Durante los últimos años se identifica el surgimiento de una nueva estrategia de seguridad implementada en el gobierno de Joe Biden: la disuasión integrada. Se trata de una estrategia multidominio y multidimensional de carácter militar, capaz de articular una serie de actores y mecanismos con el objetivo de conservar la hegemonía norteamericana en la región frente a la creciente influencia de China y Rusia. Mediante una revisión de documentos oficiales del gobierno de Estados Unidos, se constata que el Comando Sur de este país ha iniciado una cruzada bajo el mencionado enfoque, en la que despliega acciones en diversos ámbitos; entre ellos están las inversiones chinas, la influencia comunicacional rusa y la securitización de la agenda política de países en crisis, como es el caso de Ecuador. Se concluye que todo esto desemboca en efectos adversos para las democracias latinoamericanas, en materia de búsqueda de seguridad, soberanía e institucionalidad militar.

In this paper, I draw on my 15-year-long ethnographic research across Lebanon on the lifestyle, practices and ethos of humanitarian professionals. I show how their experience and discourse (the everyday pragmatics of humanitarian work) point to a process of alienation. Approaching alienation as semantically polyhedral and multifaceted and as a key factor determining the interplay between collective and individual identity, I discuss its historical-material dimension, implying both the disconnection of the humanitarian workers from the failures and discontents of humanitarian action, and what I term "organizational amnesia." Later, I examine alienation as a form of psychological resilience to survive and thrive in the humanitarian sector, where recruitment politics tend to value the accumulation of technical know-how across multiple geographies, and securitized forms of temporary life do not allow for learning local languages and cultures. Finally, I show how not only internationals develop alienation in the contexts in which they operate (as generally seeing crises from a cosmopolitan distance), but so do locals, who often need to abide by foreign agendas while being alienated from their everyday work. Showing how alienation becomes organizational and not merely individual, my analysis ultimately suggests their increasing alienation not only from their own local cultural, linguistic, and epistemic capital, but also from their professional environment.

Background. Refugee camps entered the COVID-19 era with long-standing food-system fragilities. Government lockdowns and movement restrictions, though essential for epidemic control, risked disrupting humanitarian supply chains, camp markets and household livelihoods, thereby altering both food availability and access within camps (FAO, 2008; IASC/UNHCR, 2020).
Methods. A rapid narrative review synthesized peer-reviewed articles and humanitarian agency documents published between 2020 and 2025 that analyzed impacts during 2020–2022. Searches of discipline-standard databases and agency repositories combined terms for COVID-19, lockdowns and curfews, refugee camps or settlements, and food availability or access; eligibility required camp-specific results on at least one of the two focal pillars. Study selection followed a PRISMA-style process, and quality was considered qualitatively using core questions adapted from MMAT/CASP around sampling, measurement and confounding (UNHCR, 2021; WFP Jordan, 2020).
Results. Across Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh, Azraq and Za’atari in Jordan, settlements in Uganda and refugee operations in parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo, lockdowns prompted redesign of distributions as essential services with distancing and scheduling, slowed throughput, and in some settings coincided with ration pipeline volatility and documented cuts that tightened availability. Uganda’s early lockdown snapshot reported a majority of refugee households with insufficient food consumption, reflecting lost informal income and impaired physical access; cash and e-vouchers aided access where shops remained open but could not substitute for missing assortment or interrupted pipelines (UNHCR/WFP, 2020; WFP USA, 2020; WFP Jordan, 2020).
Conclusions. Lockdowns amplified pre-existing constraints by narrowing availability through logistics frictions, market closures and ration volatility, and by reducing access through mobility limits, income losses and price risks. Future public-health responses should pre-authorize humanitarian food operations and camp shops as essential, preserve dual in-kind and cash-based modalities, buffer pipelines for nutrient-dense items, and maintain monitoring systems even under movement restrictions (IASC/UNHCR, 2020; UNHCR, 2021).

This paper examines the British presence on the First World War’s Balkan Front in the British popular imagination with a particular focus on the lesser-known woman humanitarian Doctor Katherine Stuart MacPhail. Allied military inertia from 1915 to 1918 led to the British presence in the Balkan theatre being mainly associated through the large number of medical aid volunteers, the majority of whom were women, defining it through a civilian rather than military paradigm. Having been unable to secure a career within the medical establishment of her native Glasgow, Dr MacPhail served as a volunteer doctor in both the Balkans and France during the war. Her experiences of living and working amongst the peasants of Serbia and Macedonia inspired her to remain in the region following the armistice in the newly created Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Amongst her achievements was the establishment of Serbia’s first children’s hospital in 1919. Whilst the example of MacPhail was not typical of the avera...

