HOMO VIATOR

В статье рассмотрены средства передвижения и транспортировки грузов, созданные жителями Севера. Простые и оригинальные устройства были приспособлены к условиям повышенной летней влажности, труднопроходимых лесных зарослей и бездорожья. Так проявились адаптивные возможности традиционной культуры / This article examines the means of transportation created by the inhabitants of the North. Simple and original devices were adapted to the conditions of high summer humidity, impassable forests and off-road conditions. This reveals the adaptive capabilities of traditional culture.

Realismul magic este un termen apărut în jurul anilor 1924 -1925, creat de criticul de artă german Franz Roh, spre a desemna curentul postexpresionist în pictură. Artistul se referea astfel la combinații picturale în care formele realului nu se conformau realității cotidiene. Dacă suprarealismul urmărea "magicul", căutîndu-l însă rareori în realitate, realul magic, propria noastră realitate, este întîlnit, în starea lui brută, latentă și omniprezentă, în tot ce înseamnă America Latină. Aici ciudatul este obișnuit și a fost întotdeauna astfel [1] . Îmbinînd cotidianul imediat cu elemente fantastice, realismul magic este un gen de literatură care deschide calea spre o lume mult mai complexă decît cea pe care o cunoaștem din realitatea trăită. El nu trebuie confundat cu fantasy, cu o lume fantastică populată cu vrăjitori și magie în care ajungi prin diferite portaluri. În realismul magic acțiunea se petrece în lumea noastră, întro realitate urbană, dar care conține și alte elemente, ce depășesc componenta reală, cotidiană. Universurile create în cadrul acestui gen conțin elementele vieții noastre de zi cu zi, este prezent într-o foarte mare măsură în familiar și cotidian, dar un familiar, un cotidian și un comun care încep să se altereze, în care intervin evenimente neobișnuite ce nu pot fi explicate prin tipare "realiste". În felul acesta pot fi surprinse neajunsuri și aspecte sociale negative ale lumii în care trăim. Pe lîngă Franz Roh, printre teoreticienii importanți ai genului se numără Angel Flores și Louis Leal. Astfel, pentru Franz Roh, realismul magic presupune o lume pe care o recunoaștem, dar pe care o privim cu alți ochi, un univers cu un stil propriu, în care se celebrează o nouă lume, una a obiectelor, străină de percepția curentă a

En este trabajo abordamos el desafío de acercar a dos autores que parten de propuestas filosóficas distintas: Heidegger y el concepto de facticidad, y Marcel con la noción de Homo viator. Desde Heidegger presentaremos aspectos generales acerca de lo que entiende por facticidad o vida fáctica, y ésta dentro del mundo cotidiano. En el caso de Marcel, el Homo viator descripto como un ser itinerante que camina por este mundo con miras a otro mundo posible, será también esbozado en sus
172 Studium
características principales. Destacamos la complementariedad que vislumbramos encontrar entre ambas propuestas desde sus puntos de acercamiento aún conscientes de sus variados distanciamientos. Sabida es la crítica que Marcel realiza contra Heidegger y su filosofía y que aparece en varios de sus escritos, sobre todo en su obra El hombre problemático. Pero aclaramos que no será posible abordarla en este trabajo ya que la intención de fondo es alcanzar un acercamiento — no de conciliación — entre ambos filósofos. Queremos destacar, sobre todo, la familiaridad de las propuestas de ambos pensadores y la complementariedad entre uno y otro. Se espera que esto se vea reflejado en el orden pensado para nuestro estudio y en la claridad de la exposición de los conceptos.

Средства передвижения и способы обустройства дорожной сети для столь обширной сухопутной державы, как Российская империя, имели большое значение. Несмотря на развитие речных коммуникаций, доля гужевого транспорта для перевозок грузов и перемещений людей всегда была очень велика. В России издавна стали путешествовать и перевозить грузы на дальние расстояния на лошадях, создали разные виды повозок, выработали способы запряжки лошадей. Устойчивые стереотипы поведения во время поездок на дальние расстояния гужевым транспортом составляют так называемую дорожную традицию России. Дорожная традиция – это условия, обстоятельства и ситуации, которые сопутствовали дальнему сухопутному перемещению. В этой статье исследованы некоторые особенности дорожной традиции на Европейском Севере России в дореволюционное время, а именно в Архангельской, Вологодской Олонецкой, Вятской губерниях. Источниками стали многочисленные документальные очерки, создававшиеся литераторами и публицистами, работы статистиков, мемуарная литература. Расстояния на Европейском Севере России были значительными, а население редким. Это затрудняло создание качественных дорог. Обращено внимание на устойчивые выражения, которыми характеризовалась дорожная традиция тех мест, например, на поговорку «Во всей Онеге нет телеги». Показано, что в теплое время года в отдаленных местностях северных губерний России обычные крестьянские телеги из-за бездорожья и заболоченности и в самом деле использовались редко. Вместо них употреблялись различные иные приспособления для перевозки или же люди путешествовали верхом на лошадях. Это показывает адаптивные механизмы традиционной культуры. C конца XVIII и до начала XX в. состояние путей сообщения существенно не улучшалось. Все это стимулировало поиски принципиально иных способов перевозок. Позднее, в XIX–XX вв., главным движителем дорожной истории России стали технические усовершенствования, которые коренным образом изменили транспортную систему и дорожную географию, повлияв на жизнь десятков миллионов людей. / Means of transportation and methods of arranging the road network for such a vast country as the Russian Empire were of great importance. Despite the development of river communications, the share of horse-drawn transport for transporting goods and moving people was always important. In Russia, people began to travel and transport goods over very long distances by horses long ago; they created different types of carts and sleights and developed ways of harnessing horses. Stable stereotypes of behavior during long-distance journeys by horse-drawn vehicles constitute the so-called road tradition of Russia. Road tradition involves the conditions, circumstances, and situations that accompanied long-distance overland travel. This article examines some features of the road tradition in the European North of Russia in pre-revolutionary times, namely in Arkhangelsk, Vologda, Olonets, and Vyatka governorates. The sources include numerous documentary essays created by writers and journalists, works of statisticians, and memoirs. The distances in Northern European Russia were long and the population was sparse. This made it difficult to build roads of high quality. Special attention is drawn to the set phrases that were used to characterize the road tradition of those lands, such as the saying “Vo vsei Onege net telegi” [There is no cart in the whole of Onega]. It is shown that during the warm season, ordinary peasant carts were indeed rarely used in remote areas of the northern governorates of Russia because of the lack of roads and swampy terrain. Various other means of transportation were used instead or people traveled on horseback. This shows the adaptive mechanisms of traditional culture. In the period between the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 20th century the condition of traffic network did not improve considerably. All these stimulated the search for fundamentally different methods of transportation. Subsequently, in the 19th and 20th centuries, technical improvements became the main driving force of Russia’s road history. They radically altered the transport system and road geography and affecting the lives of millions of people.

