Freedom of Expression (Law)

2013’te ülke geneline yayılan Gezi Parkı protestoları, Türkiye’de uzun yıllardır kısıtlanan ve hatta şiddetle bastırılan barışçıl toplanma özgürlüğü için bir sembol haline gelmişti. O zamandan bu yana, muhalif görüşlerin barışçıl toplanmalar aracılığıyla kamusal alanlara erişimi yıllar içinde kısıtlanmaya devam etti. 8 Mart Feminist Gece Yürüyüşleri, 25 Kasım Kadına Yönelik Şiddetle Mücadele Günüyürüyüşleri, Taksim'deki 1 Mayıs gösterileri,Onur Yürüyüşleri ve LGBTİ+ etkinlikler, Cumartesi Anneleri/İnsanları’nın eylemleri, Newroz Kutlamaları gibi belli günler, yerler ve konularda düzenlenmek istenen toplanmalar sistematik olarak engellendi.

2025 yılına gelindiğinde, İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediye Başkanı Ekrem İmamoğlu’nun da aralarında bulunduğu çok sayıda kişinin 19 Mart 2025’te gözaltına alınmasının ardından, başta İstanbul olmak üzere Türkiye’nin dört bir yanında barışçıl gösteriler düzenlendi. Anayasal güvencelere rağmen bu gösteriler “kanunsuz” ilan edilerek bastırıldı, 2000’i aşkın kişi gözaltına alındı, 300’ü aşkın kişi tutuklandı, göstericiler kötü muamele ve polis şiddetine maruz kaldı. 1 Mayıs’ta İstanbul genelinde ulaşım kısıtlandı, Taksim Meydanı’na yürümek isteyen göstericilere polis sert biçimde müdahale etti ve 400’ü aşkın kişi gözaltına alındı. Geniş yasak kararlarına rağmen 11. İstanbul Trans Onur Yürüyüşü’nde yürüyen göstericilerden 46 kişi polis şiddetiyle gözaltına alındı. 23. İstanbul Onur Yürüyüşü için İstanbul Valiliğinin toplantı ve gösteri yürüyüşü alanı olarak tanımladığı Yenikapı Miting Alanına yapılan resmi başvuru reddedildi. Ortaköy’de düzenlenen Onur Yürüyüşü’nde ise şiddetle gözaltına alınan 53 kişiden 3’ü tutuklandı. Bu müdahaleleri soruşturma ve davalar eliyle yargısal taciz takip etti.

Bu politika belgesi, bu yaşananlardan önce hazırlanmış olsa da, tüm bu gelişmeler metinde tespit edilen yapısal sorunları açık biçimde doğrulayan nitelikte. Bu sorunların çözümü ise, ancak 2911 sayılı Kanun’un köklü biçimde değiştirilmesi ve kolluk kuvvetleri ile yargının temel hak ve özgürlüklere alan açan bir yaklaşım benimsemesiyle mümkün olabilir.

Scholarly awareness that animal sacrifice was partly, if not mainly, an act of killing, has not led to any consideration of the question of how the gods receiving sacrifices viewed the killing of living beings that were commonly domesticated quadrupeds or reportedly (but rarely) human bipeds. 1 Even Walter Burkert, who asked whether sacrificial victims approved of their own deaths, did not ask whether this other interested party, the gods, approved of putting creatures to death. This paper addresses this question. In particular, it asks how the gods reacted to homicide. The neglect of this question is not solely the responsibility of Burkert, Jean-Pierre Vernant, or other writers on sacrifice such as Renée Girard (see Graf 2012). The question of how the gods reacted to homicide has been neglected by other scholars, too, beginning with writers of handbooks such as Martin Nilsson, and including authors of recent monographs such as Timothy Whitmarsh. 2 Generally speaking, gods 1

In this Submission, we present our observations on the Draft Study on Artificial Intelligence (AI), Robotics, and Other Emerging Technologies in Africa. We outline the study’s strengths, highlight possible areas of concern, and provide recommendations intended to enhance its effectiveness in addressing the human and peoples’ rights implications of these new and emerging technologies.

ABSTRACT
One of the biggest effects of the crisis periods on the law, when uncertainty prevails in political and social life, is the expansion of the executive power to make regulations compared to ordinary periods. Experiences show that fundamental rights and freedoms are the first to be sacrificed to cope with the consequences of such crisis. However, this expansion in the executive power should be considered as a test of endurance for contemporary liberal democratic regimes. In this context,
the study focuses on the scope of the positive obligations of the state regarding the protection of artistic freedom in times of crisis considering the importance of the protection of artistic freedom to sustain artistic activities. Although the study is carried out mainly on the Covid-19 pandemic, one of the most significant crises humanity has faced in recent years, it is also essential to make assessments based on contemporary democratic principles for future crises. Therefore, this article aims to shed light on both the debates of this period and the problems that may arise in
possible future crises within the framework of democratic principles.

ÖZET
Siyasal ve sosyal hayatta belirsizliğin hâkim olduğu toplumsal kriz
dönemlerinin hukuk üzerindeki en büyük etkilerinden biri yürütme organının
düzenleme yapma yetkisinin olağan dönemlere kıyasla büyük ölçüde
genişlemesidir. Deneyimler gösterir ki bu gibi kriz hallerinde ortaya
çıkan sonuçlarla mücadele edebilmek için ilk önce temel hak ve özgürlüklerin
sınırlanması hatta kimi zaman kullanımının durdurulması yoluna
gidilmektedir. Bununla birlikte, yürütme organının yetkilerindeki
bu genişleme çağdaş liberal demokratik rejimler için bir dayanıklılık sınavı
niteliğindedir. Bu çerçevede çalışmada, sanat özgürlüğünün konusunu
oluşturan sanatsal uğraşların ve faaliyetlerin devamı için sanat özgürlüğünün korunmasının önemi dikkate alınarak, bu korumaya ilişkin
kriz hâllerinde devlete düşen pozitif yükümlülüklerin kapsamı üzerinde
durulmuştur. Çalışma, her ne kadar son yıllarda insanlığın karşılaştığı en büyük kriz dönemlerinden biri olan Covid-19 salgını özelinde kaleme
alınmış olsa da ileriye dönük her türlü kriz hâli için çağdaş demokratik
ilkeleri temel alan değerlendirmeler yapmak şarttır. Bu nedenle, çalışmayla
yalnızca bu dönemki tartışmaları aydınlatma amacı güdülmemiş,
olası kriz dönemlerinde karşımıza çıkabilecek sorunlara demokratik ilkeler
çerçevesinde bir ışık tutmak amaçlanmıştır.