This essay follows the incursion of far-right groups into post-disaster zones in the United States, including communities struck in fall 2024 by Hurricane Helene, where they work to undermine state agencies like the Federal Emergency Management Agency and recruit white folks to their cause through mutual aid campaigns. Even when the groups in question are not "ecofascist" in the classic sense, our work suggests that they do pledge to protect white folks from an environment that has allegedly been weaponized by enemies. They do portray the sky as a terrain of political struggle. They do seize on increasingly strange weather to advance Manichean narratives and foment a sense of racial threat. And in this sense, they are seeding an emergent ecofascism that can and will be taken up by others.

Humanitarian design as a technological and aesthetic endeavour that has become part and parcel of contemporary humanitarianism promises to improve lives and bring dignity in the name of universal humanity through a wide spectrum of approaches, from expert-oriented problem solving to participatory and collaborative initiatives. However, decolonial thinkers who have questioned the universal positioning of the human, argue that the universal human of Western liberalism, human rights and ultimately humanitarianism, has always been and remains a Western white man. Against this background, I pose an important yet rarely considered question: Who is the human in humanitarian design? How is this human imagined by designers and their design solutions? How does the imagined human participate in the design process? Based on interviews with designers in Europe who work with humanitarian design projects for and with refugees in the Middle East, East Africa, and South Asia, I characterise and problematise three imaginary dimensions of humanitarian design: the imagined problem, the imagined participation, and the imagined human. I argue that designers reimagine these three dimensions in a way that feeds from and extends the existing racial injustices which leads to the obscuration of racialisation in and by humanitarian design.

Esta herramienta está dirigida a funcionariado público, lideresas y líderes comunitarios con el objetivo de reforzar sus saberes y que puedan compartirlos de manera amigable y lúdica con sus pares. En sus páginas, encontrarán información clave para comprender el marco conceptual sobre igualdad de género, así como, actividades y recomendaciones para implementar espacios de formación sobre el tema.

For each case study, a joint team of staff from SIPRI and WFP conducted in-country research for approximately two weeks to identify the possible contributions to improving the prospects for peace that result from WFP programming. The methodology for this analysis involved a literature review of the country context and of WFP and other programming; key informant interviews with WFP country office staff, beneficiaries and local experts; focus group discussions with beneficiaries; and consultations with partners and experts in the country. Each country visit culminated in a presentation of the findings and a discussion with the managers of the country office on possible ways forward. This included a discussion on the contemporary political, social and technical challenges of incorporating a conflict lens, conflict sensitivity and peacebuilding work into WFP programming. The country report was then written up in consultation with the country office, incorporating clarifications and additional evidence as these became available. As a result, this analysis is not independent of context. The findings of all four country case studies informed the Preliminary Report on Phase 1 of the partnership, which was published in June 2019. The findings and recommendations and any errors or omissions are those of the authors and do not represent the position of SIPRI, WFP or the management, executive directors or boards of these institutions.

The humanitarian response in Ukraine, within the framework of global international assistance to the population of Ukraine suffering from Russian military aggression, began immediately after the invasion on February 24, 2022: the first reactions of the organizations present were received immediately, others began to unfold their programs as they formed. In mid-2023, more than 100 humanitarian organizations are actively operating in Ukraine. It is currently not possible to analyze data on the assistance provided with high quality and accuracy. The main reasons for this: • all assistance programs are dynamic, i.e. ongoing, • reporting data on the assistance provided did not begin to be streamlined immediately, since the first phase of the crisis took place in a quick response and start-up mode for almost all organizations, • efforts by the humanitarian community to consolidate data continue and more humanitarian organizations are joining the overall collection, storage and analysis of data. Assistance provided relates to different clusters 1 humanitarian work, and is implemented using various tools. In this article, we will focus on cash assistance, namely, the provision of multipurpose cash assistance, which is an effective tool and works to achieve results in various clusters. In Ukraine, this tool was implemented as part of a rapid response to the crisis and closed segments of various clusters. Based on the data available by that time, we can say that multipurpose assistance to the population in the form of cash was implemented in scope not less than: in 2022 $1.7 billion (5.6 million recipients) 2 , 3 , in 2033 for the first half of the year -$365 million (2.5 million recipients) 4 .