Judging from the evidence of his correspondence, John of Salisbury was among the friendliest and most befriended men of the twelfth century. John was a well known and highly connected church administrator-in effect, an "ecclesiastical bureaucratic," as Kate Forhan says 1 -having spent large portions of his career not only in the inner reaches of the English clerical and secular courts, but also at the curia of the papacy and of the French king. 2 He was also acknowledged for his superior educational attainment and wit, the result of a dozen or so years studying and teaching in the pre-scholastic environment of Paris. 3 All of these experiences are reflected in the body of John's correspondence. Among the 325 letters contained in his edited collections, 213 were of a personal nature and addressed to identifiable recipients. 4 He wrote to a wide circle of individuals in the language of amicitia concerning a range of problems and affairs. Perhaps "circle" is too imprecise a term. For John seems to have been in the midst of multiple friendship networks, ranging widely in geographical scope and social status. According to a census and comparative analysis undertaken a few years ago by John McLoughlin, the diversity of the recipients (socially as well as geographically) of John of Salisbury's letters was extraordinary in comparison to the letter collections of contemporaries. Moreover, through philological and literary analysis of these 213 items of correspondence, McLoughlin was able to isolate two quite clearly defined classes of recipients, which he terms the "amicitia-group" and the "non-amicitia group," distinguished in terms of the language of personal connection. In McLaughlin's judgment, sixty-seven recipients out of ninety-two fell into the first category, most of whom were either 1 Kate Langdon Forhan, "A Twelfth Century 'Bureaucrat' and the Life of the Mind: The Political Thought of John of Salisbury," Proceedings of the P.M.R. Conference 10 (1985) 65-74. 2 The most recent appraisal of his career is Cary J. Nederman, John of Salisbury (Tempe, AZ 2005). 3 See Anne Duggan's recent examination of how John's education played out in his post-academic career in "Classical Quotations and Allusions in the Correspondence of Thomas Becket: An Investigation of Their Sources," Viator 32 (2001) 1-22. 4 The basic contents of the letter collections were compiled by John himself. The most recent editions

Judging from the evidence of his correspondence, John of Salisbury was among the friendliest and most befriended men of the twelfth century. John was a well known and highly connected church administrator-in effect, an "ecclesiastical bureaucratic," as Kate Forhan says 1 -having spent large portions of his career not only in the inner reaches of the English clerical and secular courts, but also at the curia of the papacy and of the French king. 2 He was also acknowledged for his superior educational attainment and wit, the result of a dozen or so years studying and teaching in the pre-scholastic environment of Paris. 3 All of these experiences are reflected in the body of John's correspondence. Among the 325 letters contained in his edited collections, 213 were of a personal nature and addressed to identifiable recipients. 4 He wrote to a wide circle of individuals in the language of amicitia concerning a range of problems and affairs. Perhaps "circle" is too imprecise a term. For John seems to have been in the midst of multiple friendship networks, ranging widely in geographical scope and social status. According to a census and comparative analysis undertaken a few years ago by John McLoughlin, the diversity of the recipients (socially as well as geographically) of John of Salisbury's letters was extraordinary in comparison to the letter collections of contemporaries. Moreover, through philological and literary analysis of these 213 items of correspondence, McLoughlin was able to isolate two quite clearly defined classes of recipients, which he terms the "amicitia-group" and the "non-amicitia group," distinguished in terms of the language of personal connection. In McLaughlin's judgment, sixty-seven recipients out of ninety-two fell into the first category, most of whom were either 1 Kate Langdon Forhan, "A Twelfth Century 'Bureaucrat' and the Life of the Mind: The Political Thought of John of Salisbury," Proceedings of the P.M.R. Conference 10 (1985) 65-74. 2 The most recent appraisal of his career is Cary J. Nederman, John of Salisbury (Tempe, AZ 2005). 3 See Anne Duggan's recent examination of how John's education played out in his post-academic career in "Classical Quotations and Allusions in the Correspondence of Thomas Becket: An Investigation of Their Sources," Viator 32 (2001) 1-22. 4 The basic contents of the letter collections were compiled by John himself. The most recent editions

Na presente investigação, abordaremos um tema chave da filosofia existencial de Gabriel Marcel, a saber, a questão da intersubjetividade no horizonte de uma metafísica da esperança. Para o autor, a atenção dada às manifestações fenomenológicas do ser encarnado na realidade concreta exige a apreensão das notas essenciais que resgatam as razões fundamentais pelas quais o ser humano encontra uma certa justificação no universo. Perante a perda de sentido e a falta de esperança na resolução de situações em que o ser humano continua a sofrer, têm que se forjar uma nova situação para construir em conjunto um novo humanismo.

