Fourth Crusade

ПАПА ПИЙ II И КРЕСТОВЫЙ ПОХОД* DOI Аннотация: в статье на широком историческом фоне рассматриваются необычные обстоятельства смерти папы Пия II (Эней Сильвио Пикколомини) в 1464 г. в порту Анконы. Понтифик прибыл туда пешком с целью отправиться в крестовый поход, который он собирался сам возглавить. Нэнси Бисаха пытается объяснить неординарный поступок понтифика, изучая, с одной стороны, личные мотивы папы, а с другой-религиозные и политические процессы, которые повлияли на его решение. Как показывает автор статьи, попытка Пия II организовать общеевропейский собор в Мантуе в 1459 г. и его дальнейшие усилия по организации нового крестового похода были реакцией на турецкую экспансию и захват турками Константинополя в 1453 г.

Dentro de la obra El conde de Montecristo hay una cita atribuida a Píndaro que ha pasado totalmente desapercibida en la crítica literaria, pues hasta la fecha nadie ha tratado su procedencia y significado. En este artículo me propongo resolver el enigma que plantea: ¿Se trata de una cita ficticia o de Píndaro? Asimismo, analizo la ambigüedad (deliberada) en el nombre «Píndaro», que podría aludir tanto al poeta griego como al poeta francés del siglo XVIII.

Наши тезисы посвящены развенчиванию дурного мифа о том, что на Руси/в России существовали свои собственные "крестовые походы" - в подобие тех, что были в католическом мире, или что русские князья организовывали военные кампании под влиянием настоящих идей идеологов движения крестоносцев.

Подвальнов Е. Д., Высложилова Д. Л. Феномен «русских крестовых походов» домонгольского времени: историческая реальность или частный пример российского медиевализма? [The phenomenon of the "Russian medieval Crusades" of the pre-Mongol period: historical reality or an example of Russian medievalism?] // Комплексный подход в изучении Древней Руси. Сборник материалов XIII Международной научной конференции (8–12 сентября 2025 г., Москва, Россия). Приложение к журналу «Древняя Русь. Вопросы медиевистики». М.: ИРИ РАН, ИА РАН, 2025. С. 49-50.

This document is an expedition traversing the battlefields of medieval France, the scholarly chambers of the 14th century, the papal courts of the Avignon Schism, and the sterile laboratories of modern science. We will follow the cloth's clandestine journey from obscurity to global fame, scrutinize the accusations of forgery leveled against it, and grapple with empirical data that stubbornly resists conventional understanding. This is not an argument for authenticity or fraud, but a meticulous narrative reconstruction of the Shroud's documented life starting in the mid 14th century, a biography of an object that exists at the volatile intersection of faith, history, and science. The Shroud's story also reflects a broader medieval struggle to verify dubious claims amid a flood of false relics and rumors. As historian Nicolas Sarzeaud notes, 14th-century scholars like Nicole Oresme played a key role in interrogating such phenomena, drawing on rational methods to challenge ecclesiastical assertions. This intellectual context, recently illuminated through new manuscript evidence, adds a layer of scholarly depth to the cloth's enigmatic rise, inviting us to consider how it was both a product and a mirror of its time. Additionally, recent scholarship highlights the literary contributions of Geoffroi de Charny, whose authentic *Livre Charny*-a newly published poem from an overlooked Oxford manuscript-offers a candid glimpse into the knightly life, enriching our understanding of the period's cultural milieu 11 .

Il 28 agosto 2025 un articolo uscito sulla rivista "Journal of Medieval History" a firma di Nicolas Sarzeaud, ricercatore presso l’Università cattolica di Lovanio, ha reso nota l'avvenuta identificazione della prima fonte in assoluto che menziona la Sindone oggi conservata a Torino. Ho accolto volentieri la proposta di redigere un testo che spieghi nel modo più chiaro possibile in che cosa consiste tale scoperta e in che modo può modificare la nostra conoscenza dei primi anni della storia della Sindone di Torino.

For over a century, the debate surrounding the appearance of the Shroud of Turin has revolved around documents produced in Champagne in 1389–1390, when this now-controversial relic was already caught up in a polemic between supporters and detractors of its cult. This article is the result of the discovery of a new, older source: in a treatise on unexplained phenomena (mirabilia) dated between 1355–82, the Norman scholar Nicole Oresme (d. 1382) refers to the Shroud as a ‘patent’ example of clerical fraud, prompting him to be more broadly suspicious of the word of ecclesiastics. After showing how this new document sheds light on the case for the Shroud’s appearance in Lirey in Champagne, and confirming the thesis corroborated by other fourteenth-century sources that the Shroud is a medieval artifact, the article uses the example of the Shroud to interrogate the role assumed by scholars of the period as verifiers of dubious opinions, and the methods they used.