This study examines the economic strategies and resilience of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Greater-Kasai (DRC), a region scarred by protracted conflict and humanitarian crises. It investigates informal survival mechanisms (subsistence farming, petty trade, crafts), community networks, and structural barriers (insecurity, land scarcity, institutional gaps).

Methodology: Mixed-methods approach (quantitative surveys, qualitative interviews, participatory mapping) grounded in theories of informal economies and social capital.

Key Findings:
• 87% of IDP income derives from the informal sector, yet with heightened vulnerability.
• Women (53.2% of IDPs) drive resilience but face disparities (limited credit access, unpaid labor).
• Community networks (cooperatives, savings groups) enhance stability but lack legal recognition.
• Humanitarian aid is critical but risks dependency without sustainable solutions (microfinance, land reform).

Recommendations:
1. Formalize informal economies through legal cooperatives.
2. Improve access to land and basic services (water, education).
3. Mainstream IDPs into local development plans.
4. Implement gender-responsive interventions to empower women.

Résumé

Cette étude analyse les stratégies économiques et la résilience des personnes déplacées internes (PDI) dans la région du Grand-Kasaï (RDC), confrontée à des conflits récurrents et à une crise humanitaire prolongée. Elle explore les mécanismes de survie informels (agriculture, petit commerce, artisanat), le rôle des réseaux communautaires, et les barrières structurelles (insécurité, accès à la terre, défaillances institutionnelles).

Méthodologie : Approche mixte (enquêtes quantitatives, entretiens qualitatifs, cartographie participative) avec un cadre théorique intégrant l’économie informelle et le capital social.

Principaux résultats :
• 87% des revenus des PDI proviennent de l’économie informelle, mais avec une précarité accrue.
• Les femmes (53,2% des PDI) sont des actrices clés de la résilience, mais font face à des inégalités (accès limité au crédit, surcharge de travail).
• Les réseaux communautaires (coopératives, tontines) améliorent la stabilité, mais manquent de reconnaissance légale.
• L’aide humanitaire est vitale, mais crée une dépendance si elle n’est pas couplée à des solutions durables (microfinance, réforme foncière).

Recommandations :
1. Formaliser les activités informelles via des coopératives.
2. Renforcer l’accès à la terre et aux services de base (eau, éducation).
3. Intégrer les PDI dans les plans de développement locaux.
4. Adopter des interventions genrées pour autonomiser les femmes.

Pakistan is facing severe natural and manmade disasters. The country is prone to frequent and intense large-scale natural catastrophes such as floods and earthquakes. The volatile security situation together with social challenges, e.g. a high unemployment rate and limited access to basic facilities like gas/water/ electricity, are working as a catalyst in increasing vulnerability. This paper prepared for the Berlin Summer Dialogue 2012 on "International Disaster Relief. The challenges posed by fragile states and climate change" argues that responding to these challenges with ''response-oriented set-ups'' will no longer work. What is needed is to shift the focus of all engaged stakeholders from a response-oriented to a preparedness mentality.

Building upon recent debates on the (a)political qualities of refugee support, this article draws from a quantitative survey among refugee supporters in Germany (n=2000) to assess the prevalence of political motivations and practices, the existence of a distinct "political" type of refugee supporters and potential dynamics of politicization during engagement. Our data document a) a diverse field of action with widespread political and non-political motivations and practices; b) notable attitudinal differences between politically active or motivated volunteers and those that are not; and c) our findings tentatively suggest that involvement in supporting refugees brings about political implications for those involved. Essentially, however, our study documents the need for a nuanced perspective on the motivations and forms of engagement to gain a fuller understanding of this multifaceted and dynamic field of civic action.