Among the numerous cpnBicting iconographic interpretations of Michelangelo's projects for the tomb of Julius II, there has persisted a stubborn minority opinion that the slaves may have been intended to personify the Liberal Arts, as Condivi and Vasari asserted they were.l Thode was the first to claim, in 1908, that the ape image @ 1984 by The Regents of the UnivetSity of California 0083-5897/84/010335 + 70$00.50. I would like to thank L. D. Ettlinger, Kathleen Weil-Garris, and, especially, Pamela Askew, who read drafts of this paper, for encouragement and many helpful suggestions. This article is written in grateful memory of Adolf Katzenellenbogen, whose teaching and scholatship have been a continuing inspiration. 'Condivi was the first of the two to mention the Liberal Arts. In his life of Michelangelo of 1553 he wrote: "Inrorno, intorno di fuore, erano nicchie, dove entravano statue: et tra nicchia e nicchia termini, a i quali sopra certi dadi, che movendosi da terra sporgevano in fuori, erano altre statue legate come prigioni: Ie quali rappresentavano rarti liberali, similmente Pittura, Scultura, e Architettura, ognuna colle sue note, sicche facilmente potesse esser conosciuta per quelche era: denotando per queste, insieme con Papa Giulio, essere prigioni della Morte tutte Ie Virtu, come quelle che non fossero mai per trovare da chi cotanto fossero favorite e nutrite, quanto da lui" (Ascanio Condivi, Vita di Michelagnolo Buonarroti, ed. Antonio F. Gori [Florence 1746}). This text is identical to the original 1553 edition except for details of spelling and punctuation. A useful English translation is Alice S. and Hellmut Wohl, The Lift of Michelangelo (Baton Rouge, La. 1976). Vasari's earlier, fitSt description of the Julius tomb (1550) mentions only Victories, prisonetS and provinces: "Comincio in questo mezzo alcune vittorie ignude, che hanno sotto prigioni, et infinite prouincie, legate ad alcuni di marmo, i quali andauano per reggimento; e ne abbozzo una patte, figurando i prigioni in varie attitudini a quelli legati, de i quali ancora sono a Roma in casa sua per finiti quattro prigioni" (Paola Barocchi, ed. , Giorgio Vasari, La Vita di Michelangelo [Milan 1962} 1.28). In his second edition of the Lives (1568), Vasari follows Condivi in stating that some of the figures represent liberal arts (and virtues), but he identifies them with different figures on the tomb, as I discuss below. The

Kościół od samego początku istnienia obejmował swoją opieką ludzi w drodze. Wiemy, że migracje ludności były zawsze obecne w dziejach ludzkości, a wspólnota Kościoła jest wezwana do opieki nad poszczególnymi kategoriami migrujących. Mają oni bowiem prawo do szczególnej opieki duszpasterskiej, by w nowym miejscu stałego czy też tymczasowego zamieszkania móc korzystać z duchowych dóbr Kościoła 1 . W artykule będziemy chcieli przedstawić, jak kształtowało się duszpasterstwo polskojęzyczne na terenie Niemiec. Na początku zostaną ukazane główne dokumenty Kościoła dotyczące omawianego przez nas zagadnienia, a następnie zostanie przedstawione duszpasterstwo polskie w Niemczech (z podziałem na okres od 1945 do 1975 i od 1976 do dziś). Jego przemiany były związane głównie ze zmieniającymi się uwarunkowaniami prawnymi oraz sytuacją migracyjną. W interesującym nas przedziale czasowym obowiązywało kilka dokumentów, które nadawały kształt duszpasterstwu migrantów. Pierwszym z nich był Kodeks Prawa Kanonicznego z roku 1917, który potwierdzał prawo emigrantów do duszpasterstwa etnicznego. Uwzględniał on migrantów i ludzi należących do odrębnej grupy etnicznej, jednocześnie gwarantując im szczególne duszpasterstwo, które mogło być organizowane w następujących formach: parafii personalnej, parafii terytorialnej o charakterze etnicznym, wikariatu parafialnego, kościoła rektoralnego czy różnego rodzaju kapelanii. Kodeks ten umożliwiał również powołanie kaznodziei, spowiednika na statkach oraz korzystanie z tłumacza. Duszpasterstwo etniczne podlegało wówczas bezpośrednio Stolicy 1

Two bifolia from a quire of the Prologus to the Sentencesof William of Ockham were used as a pastedown and flyleaf in Be-sançon, Bibliothèque municipale d’étude et de conservation, 198, a manuscript of the Sentences questions of James of Eltville copied in Paris at the College of St. Bernard around 1399. The open question is why one of Ockham’s most captivating philosophical texts was reduced to its materiality and merely employed to bind a later text of the same genre

Beginning in 1259, rebel nobles in Catalonia and King James I (1213-1276) began to compose defiance letters to each other in their shared vernacular, Catalan. Close examination of these documents using theoretical frameworks from linguistic anthropology and sociolinguistics suggests that both parties employed the vernacular to augment the impact of their invective messages. Defiance letters already transmitted a verbal attack when delivered in the high-prestige language (Latin). These were declarations of war in which vassals disavowed their lords and reproached them with accusations and threats or vice versa. Transmitting them in the spoken, lower-prestige register (Catalan), however, amplified their effect by providing an unexpected break in protocol. It allowed the feuding parties to aggravate their threats and accusations by inflicting a blow in decorum alongside their declarations of war. Once their conflict ended, both parties switched back to writing to each other in Latin to signal a return to normality.