Following the capture of Constantinople by the forces of the Fourth Crusade in 1204, the monasteries, churches, and chapels housing relics in Constantinople (some of which had been translated from the Holy Land centuries earlier) were plundered by the Franks and the Venetians; thus, several valuable items ended up in collections and sacristies in western
Europe and served as reminders of the victorious campaign.
The triumph of the Fourth Crusade was commemorated even after the abolition of the Latin Empire in 1261 and Constantinople’s return to Byzantine control, especially in Venice. In the 14th century, stories identifying spolia and relics as trophies from Constantinople began to circulate more widely, often conflating events of the Fourth with those of the First Crusade.
The crusader ideal to liberate the Holy Land was not forgotten in the 15th century and Constantinople remained part of the wider picture that included major crusader destinations in the minds of contemporary audiences. However, the rhetoric of the later Crusades consistently drew from the precedent of the First Crusade, and the symbolism of Constantinople as an alternative Jerusalem was still relevant in the 15th century, as a new Muslim power was emerging. On the other hand,
the Fourth Crusade was rarely invoked in public discourse openly, partly because of the controversial way the expedition had been re-directed against a Christian state, but also because the main focus was the Ottoman other.

The paper considers the clash between Cuman and Western Latin troops in the Balkans in the first two decades of the 13 th century by focusing on the following questions. What was the role of the Cumans in the Bulgarian-Latin conflict of 1205-13? What was the real extent of nomadic involvement in the different stages of the war? Can we analyse this military conflict as a clash between the nomadic and Western, knightly warfare? Next, the study focuses on the Teutonic-Cuman conflict of 1211-25 in the Burzenland region of Eastern Transylvania. The paper analyses this war, drawing parallels with the Cuman-Latin clashes in the Bulgarian-Latin wars of 1205-13. In conclusion, the author presents a balanced assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of Cumans and Latins in the Balkans in the first decades of the 13 th century.

Данная статья является второй в предполагаемой серии
статьей об общих элементах эсхатологического
мифотворчества в детском крестовом походе 1212 г. и народническом «Хождении в народ» 1874 г. Эта статья
прослеживает главные контуры нарратива детского крестового
похода, особенно его элементы эсхатологического
мифотворчества. Автор приводит сравнительный анализ с
другими народными крестовыми походами обездоленных и
маргинальных элементов, а также с эсхатологическими и
церковно-возрожденческими движениями в средневековой
Европе. Канонический нарратив о детском крестовом походе
является классическим примером эсхатологического
исторического мифотворчества. Главные компоненты нарратива
включают упор на высокий идеализм, моральную чистоту
участников, и преданность делу. Нарратив обычно кончается со
страданиями, мученичеством, разочарованием участников в
идеалах и утратой их детской невинности. Дети-крестоносцы
иногда изображаются новыми Невинными Младенцами
Вифлеемскими. Однако, летописцы (хронисты) часто
подчеркивали, что дети были жертвами массового заблуждения
и дьявольских искушений. Следовательно, их трагическая судьба была логичной и даже заслуженной, потому что они последовали
за заблуждением. Тем не менее, детский крестовый поход 1212
г. был эсхатологической попыткой ускорить второе пришествие
Христа и установление нового века через освобождение
Иерусалима и Святой Земли. История этого похода тесно
переплетается с историей всех крестовых походов и массовых
эсхатологических движений в средневековой Европе. This article is the second one in a proposed series of
papers about common elements of eschatological mythmaking in
the Children’s Crusade of 1212 and the populist “Going to the
People” in 1874. It examines the main contours of the narrative of
the Children’s Crusade, especially elements of its eschatological
mythmaking. The method of comparative analysis is used in the study. The author compares the Children’s Crusade with other
people’s crusades of the poor and marginalized elements, as well as
with eschatological and church revivalist movements in medieval
Europe. The canonical narrative of the Children’s Crusade is a
classic example of eschatological historical mythmaking. The main
components of the narrative include an emphasis on the high
idealism, moral purity of the participants, and their devotion to the
cause. The narrative usually ends with the sufferings, martyrdom,
disillusionment of the participants in their ideals, and the loss of
their children’s innocence. The children crusaders are sometimes
portrayed as new Holy Innocents of Bethlehem. However,
chroniclers often emphasized that the children were victims of a
mass delusion and diabolical temptations. Consequently, their
tragic fate was logical and even deserved because they had followed
a delusion. Nevertheless, the Children’s Crusade of 1212 was an
eschatological attempt to hasten the second coming of Christ and
the establishment of a new age through the liberation of Jerusalem
and the Holy Land. The history of this crusade is tightly linked with
the history of all crusades and mass eschatological movements in
medieval Europe.