The author considers how academics, particularly historians, can respond to genocide denial. The denial, minimisation, or trivialisation of historical genocide can be considered a prototype of post-truth. This chapter reveals, through the use of online surveys, how academics react to manifestations of genocide denial in three countries: Poland, France, and the United States. As a result, it postulates which factors may impede or encourage activism to oppose it.

Human rights are universal, untransferable and inalienable. Regardless of who he is, everyone is entitled to enjoy their fundamental human rights. Rights and freedoms are traits of every functioning democracy. Chapter five (5) of the 1992 Constitution details the rights of all persons living in Ghana regardless of their nationality. Recently, the rights of persons in relation to the respect of public interest have come under fire. Democracy Hub embarked on protests against illegal mining, a menace that has plagued Ghana for almost a decade and as such which led to the arrest of some protesters and in due course who were charged with various crimes. This highlights the recent shift in the human rights landscape in the country. This work therefore seeks to discuss the freedom of assembly as provided for by the 1992 Constitution of Ghana, its scope and where it can be curtailed. This write-up would also seek to shed light on the legal position on the role of the police in facilitating the exercise of the freedom of assembly. This work would also seek to discuss the lines along which the police can curtail this right and the appropriate course of action in those instances. This article will conclude that all persons are entitled to the enjoyment of their constitutionally provided rights and only the exceptions expressly provided in law would suffice to curtail these rights. Anything other than this amounts to a gross violation of the fundamental human rights provided by the Constitution.

Bibliotecária: M. Nazaré Brandão Borges -CRB-6 1299 B172g Balbino, Michelle Lucas Cardoso (coord) O direito e as redes sociais: o antagonismo jurídico em tempos de internet (Mapeamento das problemáticas jurídicas geradas pelo uso das redes sociais) / Michelle Lucas Cardoso Balbino (coord) / Gilmar Antoniassi Júnior (rev).

RESUMO O estudo localiza-se no campo da teoria constitucional, tratando do direito à liberdade de informação por parte dos jornalistas. Tal direito é expresso na Constituição Federal, desdobrando-se em 'direito de se informar, direito de ser informado e direito de informar'. Questiona-se a liberdade interna do jornalista em seu exercício profissional, a partir da teoria dos direitos fundamentais implícitos e das liberdades políticas, em um tempo de aparente corrosão da democracia e da política. Através de pesquisa bibliográfica, conclui-se pela nota de fundamentalidade no direito à liberdade interna do jornalista, que, integrada à liberdade externa, conforma o direito de informar; o que não garante sua efetividade.

PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Liberdade jornalística. Direitos fundamentais. Constituição. Dogmática.

1 INTRODUÇÃO O atentado ocorrido na França em janeiro de 2015, já lembrado como o "Massacre do Charlie Hebdo", reacendeu os debates sobre as liberdades públicas, especialmente a liberdade de expressão e a liberdade jornalística.

This document is a summary of Richard J. Evans' book Lying About Hitler, which examines David Irving's historical distortions and his role in Holocaust denial. Evans, who served as an expert witness in the 2000 trial against Irving, analyzes how the author manipulated sources, omitted evidence, and falsified data to downplay Hitler's responsibility in the Jewish extermination. Through a detailed study of historical documents and court records, Evans demonstrates that Irving's distortions were not isolated mistakes but a deliberate strategy with revisionist purposes. The trial, extensively documented in this book, concluded that Irving had systematically altered historical evidence with ideological bias, significantly impacting the debate on historiographical objectivity and Holocaust remembrance.

El 21 de marzo de 2024 la Sección Primera del TEDH resolvió el caso que aquí se comenta, vinculado al  acceso  a  la  información  pública,  con  particular  énfasis  en  el  acceso  a  agendas  de  reuniones  de  fun-cionarios públicos, incluyendo ministros de gobierno y miembros de la cancillería del primer ministro

My previous post explored the many ways in which regional systems serve as important forums for developing digital rights-specifically, their role in promoting culturally sensitive human rights, supporting local and context-driven enforcement, and advancing subaltern norms. I also discussed key normative developments in the African human rights system, funnelled through the African Union (AU), the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACmHPR), and regional courts. In this post, I focus on Inter-American perspectives on digital rights and propose regional approaches as a complement to international human rights law's universalistic vision of digital human rights.

The African and Inter-American systems, which play a crucial role in addressing the unique cultural, social, and political dynamics of specific regions, for example, are being largely overlooked in many academic discussions on digital human rights. These systems are often pushed to the margins of mainstream scholarship and barely make it beyond the footnotes of such discussions. This two-part post seeks to explore the ways in which regional approaches, such as the African, and Inter-American human rights systems inform, complement, and possibly depart from IHRL regarding human rights in the digital environment. In Part 1, I first examine why regional systems are important for fostering digital human rights and then go on to explore key normative developments in the African human rights system, emphasising the need to centre African agency in digital rights discourses.

This document exposes the relentless suppression of press freedom in Zimbabwe, highlighting historical and ongoing attacks on journalists. It examines the arrest of Blessed Mhlanga, the government's tactics of intimidation, and the urgent need for resistance. Press freedom is under siege, but journalists will not be silenced. The fight for truth continues.