The obligations of churches within the German kingdom to provide material support to the Ottonian kings during the tenth and early eleventh centuries, that is their servitium regis, has received considerable scholarly attention for more than a century. By contrast, far less attention has been given to the question of how the German kings ensured that the bishoprics and monasteries of their realm would maintain these resources in a manner that was necessary to fulfill their obligations to the crown. For the most part, it has been assumed that the Ottonians relied upon the appointment of able and loyal fideles, with whom they consequently maintained positive personal relationships. The present study shows that in addition to these important tools of rulership, the Ottonian kings also made use of institutional mechanisms, drawing upon Carolingian practice and precedents, to oversee the assets entrusted to the care of churches. In particular, the German kings required that churches obtain a license before engaging in any exchanges of ecclesiastical property. This obligation dates back to the reign of Louis the Pious (814-840) and was enforced by all of the rulers of the Ottonian dynasty through end of the reign of Henry II (1002-1024).

Philippe de Mézières (1327-1405), politician, crusade propagandist, counselor to the French king Charles V, spiritual thinker, and prolific author, met Pierre de Thomas (ca. 1305-1366), a Carmelite friar who rose to become a papal legate and titular patriarch of Constantinople, in 1362 on Cyprus. The two men were soul mates and embarked on many joint diplomatic and military ventures of which the most dramatic was the taking of Alexandria in 1365. Pierre de Thomas died shortly afterwards and within months Philippe began to write his Life of Pierre de Thomas with a view to his canonization. A somewhat later inquiry into Pierre's miracles and sanctity had no result. This article explores how Philippe tried to construct a new saint-to whom he was attached by deep emotions-at a time when canonizations became more formalized and difficult and when the ideal of the crusade became more and more problematic in the face of late medieval political realities.

Répétons pour commencer une vérité banale. L'oeuvre d'art médiévale est avant tout le produit d'un artisanat. L'auteur médiéval est un artisan de la parole, au sense propre du mot, comme on peut être artisan de la pierre ou du bois.-Willem Noomen 1 Academics are familiar with the difficulties inherent in attempts to evaluate, assess, and even characterize intellectual work. The difficulty is one that applies to the medieval period as well; as Jean Dunbabin notes, even in his major work Les Intellectuels au Moyen Âge Jacques Le Goff declines to define his central term. Dunbabin's attempt to fill the gap suggests, however, the usefulness-even if a somewhat limited one-of this term for an investigation of medieval preachers. He claims that "the Platonic form of the creature" includes such features as "a town-dweller, identifying emotionally with artisans, committed to communicating with a wider public." Since "anti-clerical" also comes into the definition, however, we must be wary of associating preachers too simply with the broad category of intellectuals; and the mention of artisans is a reminder, like the epigraph above, of their metaphorical association with more concrete forms of labor. 2 This article, then, examines the particular characteristics of preachers' intellectual labor, the ways in which they grappled with their professional role and the difficulties they saw in practicing what one handbook calls "the business of preaching" (praedicandi … negotium). 3 I consider preaching's foundation in a corporeal metaphor of construction, whose ambiguous and often dichotomous implications aptly express the internal contradictions of preaching as a profession based on incorporeal work, a spiritual vocation that had to be practiced in the world. These contradictions had ancient roots in Christian thought, but they come into especially sharp focus in the thirteenth century, as new ideas of the apostolic life shaped religious culture and as the nature of professions and labor more generally received increased attention. 4 Ulti-I am grateful to Joan Cadden, Seeta Chaganti, and Sally Poor, and to audiences at the University of California at Berkeley, The Ohio State University, and the International Medieval Sermon Studies Society conference in Vadstena, Sweden (particularly David d'Avray and Wim Verbaal) for their responses to and comments on this essay; none of them, of course, is in any way responsible for its shortcomings. 1 Willem Noomen, "À propos d'une ficelle de métier: Noms de saints dans les fabliaux," Miscellanea di studi in onore di Aurelio Roncaglia a cinquant'anni dalla sua laurea, 4 vols. (Modena 1989) 3.913-932, at 913. 2 Jean Dunbabin, "Jacques Le Goff and the Intellectuals," The Work of Jacques Le Goff and the Challenges of Medieval History, ed. Miri Rubin (Woodbridge, Suffolk 1997) 157-167. 3 This is the Ars concionandi mistakenly attributed to St. Bonaventure and published in Doctoris seraphici S. Bonaventurae … Opera omnia, ed. Collegium S. Bonaventurae, 10 vols. (Quaracchi s.d.) 9.8-21. The quotation is from p. 8, col. A. 4 For a medieval reflection of this attention, see the Livre des métiers compiled by Étienne de Boileau, Prévot de Paris, probably around 1268, with its dizzying array of trades;