ocument collections from later medieval monastic communities, including those of thirteenth-century foundations for Cisterican nuns provide considerable evidence for powerful secular women, feudal "Lady/Lords" of northern France. 1 In fact, the first half of the thirteenth century saw a major surge in foundations for Cistercian nuns, although their story is only now beginning to be told. 2 The existence of such Cistercian women' s documents had been neglected in part because traditional monastic histories had long asserted that there were no Cistercian nuns, or at least very few. 3 The story of those new foundations for religious women is intimately tied to that of the power and authority of thirteenth-century secular women, who were often the founders and patrons of medieval women's religious communities. From among the many thirteenth-century Lady/Lords uncovered in my work on Cistercian nuns, I examine here the careers of five women, who were all named Matilda. Although all of these Matildas had access 1.

Katakalon Kekaumenos to ważny w dziejach Imperium Bizantyńskiego, wysoki dowódca wojskowy. Wsławił się obroną sycylijskiej Messyny (1040) z 300 jeźdźcami i 50 żołnierzami. Współdowodził w bitwie pod Kaperton połączonych sił bizantyńasko-gruzińskich z Turkami Seldżuckimi. Dzielnie walczył z Pieczyngami (1050) odnosząc poważne rany głowy i szyi. Do 1056 sprawował urząd douki Antiochii, ważnej fortalicji na granicy południowo-wschodniej.
W 1057 r. obrażony podczas audiencji przez cesarza Michała VI (1057-1058), czynnie poparł uzurpację Komnena zdobywając dla Izaaka poparcie oddziałów najemników (Franków i Rusów), jak również wojsk z Koloneii, Chaldii, Sebasteii, Meliteny, Tefrikii, themu armeńskiego, łącznie około 10.000 ludzi. Dowodził lewym skrzydłem armii Izaaka Komnena w bitwie pod Polemon-Hades, która przesądziła w obaleniu prawowitego cesarza. W 1057 r. nowy cesarz Izaak Komnenos nadaje Katakalonowi tytuł kuropalatesa i wysyła go dromonem wraz z wieloma ważnymi osobistościami do pałacu, który zajmował. W 1060 r. Katakalon Kekaumenes rezygnuje z urzędów i wstępuje do klasztoru jako mnich Kalinikos i były kuropalates.
Znane są jego pieczęcie z okresu pełnienia funkcji kuropalatesa i douki Antiochii. Drugi typ uzupełnia obszar jurysdykcji o Koloneję: (Κατακα[λὼν] κουροπαλάτῃ καὶ δουκὶ Ἀρμενιακοῦ (καὶ) Κολωνείας τῷ Κεκαυμέν(ῳ). Na obu typach pieczęci jako kuropalates oraz z okresu tonsury, pieczecie Katakalona Kekaumenosa na awersie eksponują popiersie Archanioła Michała na wprost, w nimbie i w diademie, trzymającego w prawej ręce berło koniczyny, a w lewej kulę ziemską. 

Cet article s'intéresse aux descriptions émerveillées des monuments de Constantinople par les sources de la Quatrième croisade. Ces descriptions servent à donner un sens historique à l'événement. La deuxième partie de l'article traite de l'exécution spectaculaire d'Alexis Mourtzouphlos, précipité du haut d'une colonne de Constantinople.

St. Peter Known as the first pope was given the unique privilege, after Christ Himself, of being the principal foundation stone of the Church, and of possessing the keys symbolizing supreme authority in the Church. The other Apostles were to share as a group in the authority to teach and rule in the Church. Slowly the Church (Catholic) had universal authority in the Church, and the states where they have influence. Soon, the Vatican City began as a marginal player in the reshaping of the European international order after the First World War. The Vatican's interwar activism sought to disseminate a new Catholic vision of international affairs, which militated against the separation of church and state, and in many contexts helped undermine the principles of the League of Nations' minority rights regime. Thanks in no small part to the assiduity of individual papal diplomatswho disseminated the new Catholic vision of international affairs by supporting anti-communist political factionsthe Vatican was able to claim a more prominent role in European political affairs and lay the legal and discursive foundations for an alternate conception of the European international order, conceived in starkly anti-secular terms. This paper studies the decline of the decline of papal influence on Europe.