Türkiye'de 90'lar dendiğinde birçok kişinin aklına pop müzik gelir. Özel televizyonların ve radyoların açılmasıyla popüler kültürün yükselişe geçtiği 90'lar bir başka kesim içinse insan hakları ihlallerinin en yoğun yaşandığı karanlık bir dönemin adıdır. Özellikle faili meçhul cinayetlerin, gözaltında kayıpların, köy yakmaların karanlık dönemine sahne olur 90'lar. Aynı zamanda bu hak ihlallerine karşı en büyük mücadelelerin de yürütüldüğü bir dönemdir.

Intervento alla tavola rotonda Gli aspetti controversi nelle esperienze costituzionali emiliane del 1796-97 e quelli analoghi della costituzione europea ***** Le costituzioni cispadana ed europea. Ideali, identità comune ed autonoma responsabilità dei territori a due secoli di distanza di Giorgio Pighi SOMMARIO: 1. Considerazioni preliminari. 2. La dichiarazione del 1989 come atto politico che ispira le costituzioni di "modello francese" 3. Modello francese e Costituzione cispadana 4. Libertà ed uguaglianza alla base del pluralismo culturale e religioso 5. In particolare: i nuovi municipi dalla Costituzione cispadana a quella europea. 1. Considerazioni preliminari. Il tema della tavola rotonda, che intende mettere a fuoco i contenuti dei principi di libertà ed eguaglianza proclamati da due Carte costituzionali, così diverse nel percorso di formazione, così lontane fra loro nel tempo, ma così vicine per la funzione che assumono, di dare voce a speranze per un futuro nuovo delle Istituzioni, richiede una sottolineatura. Approfondire gli aspetti controversi di differenti esperienze costituzionali comporta un duplice confronto, poiché ci chiede di sviluppare il tema non solo in ambito giuridico -comparatistico ma anche nella ricostruzione storicocomparatistica. Per il giurista, indubbiamente, questo è un terreno di confronto molto stimolante, al quale si può contribuire, in questa sede, solo offrendo qualche spunto schematico, più per enunciazioni che per dimostrazioni, dovendo mantenere la necessaria concisione. Nella selezione di tali spunti ho ritenuto opportuno farmi guidare dal forte risalto che hanno avuto due particolari temi del dibattito sulla recente Costituzione europea: quello delle radici religiose e culturali del vecchio continente, da cui è nata un'appassionata discussione sul "preambolo" e quello sui municipi, nato dalla generale condivisione sulla scelta della Costituzione europea di ammettere al voto per le elezioni comunali (di cui si è lamentata la mancata estensione a quelle provinciali e regionali), i residenti che siano cittadini di uno stato membro diverso da quello in cui abitano. Partendo dalla ricostruzione storica, è premessa fondamentale del nostro tema, in relazione alla Costituzione cispadana, il valore che ebbe, sul piano del pensiero e dell'azione politica, la Dichiarazione dei diritti dell'uomo e del cittadino, approvata dall'Assemblea nazionale francese il 26 agosto 1789 nel quadro della rivoluzione francese. E' unanime l'opinione che siamo in presenza del documento che demarca, quanto meno sul piano simbolico, la fine di un periodo, una vera e propria fase della storia, per aprirne un'altra. Rappresenta comunque un fatto politico straordinario, tanto che la déclaration è richiamata ripetutamente nelle successive Costituzioni della Francia, compresa quella del 1958 in vigore, il cui preambolo afferma: "Le peuple français proclame solennellement son attachement aux Droits de l'homme et aux principes de la souveraineté nationale tels qu'ils ont été définis par la Déclaration de 1789 ...". Sono lapidarie, al riguardo, le affermazioni di Georges Lefebvre, uno dei più noti storici della Rivoluzione francese. Secondo questo autore "Proclamando la libertà, l'uguaglianza e la sovranità popolare, la Dichiarazione costituì l'atto di decesso dell'Antico Regime, distrutto dalla Rivoluzione".

Anett Pogácsás * "The history of free speech law is […] entering a new stage that is just as exciting and unpredictable as any of its previous stages." 1 Nothing shows better how much the public sphere has changed than the Index of a book on this topic, with the majority of references pointing to 'Social media platforms', 'Search engines' or 'Gatekeepers'. "One might almost say that Google and Facebook gave birth to (the public sphere of) the twenty-first century" 2 the author muses, emphasizing that online communication has had a huge impact on our lives, including the public sphere. Gatekeepers (i.e. persons or entities whose activities are necessary for publishing the opinion of another person or entity, including ISPs, blog service providers, social media, search engine providers, entities selling apps, webstores, news portals, news aggregating sites as well as content providers of websites who decide on the publication of comments to individual posts) 3 are indispensable parts of the system, influencing the public sphere and, better yet, they have also become dominant players in the public sphere. This is why Koltay's book mainly focuses on the issue whether or not online gatekeepers must be regarded as media. The author, András Koltay is not an 'outsider'. He has the academic credentials and regulatory experience to perfectly combine theory and practice to arrive at a substantiated position. Inter alia, he is the rector of National University of Public Service, he is also professor of law at Pázmány Péter Catholic University, and not least, he was a member of the Media Council of the Hungarian National Media and Communication Authority for nine years. His imposing professional career assures us that his statements and opinion are well grounded and authentic. Ten years ago, the term 'gatekeepers'-coined by David Manning White referring to traditional press products in 1950 4-seldom appeared in media law literature. No reference was made to it in András Koltay's 2009 monograph

nte la falta de oportunidades profesionales, un amigo suyo le ha comentado que en mayo de 2017 decidió abrir dos canales en YouTube, uno en el que sube gameplays y otro dedicado a ofrecer la solución de todos los casos prácticos que tuvo que hacer durante la carrera (estudió Ingeniería aeroespacial) Cuando Vd. llega a su casa decide echar una ojeada a los canales y se queda perplejo ante la repercusión de los vídeos de su amigo. Algunos suman millones de visitas. Con el nick IronPlay, es un youtuber muy seguido. 1. ¿Qué son los “filtros de carga”? ¿Quiénes están obligados...