Opinion – The Desirable Solution: A Federation between Syria, Lebanon, and Israel
By Yigal Bin-Nun – Israeli historian, researcher at Tel Aviv University and the Cohn Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Ideas; holder of two doctorates, both awarded with distinction, from Paris VIII University and the École Pratique des Hautes Études – Université PSL. Author of two books, including the best-seller A Brief History of Yahweh.
On October 7, the entire power structure of the Israeli army (IDF) collapsed. Its inability to protect the country and guarantee its security was laid bare. A terrorist organization managed to outwit the IDF’s power with strategic skill and carried out an atrocious massacre of Israeli civilians. By this maneuver, it succeeded in placing the concept of “Palestine” at the center of global discourse, disrupting political balances even in countries far removed from the region. Although the Israeli army was aware of its unpreparedness for a war imposed upon it, it reacted hastily, with the brutality of a wounded animal, causing the deaths of tens of thousands of civilians in Gaza, without deriving any strategic benefit.
This military failure mitigated the perceived gravity of the crime committed by Hamas, brought Israel before the International Criminal Court in The Hague, and cast upon its citizens the suspicion of genocide. In the eyes of intellectuals worldwide, this massive and indiscriminate killing transformed the Palestinians into victims worthy of compassion and projected onto Israel the image of a colonialist power to be unequivocally condemned. The academic and intellectual world is in turmoil. The events of October 2023, in my view, mark a decisive turning point in world history—particularly for Israel.

Le traumatisme psychique représente une fracture profonde de l'expérience humaine, laissant le sujet aux prises avec la peur, l'impuissance et une perte de sens. Si les approches cliniques modernes ont développé des outils efficaces pour traiter les symptômes post-traumatiques, elles peinent souvent à répondre à la quête existentielle et spirituelle de la victime. Cet article explore comment la psychothérapie islamique offre un cadre complémentaire et intégratif pour aborder le trauma. Ce modèle, en conceptualisant la souffrance non comme un événement absurde mais comme une épreuve divine potentiellement signifiante (ibtila), fournit un échafaudage sémantique et une pharmacopée spirituelle uniques pour la reconstruction du sujet. Après avoir analysé les fondements et les limites des approches occidentales du trauma, l'article plonge dans la théologie islamique de l'épreuve pour en extraire les concepts cliniquement pertinents. Il détaille ensuite l'application thérapeutique de notions comme la patience endurante (sabr), la confiance en Dieu (tawakkul) et la gratitude (shukr), en montrant comment elles peuvent être intégrées à la pratique clinique pour cultiver la résilience et transformer une expérience de fragmentation en une voie de purification et de croissance spirituelle (tazkiya).

Economic sanctions create adverse humanitarian outcomes on health and welfare that can be organized into the following six categories: 1) food and nutrition 2) medicine and pharmaceuticals 3) water and sanitation 4) life expectancy and mortality rates 5) chilling effect on finance for humanitarian aid groups and 6) authoritarian rule, repression, and human rights abuses. Humanitarian exemptions are currently inadequate; there need to be categorically exempt goods, uniform criteria and definitions for decisionmaking, monitoring procedures to allow targeted states to import dual-use items, elimination of delays that result in expired goods, and commitments binding the UN and sanctioning states to comply with the Geneva Conventions and international humanitarian law (IHL). It is uncertain whether targeted sanctions produce fewer or less severe humanitarian consequences compared to comprehensive sanctions.

Background and objective Natural and human-made disasters have long-term, negative, and sometimes irreparable impacts and consequences. Proper response to these disasters requires effective management of relief services. Influential parties in such operations include humanitarian organizations, donors, and the government. One of the solutions to increase performance in emergency and humanitarian supply chains is to utilize the capacities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This study aims to present a collaborative model based on game theory that examines the cooperation between donors, humanitarian organizations, the government, and NGOs. Method The collaborative model is designed based on the problem of maximum coverage of damaged areas caused by a natural disaster. By considering the number and diversity of players, it takes into account the extent of the disaster and the number of affected areas in relief assistance. It also considers the quality of relief services and the competence of NGOs. This can allow for a default order to prioritize qualified NGOs with the required capacities in the event of a disaster. The developed model was solved using a hypothetical numerical example and GAMS software, and underwent a sensitivity analysis. Results The results obtained from the model provide valuable insights into the optimal actions of each player in the humanitarian supply chain during a disaster. This model takes into account the capacities and capabilities of each player, as well as the quality of services provided by the private sector, allowing for more efficient allocation of resources and ensuring maximum coverage of affected areas. The model also considers qualitative assessments conducted in the pre-disaster period and allows for prioritization of qualified NGOs during a disaster. This can significantly improve the effectiveness of disaster management efforts. Conclusion The collaborative model is designed based on the problem of maximum coverage of damaged areas caused by a natural disaster. By considering the number and diversity of players, it takes into account the extent of the disaster and the number of affected areas in relief assistance. This can significantly improve the effectiveness of disaster management efforts. It also considers the quality of relief services and the competence of NGOs.