On 5 August 1243 the emperor of Constantinople Baldwin II of Courtenay (1240-1273) addressed a letter to Blanche of Castile, mother of the king of France Louis IX (1226-1270), containing a remarkable marriage-related request with regard to his recent alliance with the Seljuk sultanate of Rum. Both royals were his – rather distant – blood
relatives. Given the fact that said letter offers an interesting insight into Christian-Muslim relations from the perspective of the Latin imperial court, with this contribution I offer a detailed study of the document in question, situating it within its proper geopolitical context and taking into account earlier Seljuk-Latin imperial relations and contacts.

Fiind vorba de prelungirea resemnificată a Revoluției franceze, lanțul de evenimente nu putea să nu atragă atenția și analiza istoricului Alexandru Zub, un cărturar care a scrutat minuțios orizonturile ideatice și istoriografice de secol XIX pentru a racorda cercetarea istorică românească la cea internațională.

Conference presented at 22nd Biennial Conference for Byzantine Studies (Newcastle, Australia, June 2025)

The paper considers the manner in which one of the episodes occurred during the Fourth Crusade, reflecting the Byzantine diplomacy. It is about the manner in which Emperor Alexius V ‘Mutzuphlus’ negotiated with Doge Enrico Dandolo just previous to the fall of Constantinople in the hands of the Venetian and non-Venetian crusaders on April 12, 2004. Among the eyewitnesses of the events, these negotiations are noted exclusively by Nicetas Choniates, all the other primary sources (Geoffrey of Villehardouin, Robert of Clary, Gunther of Pairis, Pope Innocent III’s correspondence, Ibn al-Athir, and so on) completely neglecting it. However, they are present in a huge number of the Venetian chronicles that cover the period of the events.
The paper emphasizes the representation of the dialogue between Alexius V and Dandolo in accordance with 273 Venetian chronicles and investigates the evolution of the conversation. Written between the 13th and 18th centuries, these texts deliver a variety of representation for this particular crusade and consequently for the negotiations between these two characters in the nearby of the walls of the Byzantine capital.

Il documento che qui analizziamo costituisce una delle testimonianze più preziose e dettagliate dei rapporti tra ordini religiosi-militari e autorità comunali nell'Italia del XIII secolo. L'arbitrato del 27 novembre 1270 tra i Cavalieri Templari e il Comune di Modena è conservato nell'opera monumentale di Girolamo Tiraboschi, "Memorie storiche modenesi; col codice diplomatico illustrato con note", pubblicata a Modena nel 1793, alle pagine 74-78.
Girolamo Tiraboschi (1731-1794), illustre erudito e bibliotecario del duca di Modena Francesco III d'Este, ha tramandato questo prezioso documento all'interno della sua sistematica raccolta delle fonti storiche modenesi. L'opera di Tiraboschi rappresenta ancora oggi una delle fonti più autorevoli per la storia medievale di Modena, frutto di un paziente lavoro di ricerca negli archivi ducali e ecclesiastici della città.
La copia utilizzata da Tiraboschi, come attestato dalla nota di possesso del conte Antonio Cavagna Sangiuliani di Gualdana (1843-1913), testimonia la circolazione di questo importante testo tra gli studiosi e i collezionisti dell'Ottocento, epoca di rinnovato interesse per le fonti medievali. La conservazione del documento attraverso i secoli, dalla sua redazione originale del 1270 fino alla pubblicazione settecentesca, dimostra il valore che le istituzioni modenesi attribuivano a questo accordo come precedente giuridico e testimonianza storica.
Il carattere unico di questo documento risiede non solo nella sua completezza e precisione giuridica, ma anche nel fatto che esso ci offre una finestra privilegiata su un momento di transizione cruciale nella storia europea. L'arbitrato del 1270, che troverà la sua ratifica definitiva nel compromesso dell'anno successivo, rappresenta infatti uno dei primi esempi documentati di risoluzione consensuale di un conflitto tra immunità ecclesiastiche e sovranità comunale, anticipando modelli di governance che diventeranno centrali nell'Europa moderna.
La traduzione qui presentata, condotta sull'originale latino riportato da Tiraboschi, mantiene quanto più possibile la struttura e il linguaggio del documento originale, permettendo al lettore moderno di cogliere la complessità e la sofisticazione giuridica di un testo che, sotto l'apparente tecnicismo notarile, nasconde una rivoluzione silenziosa nei rapporti tra potere spirituale e temporale.
L'analisi che segue si articola in tre parti che esaminano rispettivamente il contesto geografico e politico del conflitto, le innovazioni economiche introdotte dall'accordo, e le anticipazioni del diritto e della governance moderna contenute in questo straordinario documento della civiltà comunale italiana.