** John E. Wolfgram, B.A. Degree (University of Wisconsin), J.D. Degree (Southwestern
University 1977) Wolfgram founded the Constitutional Defender Association in 1989 to advance Petition Clause Principles. Its name derives from the observation that the practical value of a Constitution depends on the effective enforcement of constitutional rights and limits against government, by the people. The Petition Clause is the People's Right to redress government violations of the Constitution. It is The Constitution's Defense system against government usurpation and oppression. More about the author and his legal philosophy can be obtained on line at www.constitution.org. There, look up his name under "Confirmed Abuses."

Before writing  Wolfgram wrote this article in 2000 the California Bar Assocition claimed he was menatlly incompetent. See e.g. Wolfgram v. The State Bar, 1994 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 18683 (ND Cal 1994) aff'd Wolfgram v. State Bar, 1996 U.S. App. LEXIS 17562 (9th Cir. 1996) cert denied Wolfgram v. State Bar, 1997 U.S. LEXIS 992, 519 U.S. 1129, 117 S. Ct. 987, 136 L. Ed. 2d 869, 65 U.S.L.W. 3570 (1997). I couldn't find the decisons of California Bar Association and the state courts of California justifying Wolfgram's exclusion from practicing law because he wasn't menatlly competent to do so. But I doubt those judges could convince me of such assertion given the obvious competence it took to write this article demonstrating how the Unites States judiciary stole the Peoples' right to petition their government for relief from unconstitutional practices. I also like Wolfgram's international law analyses.

About balancing and other tricks and à propos two Spanish sentences Resumen Los conflictos entre derechos son un escenario en el que usualmente la justicia constitucional ve la necesidad de realizar ponderaciones que precisen el contenido de los derechos en el caso concreto. No obstante, el estudio detenido de ciertas decisiones de la justicia española permite advertir que los raciocinios judiciales en realidad son de corte interpretativo-subsuntivo. En el análisis, que muestra la tensión entre el derecho a la libertad de expresión y el derecho al honor, junto con los límites propios de la libertad sindical, se revela que el juez siempre debe determinar un contenido no a partir de la lógica del caso concreto, sino de las reglas generales que permiten o restringen determinada libertad.

PREFACE:

In the unyielding currents of an ever-evolving world, we stand at a precipice—balancing on the edge of progress and peril, where the forces of division threaten to obscure the paths of understanding. In these fragile moments, when geopolitical tensions cast long shadows across human interaction, it becomes ever more vital to assert the eternal relevance of one of humanity’s most cherished principles: the unfettered exchange of ideas.

This work, a collaborative endeavor by three voices—Sally Kornbluth, current President of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) since January 1, 2023, Luis David Fernandez Zambrano, and Leo Rafael Reif, President Emeritus of MIT (2012–2022)—offers not just a chronicle of academic dialogue, but a poignant reflection on the vast transformative power that bridges of knowledge can construct in times of crisis. It is a collective testimony to the irreplaceable function of universities as sanctuaries of intellectual freedom, as places where the boundaries of the known world are stretched, questioned, and ultimately redefined.

In these pages, we explore not only the tangible benefits of academic exchanges but also the moral and philosophical underpinnings that have given rise to the tradition of collaboration across borders. As the global order becomes increasingly fractured, the role of intellectual communities in preserving the sanctity of knowledge as an unbounded force for peace and progress is more critical than ever. The voices of Sally Kornbluth, Luis David Fernandez Zambrano, and Leo Rafael Reif converge to challenge us to reimagine a world where knowledge does not simply circulate within the confines of safe, familiar spaces but reaches out across vast divides, seizing the potential for human understanding, compassion, and cooperation.

There is an urgency in the air, a call to transcend the parochial and embrace the universal—particularly in the realm of academia, where the exchange of ideas forms the very foundation of progress. The walls of isolationism and insularity, built on the shifting sands of national security concerns, must not obscure the moral imperative that intellectual freedom remains unassailable, for it is through this freedom that we can best navigate the complexities of our shared global destiny. The history of humanity has witnessed, time and again, how academic partnerships—often born from the crucible of mutual suspicion and mistrust—have laid the groundwork for peace, understanding, and diplomacy in the face of adversity.

It is within these fertile grounds that we see the resilience of human curiosity and the tenacity of our collective search for truth. From the Cold War, when the United States and the Soviet Union found common cause in scientific endeavors, to the contemporary realm of Sino-American academic cooperation, we are reminded that the pursuit of knowledge transcends borders. It is a force more potent than any divide, a transformative tool capable of uniting those once separated by vast ideological rifts. And yet, as we approach an age where tensions mount between superpowers, this legacy is increasingly under threat. How, then, do we defend the sanctity of these exchanges? How do we safeguard the delicate yet essential trust that binds scholars, scientists, and students across continents? These are the questions that this book grapples with—questions that demand not only reflection but action.

Sally Kornbluth, Luis David Fernandez Zambrano, and Leo Rafael Reif ask us to confront these challenges with intellectual rigor, moral clarity, and a steadfast commitment to the belief that knowledge must remain free from the yoke of political and ideological control. In this work, the trio not only critiques the rise of nationalism and isolationism but also defends, with unwavering conviction, the irreducible right of all people to engage in open, unfettered intellectual dialogue. Through their collective voices, they call for a future where academic exchanges are not only preserved but celebrated, and where the freedom to express, to question, and to learn is enshrined as an inalienable right for all who seek to engage with the world’s vast storehouses of knowledge.

As we embark on this intellectual journey through the pages that follow, let us be reminded that the very foundations of our progress—our scientific breakthroughs, our cultural understanding, our peaceful coexistence—are built upon the freely given and freely received exchange of ideas. It is through such exchanges that we unlock the deepest potentials of the human spirit, cultivating empathy, respect, and shared purpose in the pursuit of a common future.

This book is not simply a call to action; it is a clarion call to protect the sacred spaces of intellectual engagement, to preserve and strengthen the bridges of knowledge and freedom that have for centuries connected humanity across divides. It is a plea for a world where dialogue continues, unhindered by the fears of our time, where the strength of our shared intellectual heritage becomes the very force that carries us forward, beyond the limits of political power, beyond the ephemeral conflicts that seek to divide us, and into a future where human dignity, knowledge, and expression are never again subject to the arbitrary whims of a moment in history.