Objectives: Our aim was to develop a sustainable continuing education model for nurses in maternal and child health through examining the outcomes of a distance education intervention. Methods: An online anonymous survey was conducted to evaluate a web-based continuing education program used by nurses in Mongolia. Results: 356 people out of 699 (50.9%) of the people responded. Over 80% were nurses with average clinical experience 13.9 ± 9.9 years. The major reasons for participation were to broaden knowledge and skills (50.3%). Participants’ pride in being a nurse, and job satisfaction after the program increased (4.3/ 5.0) and they enjoyed interacting with foreign lecturers and participants by using IT technology (4.2/ 5.0). From analysis of their free text descriptions, the nurses who used the continuing education program hope to that the topics expand to include nursing ethics, nursing theories, and international standards, among others. The needs for hands-on skill training and ...

For over forty years, Iraq has been a focal point for international humanitarian response, driven by recurring cycles of war, displacement, and political instability. From the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s to the US-led invasion in 2003 and the rise of Daesh in 2014, Iraq has endured continuous emergencies. These crises have triggered multiple waves of displacement, most notably between 2014 and 2017, when nearly six million Iraqis — around 16% of the population — were uprooted by the conflict with
Daesh. In response, the humanitarian infrastructure in Iraq has expanded significantly. International NGOs, UN agencies, and donors have poured into the country, often partnering with Iraqi actors but rarely placing
them in positions of real leadership or decision-making. Despite decades of external aid and a vibrant local civil society — including a surge in local NGO activity post-2003 — progress toward localisation has been limited. The humanitarian system in Iraq remains largely internationally driven. This report shows the status of localisation in Iraq across the seven domains of localisation It uses the Localisation Measurement Framework and Tools developed by HAG and PIANGO. The tools have been adapted to Iraq's unique context. The study provides benchmarks for tracking progress and identifies challenges and opportunities.

This article introduces the concept of humanitarian Darwinism to describe a structural pattern within contemporary humanitarian practice: assistance is increasingly allocated not by severity of need, but by compatibility with dominant narratives, donor preferences, and operational metrics. Drawing on field-based observations from Ukraine - especially policies related to the reintegration of children displaced or deported during the war - the article explores how the foundational principles of humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence are undermined by institutional logic and narrative economy. It analyzes how visibility becomes currency, deservingness is bureaucratically engineered, and moral dissonance arises among frontline practitioners.

This paper presents a transdisciplinary analysis of John B. Calhoun's Mouse Utopia experiments, interpreting them not merely as studies of rodent behavior but as compressed models of civilizational entropy and systemic collapse. Drawing on insights from sociology, psychology, statistics, systems theory, and artificial intelligence, we explore how the behavioral sink observed in the experiment maps onto modern human social disintegration: declining fertility, role fragmentation, symbolic collapse, and institutional decay.
We argue that contemporary human civilization is exhibiting structural parallels to Calhoun’s colonies, now exacerbated by digital saturation, ideological fragmentation, and systemic feedback failures. However, unlike the mice, humans possess recursive intelligence and symbolic self-awareness—amplified by the advent of artificial intelligence.
We propose a model of modular human-AI symbiosis, in which AI systems are not replacements for human agency, but cooperative tools to reinforce degraded social feedback loops, detect entropy early, and re-align meaning infrastructures. This paper posits that such a design framework—grounded in responsibility, autonomy, and symbolic resonance—offers a viable pathway for reversing civilizational decline and confronting the Great Filter.

This article explores the intricate relationship between conflict and emergency response. It emphasizes the need for understanding the nexus between these two challenges and the pivotal role of conflict analysis in effective humanitarian efforts. This article highlights real-world examples and the importance of conflict-sensitive approaches while addressing the challenges and ethical dilemmas in conflict-affected emergency response. It concludes with policy recommendations aimed at improving coordination and strengthening conflict analysis capacities to provide more effective and safer assistance in complex crisis situations.