Most people are not prepared in their daily lives to accept that anything can be good unless it is a source of profit. They choose their best friends as they choose their cattle, lavishing the greatest affection where they hope for the most lucrative results. But if this is what they are going to do, they will miss the finest and most natural sort of friendship; I mean the sort which is desirable for its own sake and for itself. Such people deprive themselves of the opportunity to experience for themselves how powerful, how wonderful and how all-embracing this kind of relationship can be. 1 These reflections of Cicero (106-43 BCE) in his treatise De amicitia (also known as Laelius) had a powerful impact on medieval readers. Cicero was contrasting the ideal of pursuing friendship for its own sake with purely instrumental friendship, pursued out of self-interest. 2 In this article, I consider how some of the central elements of Cicero's discussion of friendship, originally formulated within the political context of the late Roman republic, were transformed in twelfth-century Europe, when the De amicitia enjoyed a surge of popularity within an educated elite, not just among a male readership. Cicero's ideas about friendship were never completely forgotten during the early Middle Ages, but they did come to be much more widely read in the twelfth century. 3 The figure most often associated with this renewal of interest in Ciceronian ideals in the twelfth century is Aelred of Rievaulx (1110-1167), whose writings are given a preeminent place by Brian McGuire within his survey of the monastic tradition of 1 Cicero, De amicitia 21.79-80, ed. K. Simbek (Leipzig 1917): "Sed plerique neque in rebus humanis quicquam bonum norunt nisi quod fructuosum sit, et amicos tamquam pecudes eos potissimum diligunt, ex quibus sperant se maxumum fructum esse capturos. Ita pulcherrima illa et maxuma naturali carent amicitia per se et propter se expetita nec ipsi sibi exemplo sunt, haec vis amicitiae et qualis et quanta sit. Ipse enim se quisque diligit, non ut aliquam a se ipse mercedem exigat caritatis suae, sed quod per se sibi quisque carus est." The translation here, as elsewhere, is that of Michael Grant in Cicero, On the Good Life (London 1971) 216, unless otherwise indicated. There is also a translation by Frank Copley in Other Selves. Philosophers on Friendship, ed. Michael Pakaluk (Indianapolis 1991) 108. 2 Perhaps the best philosophic overview of the transmission of Ciceronian ideals in the medieval period is

The myth of Odysseus' return to Ithaca, in addition to being the central theme of the Homeric epic, had already served as inspiration for the Platonic tradition as an allegory of the soul's return to its origin. Taking advantage of the narrative of the hero's adventures and misadventures in the enterprise, the Platonic school used the image of return to identify the soul's journey towards the beautiful, the good and the true, or God. Riobaldo, still not clear about his purpose in the jagunçagem, hears Diadorim's call, since the meeting with the Boy (“You need to have courage...”, ROSA, 1994, p. 145), and joins Joca's gang Ramiro. Riobaldo, on his itinerary through the backlands and in the exercise of courage as a purgative virtue, keeps his word and avenges the betrayal of the leader's murder. Riobaldo: his wandering through the backlands allows us to deduce precursors such as Dante, Aeneas and Odysseus. Riobaldo, a homo viator – against the grain.

This article concentrates on the relation between the writing of hagiographical texts about Saint Bononius (d. 1026) and their actual political, social, and religious contexts in the diocese of Vercelli. Bononius's cult came into existence at one of the crucial turning points in the history of the medieval Italy, when the structures of central government handed down from the Carolingian age were breaking down and new local centers of power were taking their place. Vercelli had traditionally held a privileged position in the German emperors' Italian policy, but as a consequence the agitation connected to the remodeling of society was more violent here than in many other regions of regnum Italiae. In this situation Arderic, the bishop of Vercelli, seems to have sought reconciliation with the local anti-imperial aristocracy, and it appears that the cult of Saint Bononius played a major role in the bishop's conciliatory politics. The author argues that Arderic used the cult to heal the wounds resulting from tumultuous recent history in two ways. First, references to the painful events of recent history, in which Bononius had also been involved, were omitted from the hagiographical texts and attention was directed to the less inflammatory aspects of the saint's life. Second, the saint was represented in the texts as an arbitrator between adversaries, protector of the powerless, and one who appeased the anger and the arrogance of the powerful. Thus, the article is directly connected to the discussion on the role of the literacy in the ways in which the societies of the medieval West contemplated their past, thus shaping their identity and their perception of the present.

This article investigates the early manuscript diffusion of the De spiritu et anima, widely circulated in the thirteenth century and beyond as a work of Augustine, but whose authorship has been much disputed. Building on the research of Norpoth (1924) into different versions of DSA, it compares the treatise to the De anima of Isaac of Stella, addressed to Alcher of Clairvaux, arguing that initially it circulated in a Cistercian context, before being studied in a scholastic milieu as a work of Augustine. It presents evidence supporting Alcher's authorship of DSA, as signalled by the title Liber Alcheri de anima given in Tissier's edition of 1664, likely to be based on a manuscript from Stella. It presents DSA as a text that combines Augustinian themes with the Boethian arguments of Isaac about the soul in its Type 1 version, but subsequently expands into a Type 2 version (printed by Tissier) and a little-circulated Type 3 version, which emphasizes the theme of self-knowledge. In a university context, it provided a discussion of the soul quite distinct from that provided by Aristotle.

Same rzeczy będzie mi m oże dane poznać kiedyś lub m oże zna łem je niegdyś, w edle tego, jak los m ógł mnie zaw ieść w miejsca, gdzie były one w pełnym św ietle [...]. [M. M ontaigne] G dybym ja umiał pisać, to napisałbym książkę o w iększym szczę ściu i o większym nieszczęściu człow ieka. Dzięki książkom i z książek dow iedziałem się, że niebiosa wcale nie są humanitarne i że człow iek m yślący także humanitarny nie jest, nie żeby nie chciał, lecz dlatego, że byłoby to sprzeczne z poprawnym m yśleniem [...]. Książki nauczyły mnie gustow ać w spustoszeniu, cieszyć się nim. [B. Hrabal] 1

Same rzeczy będzie mi m oże dane poznać kiedyś lub m oże zna łem je niegdyś, w edle tego, jak los m ógł mnie zaw ieść w miejsca, gdzie były one w pełnym św ietle [...]. [M. M ontaigne] G dybym ja umiał pisać, to napisałbym książkę o w iększym szczę ściu i o większym nieszczęściu człow ieka. Dzięki książkom i z książek dow iedziałem się, że niebiosa wcale nie są humanitarne i że człow iek m yślący także humanitarny nie jest, nie żeby nie chciał, lecz dlatego, że byłoby to sprzeczne z poprawnym m yśleniem [...]. Książki nauczyły mnie gustow ać w spustoszeniu, cieszyć się nim. [B. Hrabal] 1

The translation of the relics of the Passion of Christ from Constantinople to Paris around 1241 inspired urban encomia of the French Capital. In the fourteenth century, Paris was celebrated as the universal city of election in the West. Meanwhile, the city experienced unprecedented growth, attracting a diverse body of migrants, from pilgrims to scholars, to artists, merchants, and paupers: all of them contributed to modify the topography and culture of the city. This situation generated a wide array of urban images that both challenged and redefined those of translation and universalism as well as the view of the French capital as a pilgrim city. Overall, this study shows how Paris emerged during this period as a potent and complex source of poetic inspiration and a Parisian identity was being shaped.