In this crucial moment, let us stand together—across all cultures, all borders—and reaffirm that the pursuit of knowledge, the free exchange of ideas, and the unshackled expression of thought are not merely privileges but imperatives for the betterment of all humanity.

Institutional  page of President  of the MIT, Sally kornbluth    :
https://theorg.com/org/mit/org-chart/sally-kornbluth

  Institutional page of Presidente Emeritus of MIT, Rafael Reiff  :
https://reif.mit.edu/ https://www.eecs.mit.edu/people/l-rafael-reif/

Words of Gratitude
I would like to express my deepest and most sincere gratitude to those who have guided me in my academic and personal development and who, today, on this special occasion, accompany me in spirit. First and foremost, to my earthly and spiritual parents, who have been the unwavering pillars of my life. I also extend my gratitude to the friends and mentors who have walked by my side during the most critical moments of this journey.
I would like to offer a special thanks to Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, Nobel Peace Prize laureate in 1980, for his tireless fight for human rights; to Martha Minow, whose teachings have illuminated my academic path; and to the unforgettable Jorge Luis Borges, the universal autodidact, whose worldview has left an indelible mark on my being.
I cannot forget my extraordinary and fundamental friends: Brígite Aguirre Obando, Johan Coronado Ayala, and Niels Eduardo Ynga Inga, for their valuable support and for filling my life with joy during times of desolation, manipulation, and betrayal.
I also wish to acknowledge the influence of important figures in my life, such as Román Faustino Fernández Adriano, Rosa María Zambrano Encalada, Luis Federico Leloir, Williams Rodríguez Silva, María Esther Zambrano Encalada, Ítala Andrea Preguntegui Garrafa, Midori Zuazo Aulla, Josefina Miró Quesada Gayoso, Dalia Elizabeth Zurita Espinoza, César Hildebrandt Pérez Treviño, Marco Aurelio Denegri Santa Gadea, Sonia Winer, María Arias Vicente, Paula Olivia Rapetti, Teresa Zamudio Ojeda, Miguel Belleza Castellares, Edgardo Donna, José Antonio Ñique de la Puente, Jorge Rendón Vásquez, Domingo Jesús Mávila Salón, Nancy Mendoza Vásquez, Pedro Castillo, Jorge Goicochea Chaparro, Flor Minaya Foronda, Giovanna Quispe Mendoza, Jesús Gonzalo Canales Alfaro, Jesús Gonzalo Canales Yactayo (son), Romel Medina Briones, Miguel Ángel Estrada, Dante Lévano Condori, Lesly Torres Manza, Eduar Raúl Cortez Orrillo, Ricardo Guibourg, Carlos Milla, Miguel Morales, the legendary teacher Luis Amparo Grimaldo Zapata, Tomás Várnagy, Víctor Raúl Yactayo Castillo, Enrique Alarico Verástegui Peláez, Francisco Chumpitaz Arias, Olga Sandoval Julián, Enrique Pisconte Llerena, Daniel Germán Elía, Carlos Zambrano Encalada, Ángel Atuncar Gutiérrez, Richard Lovera Herrera, Mario Miranda Morales, Paola García Reyes, Luis Alberto Pinchi Fanasando, and my spiritual and blood siblings: Adela Cortéz Rojas, César Chambergo Rojas, María Elizabeth Casas Bartolo, Santos Vera Sandoval, Miguel Ángel Ciuro Caldani, Jesús Ruiz, Federico Fernández Adriano, Josué Matos, José Luis Daga Rodríguez, Felipe Huamán Gutiérrez, William Cárdenas Morón, José Campos Saavedra, Orlando Vera, and Rabbi Daniel Chapan.
To my dear friends and family, such as José Luis Pérez Chumpitaz, Kevin Cordero Sánchez, Guillermo Martín Morales Zambrano, Edsson Jair Morales Zambrano Encalada, Paola Morales Zambrano, Paola García Reyes, and their children, who have supported me in difficult times, I extend my deepest thanks. I pray that God blesses you on your journey.
My gratitude also extends to Luis Amparo Grimaldo Zapata, Ángel Atuncar Gutiérrez, Federico Fernández Adriano, and Santos Vera Sandoval, who guide us from above during these challenging times.
I cannot overlook the distinguished cultural and educational figure of Engineer Carlos Sertzen Seminario, for his immense support in promoting the diffusion of the sciences and humanities in the new millennium.
I also wish to acknowledge those who, whether consciously or unconsciously, have caused me harm in the past, as they have strengthened me and given me the resilience necessary to overcome my own limits and face the unforeseen challenges of the future.
In a special way, I would like to deeply thank my distinguished friend and illustrious colleague Sally Kornbluth, who became MIT’s 18th president on January 1, 2023. She is a cell biologist whose eight-year tenure as Duke University’s provost earned her a reputation as a brilliant administrator, a creative problem-solver, and a leading advocate for academic excellence. Previously the Jo Rae Wrig...

"Hakkında herhangi bir mahkeme yasağı olmamasına rağmen Sûr: Ax û Welat (Sur: Toprak ve Yurt)[1] belgeselinin gösterimi 2017’de, film henüz tamamlanmamışken engellendi, 2022’de ise kurgucusu tutuklandı. Sur’daki zorunlu göçü ve yıkımı işleyen film, hem sansür rejiminin hükmüne hem de hafızanın direngenliğine işaret ediyor. Tamamlanmamış ve/ya gösterilememiş belgeselleri araştıran Sibil Çekmen, çekiminden yıllar sonra belgeselin yönetmenlerinden Zana Kibar ve kurgucusu Erhan Örs ile konuştu. Otosansürden bahsederken yükseklere uçmamaya alıştırılan kuşlara atıfta bulunan Kibar’a göre gökyüzünün bir sınırı var."