La acelerada evolución de los procesos migratorios en Venezuela en los últimos diez años ha tomado niveles de determinación diaspórica, pese a la crisis sanitaria que actualmente presenta signos de decrecimiento y que aún la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS), no declara su cese. Las fronteras y destinos limítrofes de dichas movilizaciones migratorias cobran un significado particular, en el que nuestra frontera con el Estado Federativo de Brasil revela condiciones sociojurídicas muy particulares en comparación con el caso colombiano, por ejemplo, y en el que dichos procesos tienen particularidades fenomenológicas muy propias que resaltan incluso los niveles que en el presente se develan en cuanto a las situaciones humanitarias que entre ambos países se manejan. El presente trabajo destaca dichas condiciones desde un punto de vista crítico, al igual que el contraste que dicha fenomenología adquiere en momento pandémicos actuales desde los inicios del proceso sociosanitario las cuales requieren una necesaria revisión desde el contexto humanitario que la misma reviste.

This paper examines 23 recent case studies of post‐disaster settlement and shelter across Africa, Asia, and Latin America to provide examples of implementing transitional settlement and shelter as a process and how to build more capacity for such programmes. The case studies are examined by using a four‐part framework: (i) Safety, security, and livelihoods; (ii) the question “Transition to what?” in order to understand better how to connect post‐disaster programmes to permanent communities and housing; (iii) fairness and equity; and (iv) connecting relief and development, which also explores root causes of vulnerability. The main lessons identify six specific activities that should be highlighted for capacity building in transitional settlement and shelter: site selection, good governance, participatory and consultative processes, land ownership, logistics, and monitoring and evaluation. Santruka Šiame darbe analizuojami 23 neseniai atliktu nelaimes ištiktu žmoniu apgyvendinimo ir p...

Background: Of the 15 countries with the highest neonatal mortality rates, 13 are characterised by conflict and political instability. Despite well-documented evidence of best practice interventions for neonatal survival, it remains less clear on how these practices are implemented in humanitarian emergency settings. Objective: To conduct a systematic review of published and grey literature on the implementation strategies and challenges in addressing neonatal care in humanitarian emergencies. Methods: A systematic literature search was conducted in SCOPUS, MEDLINE, Web of Science, CINHAL and Global Health for studies published between 1 January 2003 and 30 June 2018. Additionally, websites of organisations actively working in humanitarian emergencies were searched. Interventions were reviewed against the existing essential newborn care framework according to the standards outlined in the Newborn Health in Humanitarian Settings Field Guide. Results: Twenty-one studies were identified: eight reporting on conflict and refugee settings, nine followed natural disasters and four discussed multiple emergency settings. Few studies addressed all the components of essential newborn care outlined in the field guide regardless of the emergency type. The review of literature demonstrated challenges in addressing essential newborn care identified in all humanitarian settings including the lack of adequate equipment, financing, and trained staff. Implementation strategies identified included quality improvement training for staff, the development of evacuation procedures, integrating with local and government resources and generating spaces in health facilities specifically for newborn care. The requirements and initiatives needed to deliver essential newborn care in humanitarian settings are highly variable and context dependent. Given the diversity of factors needing to be addressed by the field guide, more research should be directed towards the adaptability of the implementation strategies to differing emergency contexts.

This article explores the critical role of proposal development in nation-building, emphasizing it as a civic and strategic tool essential for translating national ambitions into tangible outcomes. Using Liberia as a case study and drawing lessons from Zimbabwe and Ghana, it argues that proposal writing must be locally driven, patriotically informed, and aligned with national priorities to ensure sustainability and impact. The paper highlights how thoughtful proposals—grounded in civic values, cultural context, and human rights—can address root causes of underdevelopment, reduce dependence on colonial aid structures, and empower local communities through education, economic inclusion, and strategic planning.

