Electoral Behavior

Compreender a trajetória até um cargo estadual
é estratégico para revelar as dinâmicas
políticas de cada estado, assim como
a rota de progressão aos principais postos
nacionais. Como alguém se tornou um parlamentar
estadual? Com objetivo de elucidar
esse percurso, foram estudados 1.152
deputados de sete estados brasileiros (Rio
Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, São Paulo,
Minas Gerais, Bahia, Ceará e Goiás) durante
quatro legislaturas (1947-1963). A análise
longitudinal dos cargos pregressos revelou
preponderância do âmbito municipal, e sobretudo
distintos padrões entre os estados
emergiram. Considerar a política da perspectiva
das unidades federadas constitui-se
um modelo interpretativo a fim de propiciar
um entendimento mais adequado da
política nacional, revelando peculiaridades
regionais. Também acrescenta aos debates
sobre regionalismo, federalismo e política
comparada.

Elections  are  significant  components  of  any  democratic  society,  serving  as  instruments  through which  citizens  choose  their  representatives  and  leaders.  In  Nigeria,  electoral  behavior  has  been consistently  influenced  by  various  socio-political  factors,  notably  ethnicity.  Ethnic  identity remains  one  of  the  most  potent  forces  shaping  political  preferences  and  voting  patterns  across  the country’s six geopolitical  zones  (Adebayo &  Musa, 2023). Nigeria  is a  plural  society, deeply  segmented along  ethnic,  religious,  and regional  lines. With over 250  ethnic  groups,  the  country’s  political  landscape  is  complex  and  characterized  by  the politicization  of  ethnicity.  Historically,  ethnicity  has  not  only  shaped  electoral  outcomes  but  also influenced  political  alignments,  party  formations,  and  voter  loyalty  (Eze  &  Ogunyemi,  2024).  In many  instances,  voters  tend  to  prioritize  ethnic  affiliation  over  competence,  ideology,  or  party manifesto, resulting  in a pattern  where ethnicity  becomes  a key  determinant  of  voting  behavior.

This study explores the evolving nature of Nigeria's political opposition as the country approaches the 2027 general elections. Combining a historical-institutionalist approach with quantitative electoral analysis from 1999 to 2023, the research evaluates how opposition politics operates not just as a democratic necessity but as a vehicle for political entrepreneurship. Using data from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and Afrobarometer surveys, the study identifies a sharp decline in voter turnout (from 69.1% in 2003 to 27.0% in 2023), persistent fluidity in party ideology, and the increasing role of personal political branding over institutional loyalty. Findings suggest that figures such as Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar exemplify a pattern where opposition functions as a strategy for elite continuity, leveraging public discontent without necessarily providing coherent policy alternatives. The paper argues that unless opposition forces move toward ideological clarity and institutional cohesion, they risk reinforcing the same governance failures they claim to resist. This work contributes to African political studies by blending empirical data with historical context to evaluate the prospects of democratic consolidation in Nigeria through opposition behavior.

Con la reactivación de la figura constitucional de las candidaturas independientes para la elección del año 2015 y ahora para  la elección del año 2018 se amplían y fortalecen los espacios de participación para
los ciudadanos.
Pero, así como la participación política en torno a la búsqueda del registro a una candidatura independiente genera nuevas formas de participación, también reproduce dinámicas parecidas a las ya practicadas por los partidos políticos. En el presente estudio se discute en primer momento la relación entre participación y representación, así como su importancia para la democracia y la promoción de formas de ciudadanía activa.
A continuación, se mencionan brevemente los antecedentes de las candidaturas independientes en México. En la segunda parte se presentan indicadores cuantitativos y cualitativos para identificar la forma que toma la participación alrededor de los aspirantes a candidatos independientes en Jalisco en la elección de 2018; por último, se analizan las prácticas de participación que reproducen dinámicas partidistas y aquellas que son novedosas.

1. Ceticismo, agnosticismo, ateísmo e deísmo: Notas Introdutórias O pensamento cético se baseia na dúvida filosófica que, por sua vez, fundamenta toda a busca humana pelo conhecimento da natureza que nos cerca, Arendt (2002). Evidentemente que a chamada "dúvida metódica", como caminho para o saber, somente foi sistematizada no transcurso da história humana, por exemplo, na obra de René Descartes, "O Discurso do Método", publicada em 1637 (Descartes, 1996). Todavia, é lícito afirmar que a dúvida acompanha o caminhar da espécie humana desde seu despertar filosófico, como se percebe das afirmações de Sócrates: "Só sei que nada sei" e "Conhece-te a ti mesmo" (Zanette, 2004). Partindo-se desse ceticismo metódico, segundo Gleiser (2004) de tudo duvidar para melhor investigar, a espécie humana alargou os limites de seu conhecimento, e também de suas dúvidas, sobre o funcionamento da natureza, melhor dominando o uso de técnicas para satisfazer seus múltiplos interesses. No campo religioso, o ceticismo levou ao ateísmo e ao agnosticismo, que não se confundem, embora ambos sejam pensamentos não deístas. Tanto a crença no divino quanto a descrença parecem acompanhar a espécie humana há milhares de anos. Os próprios textos sagrados, abaixo citados, têm milhares de anos de