Terörle mücadele konusu tüm ülkelerin zaman zaman karşı karşıya kaldığı ciddi bir güvenlik meselesidir.
Dünyanın pek çok noktasında terör eylemlerinden bahsetmek mümkündür. 11 Eylül saldırılarından, PKK,
DEAŞ, Taliban, Eş Şebab vb. birçok farklı terör örgütünün gerçekleştirdiği eylemlere kadar binlerce
insanın hayatını kaybettiği acımasız saldırıları düzenleyen pek çok terör örgütünün varlığı bilinmektedir.
Özellikle Türkiye’de terör meselesinin çok daha uzun soluklu ve daha derin etkileri olan bir seyir izlediği
bilinmektedir. Bu çerçevede hazırlanan çalışmada Türkiye’nin terörle mücadelesinin kamu düzeni ve
güvenliğinin tesisi açısından nasıl bir yol kat ettiği konusu üzerine odaklanmaktadır. Bu kapsamda kamu
örgütlerinin gerçekleştirdiği faaliyeteler, siyasi, hukuki ve toplumsal açıdan alınan tedbirlerin neler
olduğu, özellikle kayyum atamalarıyla kamusal düzenin temininin ne derece mümkün olabileceği konuları
çalışmada öncelikle incelenen konular arasında yer almaktadır. Türkiye’nin kararlı bir şekilde gerek yurt
içinde gerekse yurt dışında sürdürdüğü, askeri operasyonlarla icra edilen terörle mücadele
faaliyetlerinin yanında, ülke içinde terörün finansal ve lojistik kaynaklarının kurutulmasına yönelik
çalışmaları, siyasal açıdan kendini siyasi partiler içinde gizleyen kişi ve yapılarla mücadele konusu hem
genel siyasette hem de yerel siyasetteki sorunlarla mücadelede devletin rolü ve işlevi üzerinden ele
alınması çalışmanın temel amacını oluşturmaktadır

This Article challenges the use of human dignity as an independent free speech justification. The articulation of free speech in human dignity terms carries unwarranted potential consequences that may result in limiting free speech rather than protecting it. This possible outcome makes human dignity inadequate as a free speech justification. This Article also demonstrates why articulations of the rationales behind the argument from dignity are either superfluous, since they are aptly covered by the argument from autonomy, or simply too broad and speech-restrictive to be considered free speech justifications. As a matter of principle, the nexus between freedom of speech and human dignity should be construed as inherently contentious. This Article combines theoretical and comparative analyses to demonstrate why European and other Western democracies are more susceptible to the use of human dignity, both in their constitutional doctrines and as a speech-restrictive term. Current American scholarship regarding dignity as a free speech justification neglects to recognize the harms of such discourse in a non-American setting, as well as in the United States. Thus, unintentionally, advocates of free speech may actually promote ajustification that eventually will lead to speech restriction. For these reasons, the Article warns that inserting human dignity into the realm of free speech justifications may be analogous to inserting a "Trojan Horse," with human dignity as "the enemy from within."

Impressively, in often superb and surprising readings of an eclectic array of plays, films, actors' performances and musical composers, Most reveals how theatrical liberalism's invitation to self-fashioning shaped a vast archive of now-canonical texts and figures of popular culture. The list includes The Jazz Singer, Showboat (), Pal Joey (), West Side Story (), the verbal antics of Sid Caesar, the figure of Willy Loman (instead of breaking into song at the end of Death of a Salesman (), Most argues that "Willy goes into a memory" ()), Roth's Zuckerman novels ("Self-making is at the root of Nathan's idea of performance" ()), and even the radical theatre director Richard Schechner, who sought, in the s, to break down the structures between audience and actors in the hope of recasting the theatre as a utopian space. Ultimately, however, Theatrical Liberalism's core set of ideas casts such a wide net that it becomes difficult to distinguish between those figures and texts that might not "fit" into Most's vision. "The model of an American liberal self," she argues,

The aim of this study is to identify the approaches of the information professional candidates who will graduate from Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters, Department of Information and Records Management in 2015 - 2016 academic year about the freedom of thought and internet censorship. Questionnaire technique was utilized in order to collect data in this study in which survey research method was used. The study was limited to senior formal and evening education students. The questionnaire was applied to a total of 170 students, and 140 of them answered the questionnaire. Main finding showed that the senior (fourth-grade) students of the Department were knowledgeable with the subject of freedom of thought and internet censorship. On the other hand, it was also found out that the students supported censorship practices which might constitute violation of intellectual freedom in cases of thoughts which might harm the unity of the state, public order or the general moral structure. ...

Bu arastirmanin amaci, Istanbul Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi Bilgi ve Belge Yonetimi Bolumunden 2015-2016 egitim-ogretim yilinda mezun olacak bilgi profesyoneli adaylarinin dusunce ozgurlugu ve internet sansuru konusuna yaklasimlarini belirlemektir. Betimleme ve istatistiksel yontemlerin kullanildigi bu arastirmada veri toplamak icin anket tekniginden yararlanilmistir. Arastirma orgun ve 2. ogretim 4. sinif ogrencileriyle sinirlandirilmis ve anket toplam 170 ogrenciye uygulanmis, ogrencilerden 140’i anketi yanitlamistir. Ankete verilen yanitlar sonucunda elde edilen bulgulara gore, Istanbul Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi Bilgi ve Belge Yonetimi Bolumu 4. sinif ogrencilerinin dusunce ozgurlugu ve internet sansuru konusunda bilgi sahibi olduklari sonucuna ulasilmistir. Diger taraftan, ulke butunlugu, kamu duzeni ve genel ahlaki yapiya zarar verebilecek dusunceler soz konusu oldugunda, ogrencilerin dusunce ozgurlugunun ihlali anlamina gelebilecek sansur uygulamalarini destekledikle...