This report has been commissioned by the Cash Learning Partnership (CaLP) and was generously funded by the German Federal Foreign Office (GFFO). The study was developed by Anna Gorter and Corinne Grainger. From the authors: this rapid study would not have been possible without the time and support of a large number of people across many agencies, organisations and countries. We would particularly like to thank people from the following agencies and networks: Action Against Hunger Spain, CARE, CARITAS Switzerland, CAMEALEON, 1 Danish Refugee Council, Humanity & Inclusion, International Rescue Committee, International Committee of the Red Cross, MEDAIR, Médecins du Monde, Mercy Corps, OCHA, Premiere Urgence Internationale, Relief International, UNFPA; UNHCR, UNICEF; WHO, and technical advisers from the Norwegian Refugee Council' s CashCap/ NORCAP programme. A number of independent consultants were also very supportive of the research and a full list of key informants is included in Annex 2. While not everyone was available for interview, many sent documents for review, and this was also highly appreciated. We would also like to thank the Reference Group for providing guidance for this work, including Andre Griekspoor and Yassmin Moor of the Global Health Cluster WHO, Giuseppe Simeon of UNHCR, Tomomi Kitamura and Fatima Zehra Rizvi of UNICEF, and Ansa Masaud Baloch Jørgensen of the Norwegian Red Cross, as well as Joanna Friedman of UNFPA who reviewed the draft. And finally, we would like to thank Julie Lawson-McDowall, Georgios Frantzis and Moath Jafar, and the wider team at CaLP for organising and managing this interesting work. Cover photo: A mother in Yemen who has participated in the Yemen Safe Motherhood Voucher Scheme implemented by Yamaan Foundation in Lahj Governorate in Yemen. Taken by Mohammed al Hamid, 2018.

In 2011, the Horn of Africa, especially Somalia was experienced the worst famine in history which caused the death and displacement of hundreds thousand people. The UNITED NATION declared that there is severe hunger crisis in Somalia and it was the biggest hunger disaster for the past 60 years. By answering this tragedy, Erdoğan was the first non-African leader who visited Somalia in 2011, the objective of the prime-ministerial visiting was to support Somalia for the horror of starvation and to spot on light the attention of the world to focus on the tragedy happening in the Somalia. Instantly, Turkey started it's engagement in Somalia as part of it's active opening up foreign policy in Africa. The first part of the study attempts to understand Turkish foreign policy in Africa, particularly Somalia because Turkey's policy in Somalia is intertwined with Turkish general policy on Africa. From this part, the study analyses and answers this question: Why Somalia is a center for Turkey's foreign Policy towards Africa? The second and the last part of the study examines Turkey's opening up foreign policy in Somalia like humanitarian and developmental policy by inviting different perspective from Somalia and Turkish perspectives.

In 2011, the Horn of Africa, especially Somalia was experienced the worst famine in history which caused the death and displacement of hundreds thousand people. The UNITED NATION declared that there is severe hunger crisis in Somalia and it was the biggest hunger disaster for the past 60 years. By answering this tragedy, Erdoğan was the first non-African leader who visited Somalia in 2011, the objective of the prime-ministerial visiting was to support Somalia for the horror of starvation and to spot on light the attention of the world to focus on the tragedy happening in the Somalia. Instantly, Turkey started it's engagement in Somalia as part of it's active opening up foreign policy in Africa. The first part of the study attempts to understand Turkish foreign policy in Africa, particularly Somalia because Turkey's policy in Somalia is intertwined with Turkish general policy on Africa. From this part, the study analyses and answers this question: Why Somalia is a center for Turkey's foreign Policy towards Africa? The second and the last part of the study examines Turkey's opening up foreign policy in Somalia like humanitarian and developmental policy by inviting different perspective from Somalia and Turkish perspectives.

Background The Syrian conflict has dramatically changed the public health landscape of Syria since its onset in March of 2011. Depleted resources, fractured health systems, and increased security risks have disrupted many routine services, including vaccinations, across several regions in Syria. Improving our understanding of infectious disease transmission in conflict-affected communities is imperative, particularly in the Syrian conflict. We utilize surveillance data from the Early Warning Alert and Response Network (EWARN) database managed by the Assistance Coordination Unit (ACU) to explore trends in the incidence of measles in conflict-affected northern Syria and analyze two consecutive epidemics in 2017 and 2018. Methods We conducted a retrospective time-series analysis of the incidence of clinically suspected cases of measles using EWARN data between January 2015 and June 2019. We compared regional and temporal trends to assess differences between geographic areas and across ...