Biblical books are vividly illumined by frequent images of light, which may vary depending on different editions and reverberate in the mind of readers with varying degrees of resplendence. This occurs due to both discrepancies between different versions of the Holy Writ which have been offered by translators and curators, and the different ways in which figures from the books of the Bible were taken into consideration in paratextual materials. In fact, dedicatory epistles, commentaries and illustrations are in turn rich of images of brightness, which draw on, develop and interpret those suggested by the Scriptures. In this brief essay, focusing on some of the most significant Renaissance editions of the Bible (Malerbi 1490; Brucioli 1530, 1532, 1542-1547; Diodati 1641), some relevant "images of radiance" are examined: 2 Pet. 1.19 (where the prophetic word is compared to a lamp which is shining in the dark); Exod. 34.33 (where it is said that Moses covered the brilliance of his own face with a veil); John 1.1 (where it is deplored that the light shone in the darkness, and the darkness did not comprehend it), especially analyzing the impact of their interpretation on the Renaissance debate on the ways and methods of transmission of Christian doctrine and the aim of the Holy Scriptures.

Biblical books are vividly illumined by frequent images of light, which may vary depending on different editions and reverberate in the mind of readers with varying degrees of resplendence. This occurs due to both discrepancies between different versions of the Holy Writ which have been offered by translators and curators, and the different ways in which figures from the books of the Bible were taken into consideration in paratextual materials. In fact, dedicatory epistles, commentaries and illustrations are in turn rich of images of brightness, which draw on, develop and interpret those suggested by the Scriptures. In this brief essay, focusing on some of the most significant Renaissance editions of the Bible (Malerbi 1490; Brucioli 1530, 1532, 1542-1547; Diodati 1641), some relevant "images of radiance" are examined: 2 Pet. 1.19 (where the prophetic word is compared to a lamp which is shining in the dark); Exod. 34.33 (where it is said that Moses covered the brilliance of his own face with a veil); John 1.1 (where it is deplored that the light shone in the darkness, and the darkness did not comprehend it), especially analyzing the impact of their interpretation on the Renaissance debate on the ways and methods of transmission of Christian doctrine and the aim of the Holy Scriptures.

Among others, the recent work of Janine Idziak presents Andrew of Neufchateau (†1400) as a fervent advocate of “divine command ethics,” a promoter of radical voluntarism, according to which moral values depend solely on the divine will. One example that illustrates this theory is the “hatred of God” (odium Dei ), often discussed in the fourteenth century. Since moral values depend on the divine will, it can be morally good to hate God if that is his command. Andrew has been seen and is still seen today as a supporter of this view. The present paper aims to reconsider this interpretation.

[FR]
Parmi d’autres, les récents travaux de Janine Idziak présentent André de
Neufchâteau (†1400) comme un fervent partisan d’une « divine command
ethics », comme un défenseur du volontarisme radical d’après lequel les valeurs morales dépendent uniquement de la volonté divine. L’un des exemples donnés pour illustrer cette théorie est celui de la «haine de Dieu» (odium Dei), souvent discuté au XIVe siècle : les valeurs morales étant tributaires de la volonté divine, il peut être moralement bon de haïr Dieu, si tel est son commandement. André a été perçu et est toujours perçu aujourd’hui comme souscrivant à cette thèse. Le présent article se propose de reconsidérer la question.

Three Biased reminders aBouT hylomorphism in early modern science and philosophy1 Gideon manning "hylomorphism" is, literally, "matter-form-ism" and an appropriate label for aristotle's account of matter-form thinking.2 But in spite of the widespread use of "hylomorphism" in contemporary scholarship, neither the term nor any of its derivatives were used by aristotle, his ancient or medieval commentators, or early modern natural philosophers. The same cannot be said of "matter" and "form," since both terms appear in plato and persist even today.3 These terms have proven extremely malleable, as evidenced in the variety of meanings given to "matter" and "form" not only by the peripatetics but also by seventeenth-century chemists, epicurean revivalists and cartesians. matter and form have also endured as foundational principles of change in the natural sciences, a role aristotle first assigned to them and which subsequent natural philosophers found uncontroversial. To be sure, debates existed over how to understand change and the principles of natural science-for example, the distinction between generation and alteration, the teleological character of change, the status of privation, essentialism, and the possibility of matter existing

Employing anthropological perspectives on gift giving, I analyze exchanges between Icelandic saints and their devotees in the miracle stories of Saints Jón and Þórlákr. Norms of reciprocal gift giving offered a framework for seeking saintly assistance that involved predictable stages, including vows, counterpledges, and pledge-confirmations, followed by gifts and counter-gifts. I highlight the need for equity in gift exchange and the negotiations between devotees and saints seeking materially and/or symbolically balanced exchange. The examples discussed underscore the role of reciprocal exchange in structuring the miracle stories, the consequences of failed saintly gift transactions, and the Church's role in promoting a reciprocal understanding of saintly worship. Counter-gifting of material goods by the devotee to the saints' cathedrals directed wealth towards the Church, but I contend that the pivotal outcome of saintly gift exchange conducted according to traditional norms was the cementation of socio-political relationships between saints, devotees and the mediating clergy.