This chapter examines a late thirteenth-century French multi-text manuscript, Copenhagen, Kongelige Biblioteket, GKS 487 f°, notable for transmitting the sole surviving copy of Robert de Clari's La Conquête de Constantinople (ca. 1216). GKS 487 contains four other historical or didactic texts (Récits d'un ménestrel de Reims, Jean de Flixecourt's translation of Dares' De excidio Troiae, Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, Descepline de Clergie). Drawing on the concept of the "assemblage" as formulated by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, this chapter argues that multi-text manuscripts like GKS 487 act politically in the world by configuring territories and shaping identities. In particular, GKS 487 is read as staking a claim to the lands of the eastern Mediterranean by writing history about—and thus "translating"—these lands in the documents of northern France. The view of history that emerges in this chapter is one where the multi-text manuscript is a powerful materialization of a given community's sense of its past-but only as it relates to its future. GKS 487 points insistently to its presumed place of production and usage, an abbey, Saint-Pierre de Corbie, which housed many of the relics Robert de Clari plundered from Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade. The concluding argument is that the GKS 487-Abbey-relic assemblage claims institutional longevity based on its role to remediate the past.

La presenza del corpo di San Bonifacio martire nella chiesa templare di Santa Maria del Tempio a Venezia rappresenta molto più di una semplice custodia di reliquie. Questa relazione spirituale rivela i meccanismi profondi attraverso cui l'Ordine del Tempio costruiva la propria identità devozionale e la propria legittimazione religiosa.
San Bonifacio incarnava perfettamente l'archetipo del pellegrino-guerriero che i Templari volevano rappresentare: un romano convertito che partiva verso la Terra Santa per una missione religiosa e che sacrificava la propria vita per difendere la fede cristiana. La sua storia, dal viaggio interrotto a Tarso al martirio per mano delle autorità imperiali, offriva un modello spirituale di straordinaria efficacia per tutti coloro che, come i Templari, dedicavano la propria esistenza alla protezione dei luoghi santi e dei pellegrini.
Venezia, principale porta d'accesso verso l'Oriente cristiano, costituiva il luogo ideale per custodire le spoglie di questo santo. La chiesa di Santa Maria del Tempio non era infatti solo un edificio religioso, ma il cuore pulsante di una rete internazionale che collegava Roma all'Oriente attraverso la Serenissima. In questo contesto, la reliquia di San Bonifacio assumeva un valore simbolico che trascendeva la dimensione puramente devozionale: rappresentava la continuità spirituale tra il sacrificio del martire e la missione templare, offrendo un modello di riferimento per tutti i crociati e pellegrini che da Venezia partivano verso la Terra Santa.
L'analisi della presenza di questa reliquia nella chiesa templare veneziana permette inoltre di ricostruire le complesse dinamiche attraverso cui l'Ordine acquisiva e distribuiva il proprio patrimonio spirituale, rivelando una rete devozionale che collegava simbolicamente tutti i luoghi templari dall'Occidente all'Oriente, da Roma a Gerusalemme passando per Venezia.

La chiesa templare di Santa Maria in Broglio occupava una posizione di straordinario prestigio nel cuore pulsante di Venezia medievale. Situata nell'area che oggi corrisponde alla Calle dell'Ascensione dietro Piazza San Marco, l'edificio si ergeva in quello che allora era chiamato "Broglio", termine che designava il grande spazio erboso antistante la Basilica di San Marco. Questa piazza, successivamente lastricata ma ancora priva degli edifici che oggi la caratterizzano, rappresentava il centro nevralgico della vita civile e religiosa della Serenissima. La denominazione "de capite broilii" che ricorre nei documenti non è casuale: la chiesa templare si trovava letteralmente "in testa al broglio", occupando l'angolo destro di quello che era il principale spazio pubblico veneziano. Il Martinelli nel 1684 chiarisce che il termine derivava da "in Brolo (così detto un pezzo di terra circondato di siepe, o di muro) che era ivi vicino, e ove hora sono le fabriche delle Procuratie", fornendo così una definizione architettonica precisa di questo spazio urbano originariamente recintato. Questa collocazione privilegiata testimonia non solo l'importanza accordata dai veneziani all'Ordine del Tempio, ma rivela anche una precisa strategia urbanistica che vedeva l'insediamento templare come elemento integrante del sistema di potere della Repubblica.