The Enhancing Resilient Communities (ERC) Flagship Initiative in the Philippines aims to strengthen resilience by engaging with affected populations and local capacities. The initiative focuses on community empowerment and prevention to enhance resilience to unexpected events. The EU-ERC Technical Assistance Team provided short-term technical support to the European Union Delegation in the Philippines for an initial assessment of gaps and priorities in disaster risk reduction. The team works with UNOCHA regional field coordinators in designated areas to test community resilience strategies and develop resilience development agendas in the ERC Flagship Initiative pilot areas. Resilient communities address individual needs, recognize strengths, and unite through common beliefs and values. The UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction promotes long-term development guided by risk information. The community should take charge of their processes and ensure external support for achieving community resilience.

Cet article aborde la question de l'école en contexte de conflit militaro-politique en Côte d'Ivoire. Il s'intéresse plus particulièrement à l'expérience des médersas de Bouaké, ville située au centre du pays et quartier général de la rébellion, qui ont vu leurs activités mises à l'arrêt du fait de l'insécurité et de la désertion des populations. À partir de récits collectés sur ce conflit et d'archives, il décrit et analyse les pratiques éducatives déployées par des acteurs de profils socioprofessionnels variés pour assurer un retour à l'école des enfants en âge scolarisable. Si ces initiatives sans précédent ont pu éviter à ces jeunes un enrôlement au profit des militaires rebelles et une déscolarisation, elles ont réussi à institutionnaliser la solidarité musulmane - à travers la création d'ONG confessionnelles islamiques - et à inscrire la réforme des médersas dans un agenda d'intégration de ces établissements au système éducatif national.

Background: Substance use among populations displaced by conflict is a neglected area of public health. Alcohol, khat, benzodiazepine, opiate, and other substance use have been documented among a range of displaced populations, with wide-reaching health and social impacts. Changing agendas in humanitarian response-including increased prominence of mental health and chronic illness-have so far failed to be translated into meaningful interventions for substance use. Methods: Studies were conducted from 2006 to 2008 in six different settings of protracted displacement, three in Africa (Kenya, Liberia, northern Uganda) and three in Asia (Iran, Pakistan, and Thailand). We used interventionoriented qualitative Rapid Assessment and Response methods, adapted from two decades of experience among non-displaced populations. The main sources of data were individual and group interviews conducted with a culturally representative (non-probabilistic) sample of community members and service providers. Results: Widespread use of alcohol, particularly artisanally-produced alcohol, in Kenya, Liberia, Uganda, and Thailand, and opiates in Iran and Pakistan was believed by participants to be linked to a range of health, social and protection problems, including illness, injury (intentional and unintentional), gender-based violence, risky behaviour for HIV and other sexually transmitted infection and blood-borne virus transmission, as well as detrimental effects to household economy. Displacement experiences, including dispossession, livelihood restriction, hopelessness and uncertain future may make communities particularly vulnerable to substance use and its impact, and changing social norms and networks (including the surrounding population) may result in changed -and potentially more harmful-patterns of use. Limited access to services, including health services, and exclusion from relevant host population programmes, may exacerbate the harmful consequences. Conclusions: The six studies show the feasibility and value of conducting rapid assessments in displaced populations. One outcome of these studies is the development of a UNHCR/WHO field guide on rapid assessment of alcohol and other substance use among conflict-affected populations. More work is required on gathering population-based epidemiological data, and much more experience is required on delivering effective interventions. Presentation of these findings should contribute to increased awareness, improved response, and more vigorous debate around this important but neglected area.

Refugees can contribute significantly to the economy of countries of refuge. Legal, structural and political backing is crucial to strengthen this contribution and maximise the opportunities that are present. 1. ReDSS/Samuel Hall (2015) Devolution in Kenya: Opportunity for Transitional Solutions for Refugees? www.drc.dk/media/1419712/final_devolution_report_230715.pdf

Pakistan's fight against poverty and social inequality took a monumental leap forward with the launch of the Ehsaas Web Portal, a centralized digital platform under the umbrella of the Ehsaas Program. Managed by the Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) and overseen by the Government of Pakistan, this portal offers streamlined access to numerous financial assistance initiatives aimed at empowering low-income families, widows, persons with disabilities, and unemployed youth. The Ehsaas Web Portal acts as a digital gateway for transparency, accessibility, and effective targeting of aid, enabling millions of Pakistanis to verify eligibility, track disbursements, and receive support across various schemes such as Ehsaas Kafalat, Ehsaas Emergency Cash, Ehsaas Rashan, and Ehsaas Taleemi Wazaif.