Tras cuatro días de extraordinaria tensión, de clara sobreexposición informativa del público, derivada de su interés por adquirir información, de continuo debate ciudadano y de enorme crispación política, los ciudadanos españoles votaron el 14 de Marzo de 2004 en un contexto de absoluta incertidumbre. Parecía probable que la resolución parcial de la crisis por conocer la autoría de los atentados del 11-M beneficiara electoralmente al PSOE, pero no cabía descartar reacciones de signo contrario del electorado (agrupamiento en torno al Gobierno vigente para buscar seguridad o respuesta a los excesos, reales o supuestos, de la oposición política y los ciudadanos que protestaron el 12 y el 13 de Marzo), y en cualquier caso quedaba ver en qué medida este beneficio electoral, de darse, sería determinante para el resultado de las elecciones. En este contexto, el objetivo de este trabajo es, con todas las reservas propias de un fenómeno difícilmente cuantificable, esto es, los cambios en la orientación del voto ciudadano derivados de los atentados del 11-

Regional history has become part of mainstream discourse in academia. The idea is to unfold the regional history of a small region, city, or area to holistically understand the historical process and merge it with national identity and narrative. The present paper seeks to explore the essential aspects of the emergence of Kabirwala from a historical perspective. The antiquity of the land can be traced back to the rule of Mehmud of Ghazni (999 AD- 1030 AD). The present work is an introductory descriptive and analytical account of Kabirwala, which seeks to pen down the formation, transition, and significant events behind the establishment of modern-day Kabirwala. The city is named after Syed Ahmad Kabir Bukhari, who originally belonged to Uch Sharif. By the end of the 19th century, the status of tehsil was awarded to Kabirwala. Furthermore, an important development in the context of agriculture and economy was the establishment of the Sidhnai Canal during the time of British India. Later on, electoral politics started in the late 1930s when Kabirwala got one seat in the Punjab Legislative Assembly in 1937. The city witnessed a demographic and linguist shift after the partition of India in 1947. Primarily, it is library research. The main sources utilized for the study are British Gazettes, Gazetteers, government official websites, census reports, official election results, books, research articles, newspapers and an interview.

The One Nation One Election (ONOE) initiative proposes synchronising elections for the Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies in India. This paper evaluates the feasibility and effectiveness of ONOE by examining constitutional challenges and the implications for cooperative federalism. It reviews relevant constitutional provisions governing electoral cycles, specifically Articles 83, 172, 324, 356, and 368, and identifies the legal and judicial obstacles to aligning assembly and parliamentary elections. The paper emphasises the necessity of constitutional amendments, judicial oversight, and intergovernmental cooperation, and at the same time, the administrative and financial considerations that are to be addressed with particular attention to the logistical requirements of conducting simultaneous elections for over 900 million voters. The findings of the paper highlight that enhanced Election Commission capacity, technological advancements, and coordinated planning could improve resource allocation and reduce costs associated with elections. The paper critically assesses the effects of ONOE on voter behaviour, regional party dynamics, and the federal structure. At the same time, ONOE has the potential to decrease voter fatigue and promote governance stability, it may also diminish the prominence of local issues and concentrate political power at the centre. The paper also conducts a comparative analysis of federal democracies, including the United States, Germany, and Australia, which can offer additional perspectives for addressing these challenges. The author employs the method of comparative analysis of legal documents, research papers, books, and official government websites for sources to investigate the origin, nature, potential developments, and challenges in implementation associated with the One Nation One Election process. This paper will conclude with policy recommendations, a phased implementation strategy, legal reforms, administrative improvements, and measures to safeguard democratic processes. Overall, ONOE is identified as a viable reform with the potential to enhance the efficiency, participation, and legitimacy of India's electoral system, demonstrating that the Constitution of India is a living document, and

This thesis finds that the voter turnout rate in Bangladesh during the 1991-2008 period is higher in constituencies where level of economic activity is higher and immediate past members of the parliament belong to the ruling party. The voter turnout rate is lower in poverty-stricken constituencies. While political competition reduces vote shares of winners, political alliance increases the same. So, pre-election rainbow and jumbo alliances emerged in Bangladesh during that period.

La participación ciudadana requiere de leyes y mecanismos para su ejercicio efectivo. Este artículo revisa la legislación en las 32 entidades federativas de México, a fin de identificar si la sociedad civil organizada o de manera individual, puede participar en este ejercicio para incidir en la toma de decisiones. Con base en este diagnóstico se pueden formular planes de acción para consolidar el piso básico de la participación ciudadana en todo el país.

El proceso electoral en Nuevo León para renovar las 42 diputaciones inició el 5 de marzo con la participación de 11 partidos, de los cuales solo se registraron dos coaliciones: Juntos haremos historia (Morena, PT, Partido Verde y Nueva Alianza) y Va fuerte por Nuevo León (PRI y PRD), mientras que los demás competirán individualmente.