Nel febbraio del 1256, papa Alessandro IV si trova a dover risolvere una complessa controversia finanziaria che coinvolge le ultime istituzioni cristiane rimaste in Terra Santa. Al centro della disputa ci sono 400 marche d'argento - una somma enorme per l'epoca, equivalente a quasi 100 chilogrammi di argento puro.
La questione è nata da una decisione del papa precedente, Innocenzo IV, che aveva affidato questa somma agli Ordini militari dei Templari e degli Ospedalieri perché fosse utilizzata per difendere la città di Antiochia dalle crescenti minacce musulmane. Tuttavia, nel corso del tempo, i soldi erano finiti nelle mani sbagliate e ora diverse autorità ecclesiastiche li rivendicavano.
Il Patriarca di Antiochia sostiene che quei fondi gli spettano di diritto, dato che erano destinati alla difesa della sua città. I Templari rivendicano le 400 marche perché avevano già anticipato quella cifra ai loro sostenitori. Nel frattempo, sembra che il Patriarca di Gerusalemme abbia già ricevuto gli stessi soldi, forse illegalmente.
La situazione è resa ancora più drammatica dal fatto che siamo negli ultimi anni di vita degli Stati Crociati: Antiochia cadrà definitivamente in mano musulmana nel 1268, appena 12 anni dopo questa controversia. Ogni risorsa finanziaria è quindi letteralmente questione di vita o di morte per queste comunità cristiane assediate.
Papa Alessandro IV deve quindi dirimere questa intricata questione, stabilendo chi ha diritto ai soldi e come utilizzarli al meglio per la difesa dei territori cristiani rimasti.

Never before and since the Fourth Crusade has humanity suffered such a destruction of its civilization. Not only did it cause the destruction and dispersion of all the treasures of the past, which the Roman Empire (Byzantium) had so devotedly gathered and preserved intact, mortally wounding a great and vibrant civilization, but at the same time it was also a political folly. It overturned the entire defense of Christianity.

Questo mio lavoro presuppone la lettura del mio libro La Sindone è autentica, edito dalla TAU Editrice, in cui ho tentato di dimostrare che la Sindone si è formata, tra la sera del Venerdì Santo fino all'alba di quella che noi oggi chiamiamo la Domenica di Pasqua, e che per gli Ebrei era il primo giorno della settimana. Ho intuito che non c'è stato nessun miracolo diretto nella formazione dell'immagine della Sindone, sia per quanto riguarda l'immagine vera e propria, sia per la formazione delle cosiddette macchie di sangue. Ho intuito anche che bisognava seguire le indicazioni contenute chiaramente o con accenni nei quattro Vangeli, e ripeterle, per comprendere che cosa sia avvenuto realmente in quei giorni. Sotto questa luce, cerco di dimostrare che la Sindone di Torino corrisponde al tetràdiplon-mandylion di Edessa.

Questo mio lavoro presuppone la lettura del mio libro La Sindone è autentica, edito dalla TAU Editrice, in cui ho tentato di dimostrare che la Sindone si è formata, tra la sera del Venerdì Santo fino all'alba di quella che noi oggi chiamiamo la Domenica di Pasqua, e che per gli Ebrei era il primo giorno della settimana. Ho intuito che non c'è stato nessun miracolo diretto nella formazione dell'immagine della Sindone, sia per quanto riguarda l'immagine vera e propria, sia per la formazione delle cosiddette macchie di sangue. Ho intuito anche che bisognava seguire le indicazioni contenute chiaramente o con accenni nei quattro Vangeli, e ripeterle, per comprendere che cosa sia avvenuto realmente in quei giorni. Sotto questa luce cerco di dimostrare, con documenti ed esperimenti, che la Sindone di Torino è attestata chiaramente nei documenti storici antichi come Tetràdiplon.

La presenza dell'Ordine del Tempio a Venezia rappresenta uno dei capitoli più affascinanti e complessi della storia medievale della Serenissima. Lungi dall'essere una semplice appendice della più nota attività crociata, la mansione templare veneziana costituì un elemento strutturale nello sviluppo politico, economico, sociale e religioso della Repubblica marinara. Formalmente stabilita con la "domus Templarii sacellum" documentata nel 1143, la presenza templare veneziana si sviluppò rapidamente diventando il fulcro di una rete di attività che si estendeva dal Mediterraneo orientale all'Europa occidentale. La posizione strategica "nei pressi di piazza San Marco" non era casuale: rifletteva il riconoscimento, da parte delle autorità veneziane, dell'importanza strategica di un ordine che combinava funzioni religiose, militari, commerciali e diplomatiche.