Hate is difficult to grasp. For a long time, moral and ethical philosophy,
as well as psychological studies have tried to outline hate as an internal
experience of the self that could take the form of an emotion, a sentiment,
and/or an attitude. The personal experience of hate, however, remains
largely inaccessible. Notwithstanding the difficulty in assessing what it is
and where it can be located, hate nevertheless entered the modern legal
systems, being used nowadays as a concept relating to the international
fight against discrimination. Its subsequent evolution from an idea enshrined
in broad international conventions to a criminal law concept had two
effects: first, it carried the debate about its meaning to the criminal realm,
where scholars face similar difficulties in assessing what is hate; second,
it gave rise to new dogmatic difficulties concerning the best legal method
to isolate and value hate. Following a brief analysis to the psychological
and to the criminal law debates, the present text looks at three decisions
from the Portuguese criminal courts relating to hate crimes. based on the
analysis of the cases, an attempt is here laid out to isolate a pattern on
the judicial approach to hate considering the previous definitions gathered
from the non- legal and legal studies on hate, in order to establish if there
is a continuity or a disconnection between the mentioned scientific views
and the Portuguese criminal courts standpoint.

The Right to freedom of opinion and expression is a fundamental human right that underpins democratic societies, enabling individuals to voice their thoughts, challenge ideas, and access information. This article explores the scope of this Right as established by international human rights law and compares it with the perspective offered by Islamic law. It delves into the limitations placed on freedom of expression, such as hate speech, blasphemy, religious sensitivities, and obscenity laws, discussing the balance between safeguarding individual liberties and maintaining social harmony. The article concludes by emphasizing the delicate equilibrium required to uphold freedom while respecting societal and moral boundaries.

ΑΡΘΡΑ Β. Ι. Δαφνομήλης Ο φόρος μεταβίβασης περιουσίας υπό το ενωσιακό δίκαιο Δ. Γούλας Η απόφαση του ΔΕΕ επί της απόφασης Alemo-Herron: Ακραία θέση του νομολογιακού εκκρεμούς ή η απαρχή μιας νέας εποχής στο εργατικό δίκαιο; Μ. Ψάρρα Η μεταστροφή των θέσεων των Γενικών Εισαγγελέων ως προς την αμφισβητούμενη αρμοδιότητα του ΔΕΕ στην προδικαστική παραπομπή Ε. Αυλογιάρη Κώδικας Δεοντολογίας Διαπιστευμένων Διαμεσολαβητών: Νομική διάσταση -Ηθικά διλλήματα ΟΙ ΕΞΕΛΙΞΕΙΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΕ Ι. Eπικαιρότητα EE ΙΙ. e-πίκαιρα νομικής πληροφορικής ΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΙΑ Ι. ΔΙΚΑΣΤΗΡΙΟ ΚΑΙ ΓΕΝΙΚΟ ΔΙΚΑΣΤΗΡΙΟ ΕΥΡΩΠΑΪΚΗΣ ΕΝΩΣΗΣ

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Az Alkotmánybíróság elmúlt években azonban több olyan döntést is hozott, amely a szimbolikus beszéddel, illetve a cselekvés útján közzétett véleményekkel („tettleges véleménynyilvánítással”) kapcsolatosak. Ezek rövid áttekintésére és kritikájára tesz kísérletet a cikk.

The conversation around content moderation in Africa became prominent following the Arab Spring revolutions, which began in 2010 in northern African countries such as Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia. Since then, social media platforms have faced criticism for their inadequate content moderation efforts in many cases across Africa. These platforms have been particularly ineffective in protecting users from external interference during election periods in countries like Kenya and Nigeria, and have also struggled to effectively regulate hate speech in Ethiopia and Sudan, which has contributed to inciting violent ethnic conflicts and civil strife. Given the absence of effective content moderation by the platforms, discussions regarding the regulation of information disorder and hate speech mostly center on state-centric strategies.

This post seeks to examine the limitations of prevailing content moderation systems, which are built on international human rights law (IHRL). Of course, these systems have well documented linguistic and context blind spots, especially in Africa and other places where social and cultural systems are predominantly communal. This post advocates for a radical shift to an African approach to content moderation, calling for an alternative reading of platform governance from an African perspective that emphasizes the application of collective rights and duties and a communal ethos in content moderation practices.

In New York Times, the Supreme Court held that the first amendment "prohibits a public official from recovering damages for a defamatory falsehood relating to his official conduct unless he proves that the statement was made with 'actual malice'-that is, with knowledge that it was false or reckless disregard of whether it was false or not." Id. at 279-80. 2. In Curtis Publishing Co. v. Butts, 388 U.S. 130 (1967), the Supreme Court extended the actual malice standard to defamatory statements concerning "public figures." Id. at 155. In Time, Inc. v. Hill, 385 U.S. 374 (1967), the Court said that persons suing the media for invasion of privacy must also meet the actual malice standard of New York Times. Id. at 387-88. Rosenbloom v. Metromedia, Inc., 403 U.S. 29 (1971), marked the furthest expansion of the first amendment in defamation cases. In Rosenbloom, the Court held that plaintiffs must prove actual malice in defamation cases involving "matters of general public concern" regardless of the fame or anonymity of the participants. Id. at 43-44. In Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U.S. 323 (1974), the Court reaffirmed its holdings in New York Times and Butts but said that Rosenbloom had gone too far. Id. at 342-43. The Court viewed Rosenbloom as an unacceptable encroachment on the legitimate state interest in the protection of reputation. Id. at 347-48. The Court based the application of the actual malice test on a distinction between public officials/public figures and private individuals. Id. at 351-52. The principal defamation cases since Gertz have been concerned with defining who is a public official or public figure. See Wolston v. Reader's Digest, 443 U.S. 157 (1979) (a man who had once been cited for contempt for refusing to appear before a grand jury investigating Soviet espionage was not a public figure when he sued a book which listed him as a Soviet agent); Hutchinson v. Proxmire, 443 U.S. 111 (1979) (a scientist who received federal funds for research purposes was not a public figure for purposes of a libel suit against a United States Senator who ridiculed the research as a wasteful expenditure of public funds); Time, Inc. v. Firestone, 424 U.S. 153 (1976) (a wealthy Florida socialite involved in a divorce suit was not a public figure). The Court has held, however, that the plaintiff's attorney has the right to inquire about a reporter's state of mind in preparing a news story in order to establish actual malice.