Among the masterpieces of Byzantine an are the illustrated sermons on the life of the Virgin written by one James, monk of the Kokkinobaphos monastery. The manuscripts combine outstanding calligraphy and ornament with a lengthy miniature cycle. The complete series of six sermons exists only in the two illuminated manuscripts, Paris, Bibliotheque nationale gr. 1208 and Vatican Library gr. 1162. The Vatican copy, recorded in the library inventory of 1475,1 was the flfst to come to the West. In the later 1660s, Pierre Girardin, French ambassador to the Sublime Porte, purchased the other manuscript from the Seraglio Library; it subsequently entered the Bibliotheque royale and was catalogued in the eighteenth centUry. 2 James's text was brought to scholarly attention in 1648, when Fran~ois Combefis published sermon 2.3 About a hundred years later Antonio Ballerini published three more sermons in addition to the one edited by CombeflS.4 Soon thereafter,J. P. Migne reprinted Ballerini's text; and it is the Migne edition, incomplete and dependent on Vat. gr. 1162, that effectively remains the only one widely available.s The illustrations in the two manuscripts have been completely published, but their historiated initials and headpieces have not.6

This essay argues that the glosses in the late-fourteenth, early fifteenth-century Middle English work þe Myrrour of Symple Soules are more theologically coherent than has previously been posited. Focusing on the discussion of "usages" that they contain, as well as the importance of freedom, a case is made for reading many of the annotations to be advocating a Thomist/Bonaventurean account of deification, that is, suggesting that the soul loves God through a created habitus that allows the Holy Spirit to work in the soul without obliterating it. Although a more theologically conservative understanding of deification than usually posited of the original Mirouer, it nonetheless indicates that the translator may have offered his readers more than a "rhetoric of ecstasy," demonstrating concern that they understand what it means to be deified in union with God.

"he was amorous in poetry and music, to which he indulged the greatest part of his time."! Newcastle patronized several literary figures including Jonson, Brome, Shitley, Flecknoe, Dryden, and Shadwell. He particularly admiredJonson, whose masques and plays were a major influence on the Duke's own writings.2 Newcastle's works span most of his adult career. His dramatic compositions, several of which were published in the seventeenth century, range from plays written for the public stage to domestic entertainments, including masques, pastorals, and comic interludes. Newcastle also devised at least two royal entertainments. In February 1658 Charles II and his siblings were the recipients of a lavish spectacle staged in the Duke's lodgings at Antwerp prophesying the King's triumphant return to the English throne, the text of which cannot be traced among Newcastle's papers.3 The Portland collection at Notringham Universiry Library contains the manuscript of a second royal show by the Duke, "The King's Entertainment" (MS PwV23). The existence of this work has been known for some time but the text has received litrle attention from literary historians. MS PwV23 is a late example of the royal entertainments staged in metropolitan and provincial noble households, the origin of which dates back to the Elizabethan period. "The King's Entertainment" is of particular importance because of its textual relationship with I am indebted to Hilton Kelliher and Ruby Reid Thompson for their advice in preparing the physical description of MS PwV23. I would also like to thank

El trabajo presenta una reflexión en torno a la construcción de conocimiento, específicamente, en el turismo. Para disertar en torno a ello, se emplea la visión crítica como un horizonte epistemológico que aúna el pensar filosófico con la evidencia empírica, permitiendo dar sentido propio al problema del conocimiento. El procedimiento seguido consiste en fundamentar el ejercicio reflexivo mediante reconocer cómo tal conocimiento encuentra variaciones y acentos diversos y complementarios en las principales posturas filosóficas y corrientes de pensamiento, con la intención de mostrar que el problema del conocimiento en el turismo y su sentido crítico implica criticidad, más que la simple denuncia o desacuerdo en opiniones. El argumento se contrasta con el análisis de los trabajos tradicionales que argumentan una posición crítica y aquellos que constituyen vanguardia en el llamado giro crítico del turismo. Seguidamente, se formula un planteamiento que alude a la criticidad en el conocimiento del turismo bajo lo que denominamos la visión crítico-reflexiva. Finalmente, se presentan reflexiones que permitan la apertura para continuar con un diálogo que abra nuevas posibilidades de construcción cognoscitiva en el turismo.

El como se genera y construye conocimiento ha sido una de las principales preocupaciones del ser humano, como lo adquirimos y la forma en que este representa una parte de la realidad es un dilema filosofico que, a traves del tiempo, ha conllevado a diferentes formas de pensar y concebir el sentido de “su” verdad. Construir conocimiento implica una relacion con el mundo y el entorno, de ahi que la responsabilidad de generarlo, mas que comercial, es con relacion al ser del «otro». El concepto de responsabilidad social en el turismo se ha tergiversado de su sentido original, cosificandolo a una vision utilitarista e instrumental de la empresa. El presente trabajo retoma la vision filosofica de la Responsabilidad Social (RS) del turismo en la criticidad de su conocimiento. Por ello, se asume esta (RS) como un ethos del actuar responsable de lo que se produce entre el nos y los otros, destacando el sentido que adquiere el conocimiento que el ser humano crea y recrea en teorias, conceptos...

A manuscript in the Biblioteca Nacional de España contains a translation into Spanish of Philip Sidney's The Defence of Poesy. This seventeenth-century document is possibly the first translation of Sidney's treatise into any language as well as a very rare example in this period of cultural transmission from England into Spain, which was at the time isolating itself from foreign influence, especially from protestant countries. The mere existence of this manuscript invites a number of questions about the transmission of literary texts in early modern Europe, the relationship of the Sidney family to the Spanish court, and the possible readings a treatise on poetics could receive. This article explores some of the enigmas that surround Deffensa de la Poesia, and examines the puzzling marginalia contained in its pages, a facet of the text ignored by the few previous scholars who have discussed it.