This chapter investigates the auberges of the langues of the Order of St John in Valletta, Malta, in terms of their 16th-century Renaissance features, architectural models, and construction techniques. For this purpose, it analyses the Tuscan decorative models and the military features that are typical of the Order’s architecture. While austere in character, the auberges present similarities to palaces in the Italian capitals and also derive decorative elements from the architectural treatises of their time, in combination with the local tradition. Although the auberges have undergone major transformations over time, they are still the architectural expression of the Order’s power and magnificence. A comparative approach is adopted, using the Auberge of Italy as a case study. This investigation is part of a larger research project entitled ‘Stories of the Auberge of Italy’, carried out in collaboration between Heritage Malta, the University of Malta, and the Politecnico di Torino, and supported by the Malta Council for Science and Technology. Thanks to the recent archival research on this building, this study advances our knowledge of 16th-century architectural and construction techniques in Hospitaller Malta and identifies a clear construction chronology of the building, which until now was only tentative.

See the website: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/edit/10.4324/9781003385349/military-orders-volume-viii-emanuel-buttigieg-clara-almagro-vidal

Parthenope and Calligone are historical novels featuring two young, aristocratic women. Both will inherit their respective kingdoms and have been educated as men in the Greek paideia, which includes oratorical and military training. For Parthenope, we have three papyri: P.Berol. 9588 + 7927 + 21179, P.Oxy. 435, and P.Mich. inv. 3402v. Additionally, an ostracon from the 1st century AD confi rms that the novel was already known before that date (O.Bodl. 2175). For Calligone, we have two papyri: P.Oxy. 5355 and PSI 981, dating to the 2nd-3rd centuries AD. In the narratives, Parthenope is the daughter of the tyrant Polycrates of Samos and Calligone is the daughter of Eubiotus, a fi ctitious king of Boristhenes, the historical Milesian colony on the Black Sea. Although the two novels share certain common features, they also exhibit distinct features, which we shall examine in greater detail.

Conferencia en línea dentro del Ciclo de conferencias sobre la Historia de la lengua griega organizado por la Sociedad Española de Estudios Clásicos y la Asociación Cultural Hispano-Helénica. En ella se abordan los siguientes cuestiones:
- Griego moderno/vernáculo vs. griego antiguo/arcaizante.
- Contexto histórico, geográfico y cultural de la lengua griega entre los siglos XV y XVIII.
- Variedades escritas de lengua griega en el siglo XVIII.
- Descripción gramatical del romaico (i.e. neogriego vernáculo) de Dimitrios Catardsís

This article aims to investigate the role attributed to the idea of Byzantium in the construction of both the idea of the Middle Ages and Medieval Studies. Despite the increasingly pressing need for historical disciplines to adopt a "Mediterranean" perspective, the Mediterranean Sea (described as "Lago di Tiberiade" by Giorgio La Pira) remains, in many respects, even beyond to the scholarly debate, a wall, rigidly configuring zones of center-that is, continental Europe-and peripheries, including the East. Also - but not only -because of this peculiar position, that of Byzantium has become, according to a definition by Silvia Ronchey, a "heretical Middle Ages", an object that defines the Middle Ages from the outside, by contrast, though not in a logic of sharp opposition: a "periphery" that shapes the "center". It seems necessary, however, to supersede this approach and reflect on the multiplicity of peripheries (geographic, social, cultural, economic) that constitute the Middle Ages. Scholars are increasingly paying attention to these multiple peripheries, as they are persuaded that not in a homogeneous and linear narrative, but in small splinters juxtaposed to each other, a new contribution can be made to the concept of the Middle Ages. Using some historiographical works (15 th-20th centuries) as sources, this paper will address both the contrived and inhomogeneous construction of the Middle Ages and the posthumous elaboration of the Byzantine experience, which ended in 1453. The analysis of the positions of the international scholarly community in recent years will be followed by some questions about the future status of Byzantine and Medieval Studies, in order to initiate a potential and necessary debate.

Among the many avenues opened up by Jacques Le Goff for an anthropology of the Middle Ages is the dialectical opposition between two conceptions of time that could be summed up in these two irreconcilable propositions: “time belongs only to God” (the time of the Church) and “time is money” (the time of the merchant). In detail, however, there are many examples that nuance this opposition. Among them, many markets and fairs in the Middle Ages saw their calendar coincide with that of specific religious events and particularly with that of theostensions, the ceremonies at which the relics were displayed. In these cases, did the merchants align their calendar with that of the relics or did the relics follow the merchants’ rhythm? Our aim here is to study a series of synchronies between the ostensions of relics and fairs. We will confine ourselves to therelics of Christ, which were regularly the subject of this type of event.