Este Trabalho de Curso tem como objetivo verificar se é aplicada alguma restrição à liberdade de expressão em confronto com os direitos da personalidade, no exercício da liberdade de imprensa. Para tanto, fez-se uso do método indutivo, com procedimento monográfico, obtendo dados através da pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. O ramo de estudo foi na área do Direito Constitucional, envolvendo os princípios das liberdades de expressão, imprensa e informação, e os direitos da personalidade, de resposta e ao esquecimento. A liberdade de expressão é apresentada na sua formação discursiva e nos seus limites de exercício antes que enseje um dano reparável. E pela análise da jurisprudência, identifica-se as razões de convencimento para a relativização da verdade em prol da liberdade de imprensa e como a garantia desta liberdade é intimamente ligada à democracia. Paralelamente, é discutido como a efetividade deste princípio contribui para a crise do jornalismo. Pela análise da jurisprudência, vê-se o elevado valor conferido à liberdade de imprensa, ao ponto dos direitos da personalidade serem sacrificados. Por tal, o Pacto de São José da Costa Rica e a jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos também são referenciados neste Trabalho, face o controle de convencionalidade. Do entendimento da jurisprudência interamericana, tem-se os discursos protegidos pela liberdade de expressão, as possibilidades de sua restrição e os discursos defesos. De igual modo, com o Ordenamento interno. Nas Considerações Finais, trabalhou-se com as partes principais do tema, bem como a comprovação da hipótese de que a jurisprudência, em litígios contra empresas de comunicação social, por matérias jornalísticas que atingem direitos da personalidade, tende a ser desfavorável àqueles que pleiteiam reparação de dano moral, quando deveria considerar a relevância da informação e aplicar a técnica da concordância prática, sem detrimento dos direitos tutelados.
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This Course Work aims to verify whether any restriction is applied to freedom of expression in conflict with personality rights, in the exercise of press freedom. For this, the inductive method was used, with a monographic procedure, obtaining data through bibliographic and documentary research. The field of study was in the area of Constitutional Law, involving the principles of freedoms of expression, press and information, and personality rights, of response and to oblivion. Freedom of expression is presented in its discursive formation and in its limits of exercise before it gives rise to a repairable damage. And by analyzing jurisprudence, the reasons for conviction for the relativization of truth in favor of press freedom are identified and how the guarantee of this freedom is intimately linked to democracy. In parallel, it is discussed how the effectiveness of this principle contributes to the crisis of journalism. By analyzing jurisprudence, the high value given to press freedom is seen, to the point that personality rights are sacrificed. Therefore, the Pact of San José de Costa Rica and the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights are also referenced in this Work, due to the control of conventionality. From the understanding of Inter-American jurisprudence, there are speeches protected by freedom of expression, the possibilities of its restriction and the defenses speeches. In the same way, with the internal Order. In the Final Considerations, the main parts of the theme were worked on, as well as the proof of the hypothesis that jurisprudence, in litigation against social communication companies, for journalistic matters that affect personality rights, tends to be unfavorable to those who claim moral damage repair, when it should consider the relevance of the information and apply the technique of practical agreement, without detriment to the protected rights.

Dans une précédente analyse menée de façon indépendante de toute idéologie et de tout dogmatisme , je me suis attaché à établir un état des lieux du journalisme et de l’information en France et à esquisser les contours de leurs évolutions les plus probables. Cette analyse a été entreprise comme l’aurait réalisée un journaliste d’investigation indépendant enquêtant sur le même sujet à partir de sources ouvertes, s’employant à l’investir en allant puiser les éléments de compréhension à la source des phénomènes, en citant fidèlement les propos des personnes qualifiées et/ou concernées, et en tentant de dégager de son enquête des éléments susceptibles d’ouvrir de nouveaux espaces de débat et d’investigation.
La présente analyse s’inscrit en prolongement de la précédente, selon la même démarche . Elle propose une immersion plus profonde dans la nébuleuse des médias d’information « de nouvelle génération », c’est-à-dire ces médias qui affichent haut et fort leur détermination d’informer « autrement » et vers lesquels s’orientent de plus en plus fréquemment les Français « consommateurs d’informations » ; ces médias « new âge »vers lesquels s’orientent plus volontiers les jeunes générations ...

Bu tez çalışmasının kendi çalışmam olduğunu, tezin planlanmasından yazımına kadar tüm safhalarda etik dışı olabilecek bir davranışımın bulunmadığını, bu tezdeki bütün bilgileri akademik ve etik kurallar çerçevesinde elde ettiğimi, bu tez çalışması ile elde ettiğim tüm bilgi ve yorumlara kaynak gösterdiğimi ve bu kaynakları da kaynakçaya aldığımı, yine bu tez çalışmasında ve yazımı sırasında patent ve telif haklarını ihlal edici bir davranışımın bulunmadığını beyan ederim.

General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.

Fake news, libero mercato delle idee e autorità pubblica della verità nella prospettiva del costituzionalismo digitale Fausto VECCHIO * Sommario: I. Premessa. Le fake news e la nuova centralità delle riflessioni su diritto e verità 2. Il dibattito americano su costituzione e cyberspazio e i suoi riflessi sugli sviluppi ordinamentali: dal "diritto dei cavalli" di Easterbrook alle limitazioni di responsabilità dei provider informatici 3. Le peculiarità della società della comunicazione e la proposta di istituzione di un'autorità garante 4. Le critiche alla proposta un'autorità garante e la difesa del "libero mercato delle idee" 5. Conclusioni. Il difficile equilibrio tra le contrapposte esigenze e l'ipotesi di un meccanismo emergenziale di natura pubblicistica

Liberal philosophers often grapple with the limits of liberty and tolerance, valuing freedom and tolerance as the hallmarks of advanced, humane societies. A review of seminal works reveals a predominant focus on these ideals as virtues and rights, with less attention on the boundaries necessary for the practical application of tolerance and freedom. This essay delves into the nuanced territory of freedom of expression, specifically addressing when it may be justifiable to limit this freedom on the grounds of offense.