Illuminated manuscripts of the Chronique abregee include Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale MSS fro 10132 fols. 362-400 (1 miniature); fro 10134; fro 6463 (6 miniatures); and Paris, Bibliotheque Mazarine MS 2029 (5 miniatures). Apparently it was not a text which often received dense cycles of illumination.

Piers Plowman has a reputation for being difficult, as represented by the poem's ambiguously defined central concept of "kynde knowyng." This paper argues that "kynde knowyng" exemplifies the poem's articulation of a privileged category of complex knowledge, especially suited to the human condition in all its diverse "kyndes," which is best produced by the mode of the aesthetic. Piers Plowman demonstrates how this mode, via the medium of vernacular poetry, creates the conditions-sensory, heuristic, and intellective-necessary for developing "kynde knowyng." This paper examines two stylistic features key to developing these conditions: a narrative pattern of instructional failure which, stylized and replicated, gathers together a proliferation of cultural forms loosely organized and represented by the interplay of Latin and Middle English. By evoking an assortment of authoritative and non-authoritative epistemologies, the poem establishes an aesthetic theory that subtly challenges institutional precedence and promotes lay and vernacular forms of knowledge.

This article analyses and points out some of the inconsistencies between the true history and the one depicted in the text of the Waltharius concerning some of the facts and characters of the poem. In each case, it attempts to explain that such inconsistencies are related to the interweaving of oral traditions and also to the determination imposed by the political and cultural power at the time of the creation of the work.

The translation of the relics of the Passion of Christ from Constantinople to Paris around 1241 inspired urban encomia of the French Capital. In the fourteenth century, Paris was celebrated as the universal city of election in the West. Meanwhile, the city experienced unprecedented growth, attracting a diverse body of migrants, from pilgrims to scholars, to artists, merchants, and paupers: all of them contributed to modify the topography and culture of the city. This situation generated a wide array of urban images that both challenged and redefined those of translation and universalism as well as the view of the French capital as a pilgrim city. Overall, this study shows how Paris emerged during this period as a potent and complex source of poetic inspiration and a Parisian identity was being shaped.

THE TALMUD AND nIE POPES: REFLECTIONS ON nIE TALMUD TRIALS OF nIE 12408. by Joel E. Rembaum The investigations of the Talmud in Paris in the 1240s and the resulting confiscation and burning of Jewish books in France had a lasting impact on Jews and Christians alike. J They also reflected a radical departure from established papal Jewry policy. The loss of these books resulted in a disruption of study among Jews, contributing to the decline of the Jewish schools in northern France and the subsequent demoralizing of French Jewry. 2 From a long-range point of view Jews in Christian lands were put in the position of having to react to challenges to Talmudic law, ideology, and literarure profferred by antagonistic Christians, challenges that continued into the modem period.3 Within the @ 1982 by The Regents of the University of California 0083-5897/82/010203+21$00.50. .On the investigations into the Talmud see

The second volume of Manuscript Cotton Galba E. IV in the British Museum, written in England shortly before 1200, has long been known to scholars interested in the introduction of Greek and Arabic science into western Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. In 1924 C. H. Haskins commented upon the first four items of its contents,l of which three are treatises on the elements, the fourth a work on climate. All are anonymous except one, entitled Liber Marii de elementis. The identity of this Marius has, however, remained hidden until now. From internal evidence Haskins proposed a southern Italian or Sicilian origin for this group of treatises, characterizing them as belonging "to the epoch when Aristotelian science was coming in through Arabic channels but had not yet been fully absorbed."2 The traditional sources, Seneca, Macrobius, Boethius, the Latin poets and Plato's Timaeus are quoted, as well as the new translations of Aristotle's Physics, De caelo and Topics, and the pseudo-Aristotelian De elementis.3 More recently, R. C. Dales has studied and edited two of these works, both anonymous and dealing with the elements. One of them has proved to be a highly competent translation of the chapter De elementis from Nemesius's De natura horn in is, a full version of which appears later in the manuscript in the wellknown translation by Alfanus of Salerno.4 The other treatise revealed features that led Dales to corroborate Haskins's suggestion of an Italian or Sicilian origin for it.D As for the work on climate, this proves to be a trans-1 C. H. Haskins, Studies in the History of Medieval Science (Cambridge, Mass. 1924) 93-95. 2 Ibid. 95. 3 Ibid. and R. C. Dales, "Anonymi de elementis; from a twelfth-century collection of scientific works in British Museum Cotton Galba E. IV," Isis 56 (1965) 174-189, esp. 175-179. 4 R. C. Dales, "An unnoticed translation of the chapter De elementis from Nemesius' De natura hominis," Medievalia et humanistica 17 (1966) 13-19. 5 Dales (n. 3 above). 63 Cf. the quaestiones printed in LSQ 161-177, with those found in Marius, fol. 192vb; 199ra; 199va, et at.

Although Plautus enjoyed a modest reputation in earlier transalpine Europe, between 1500 and 1530, he rose to major status owing mainly to the work of German humanists building on that of fifteenthcentury Italians. These humanists also fostered the production of Plautine comedies and imitations on stage. Despite the qualms of Erasmus and others, who preferred the milder comedies of Terence, appreciation of his plays soared, especially at the University of Leipzig, where Plautus's great editor Camerarius studied under Veit Werler (1480s-1520s?). Werler's poems on Plautus help explain the reasons for the new enthusiasm, soon to be enhanced, counterintuitively, by the Reformation confessionalization of humanism. Newly understood, then recognized as the quintessential comic dramatist, Plautus rehabilitates comedy as a worthwhile art.