The second part of the article, devoted to the Fourth Crusade events, emphasizes the Venetian fleet's role in the siege of Zara (Zadar, Croatia). It also elaborates on the frictions inside the crusading camp, referring to the campaign's ultimate goal.
Key words: Enrico Dandolo, Zara, Boniface of Montferrat

Η παρούσα μελέτη αφορά τις σχέσεις που δημιουργήθηκαν ανάμεσα στην "εξόριστη" κυβέρνηση της Ανατολικής Ρωμανίας στα βορειοδυτικά παράλια της Μικράς Ασίας, στην Νίκαια της Προύσσας και την Λατινική Αυτοκρατορία της Κωνσταντινούπολης μετά την Δ' Σταυροφορία και την εγκαθίδρυση φεουδαλικών βασιλείων στον Ελληνικό χώρο.

Το 1204 αποτέλεσε την χειρότερη, μέχρι τότε, ημέρα της Ανατολικής Ορθοδοξίας, όταν Σταυροφορικά στρατεύματα Φράγκων και Βενετών εισήλθαν στην Κωνσταντινούπολη και την κατέκτησαν. Από εκείνη την μέρα του Απριλίου, μέχρι και 57 χρόνια αργότερα, το 1261, οι σχέσεις μεταξύ της Νίκαιας και της Κωνσταντινούπολης διαμορφώνονταν συνεχώς, υπό πρίσματα πολιτικά και θρησκευτικά.

Στόχος της μελέτης είναι να απαντήσει σε φλέγοντα ερωτήματα τα οποία αφορούν την εγκαθίδρυση και εδραίωση της Αυτοκρατορίας, την διπλωματία της σε ζητήματα πολιτικά και θρησκευτικά, που αφορούσαν συνάμα και την ‘’απέναντι’’ αυτοκρατορία, αλλά και να δείξει πώς η ηγεσία της κατάφερε, μέσα από μια ταραχώδη πορεία, να καταλήξει στην επανάκτηση της πρωτεύουσάς της.

Στο πρώτο κεφάλαιο γίνεται αναφορά στην  φυγή του Θεόδωρου Λάσκαρη στην Μικρά Ασία το 1203, την εγκαθίδρυση του κράτους του, τις πρώτες στρατιωτικές διενέξεις με την Λατινική αυτοκρατορία, ενώ δεν θα παραλείψουμε στα επόμενα κεφάλαια να μελετήσουμε τις εκκλησιαστικές διαπραγματεύσεις για τα φλέγοντα ζητήματα που αφορούσαν τα δύο κράτη, σε μια πορεία 30 χρόνων, και πως εν τέλει το 1261, η Νίκαια, με αυτοκράτορα τον Μιχαήλ Η’ Παλαιολόγο, κατάφερε να ανακαταλάβει την Κωνσταντινούπολη και να την επαναφέρει στην θέση της πρωτεύουσας της πλέον διαφορετικής Βυζαντινής Αυτοκρατορίας.

La figura di Cristo  'Pantocrator' nella teologia, nella storia e nell'arte, con riferimento all'immagine sindonica.
L'immagine del Cristo Pantocratore è sindonica, dalla prima icona del monastero di S. Caterina del M. Sinai, VI secolo,  a quelle che seguirono, secondo ricerche artistiche e scientifiche.
Il Pantocratore è il Signore che domina tutte le cose, il Cosmocratore al centro del cosmo, il Logos Incarnato che sostiene l'universo.
Riferimenti a studi sindonici recenti e a documenti del Padri della Chiesa in oriente.

Traduzione italiana della lettera di Yves Delage a Charles Richet sulla Revue Scientifique nel 1902 per spiegare la sua posizione sulla Sindone di Torino, che ritiene documento storico autentico della sepoltura di Gesù, benché egli sia agnostico.

The Revolution from 1848-1849 in Transylvania has been a revolution of the young people. They have elaborated the first petitions and have hold the first popular meetings. In addition to this, they have organized the Great National Assembly from Blaj on the 3/15 May 1848 and then the meetings from September when the arming of the population and the organization of Transylvania in legions have been made. This moment has led to the constitution of an entire gallery of young people to which Iacob Oltean from Vaidei, tribun of the Third Field Legion has belonged. He has organized together with prefect Vasile Moldovan, the vice-prefect Florian Lăscudean and the tribunes Iosif Tămaș, Petru Bonta, Vasile Pop, Alexe Popovici and Ignat Teodor, the Third Field Legion, has participated into the fights from Sântioana and Reghin with Urban's troops and at the battles from the Apuseni Mountains where he has made himself conspicuous during the actions with Emeric Hatvany, Farcas Kemeny and P. Vașvari.