The paper explores the transformation of Indian democracy in the digital era through the Digital India initiative. It examines how digital tools enhance participation, transparency, accountability, and service delivery, while addressing challenges like the digital divide, data privacy, misinformation, and cybersecurity threats. The study highlights the role of initiatives such as Aadhaar, MyGov.in, BharatNet, and DigiLocker in deepening democratic engagement. It also analyzes the integration of emergent technologies—AI, blockchain, big data, and IoT—and their implications for privacy, security, and electoral integrity. Ultimately, the paper underscores India’s pursuit of inclusive, secure, and citizen-centric digital democracy

In the period from 2020 to 2024, four election cycles were held in Serbia. The election "tension" culminated in election campaign 2023 and lasted until new local elections in 2024. Given that those of us who followed it intensively can hardly remember any specific message, we can wonder how it is for other voters. What did remain as an impression is rising tension, both between the government and opposition and within the opposition itself, especially regarding the boycott of the June elections. Question arise what happened with campaign strategies? Some political actors stressed it is "pointless" to talk about strategy and the message box in a situation when we have political and media polarization and increasingly blatant electoral rule abuses. Given that

The electoral system is one of the major pillars of a democratic political structure; it is a system through which the pilots of the government are given the control of the nation. The traditional analogical method of conducting election has not been yielding the much needed credible, free and fair election results and legitimate government as it is easily corrupted hence the yearning for an alternative. Although the electronic process can provide the means of solving a range of problems in the existing electoral system including corruption, it comes with concerns and reservations. It has been established by research that corruption is a factor among others which is responsible for such political ills as democratic instability, poverty, endless and senseless bloodshed, insecurity and chronic economic underdevelopment. This paper examines the electronic process as a panacea to corruption in the electoral system in Nigeria by reviewing the nature, causes and effect of election related corruption; the establishment and control of the electoral system and the extent to which corruption has affected the electoral system as well as the prospects or otherwise of introduction of electronic process in Nigerian elections as a panacea in this regard. Lessons shall be drawn from other jurisdictions. The methodology of this research is doctrinal, drawing from content analysis of primary sources such as statutes, case laws as well as secondary sources such as scholarly texts, internet materials, theses, newspapers and relevant journal articles. This paper concludes by recommending that with proper legislation on electronic processes and all the needed logistics in place, it can serve as a panacea to corruption in the electoral system in Nigeria.

As the Republican Party rides high in the public eye and as Hilary Clinton struggles to carry the only “mainstream” political banner in the 2016 presidential race, with Sanders on the Democratic left waiting to make his demands the questions everyone is asking now are: “How on earth did the whole thing fall apart? Where did the “mainstream” wheels go? Why are sparks flying from all four axels of the two post-grand old parties? What has brought the nation to this chaotic electoral penny dreadful expression of anxiety and rage?

Resumo: Novos processos de comunicação podem contribuir para o preparo profissional em atendimento ao mercado, o que caracteriza a educação a distância. Por outro lado, a gestão do trânsito é uma área que necessita de profissionais preparados para compor ambientes sustentáveis em atendimento a demanda. Deste modo, o trabalho tem por objetivo a elaboração de proposta de cursos MBA na modalidade a distância voltados à gestão do trânsito para cidades brasileiras de pequeno e médio porte. A metodologia do trabalho foi composta de pesquisa inerente à área de gestão do trânsito com aspectos referentes às exigências atuais para sustentabilidade urbana e melhoria da qualidade de vida para elaboração de cursos de especialização. Ao final, são apresentados tópicos para cursos em três ênfases que são o planejamento dos transportes urbanos, a infraestrutura viária e a circulação urbana. Palavras-chave: Educação a Distância; Trânsito Urbano; Sustentabilidade Urbana. SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT OF TRA...

“La formación política como herramienta para reducir la abstención electoral" ¿Por qué tantos jóvenes y sectores vulnerables se alejan de las urnas en RD? ¿Qué papel juega la educación política en esta realidad? Este análisis profundo propone soluciones concretas para fortalecer la participación ciudadana y mejorar nuestra democracia.

Transition, as one of the most popular sociological and political concepts of
today, means nothing but the transition from one state to another one, the desired
state, that is, the movement from undemocratic political regimes (authoritarian,
totalitarian, post totalitarian and sultan) to democratic regimes. During the
transitional period, that is, the transition, new political and overall social relations
are being formed, and they are spreading and becoming the necessary conditions for
the functioning of the new political and, overall, the new social system. Observed
from this aspect, this paper discusses a complex process of the democratic transition
in the societies of South and East Europe. In the first part of the paper, we will
consider political parties, the party system and political regimes in the process of the
democratic transition. We will see what the characteristics of political parties are, the
party systems and the political regimes, that is, authoritarian, totalitarian, post-
totalitarian, sultan and democratic regimes. In the second part we are talking about
the phenomenon of the democratic transition. We focus on: 1) defining a democratic
transition, as an extremely popular sociological and political concept; 2) analysis of
the actors of the democratic transition; 3) sociological and political analysis of
democratization (waves of democratization) and liberalization; 4) sociological and
political analysis of social-political elites in the process of the democratic transition;
5) consideration of the sociological and political aspects of the consolidation of
democracy; and 6) the attempt to give a final answer to what is to be achieved at all
in the democratic transition. In the third part of the paper, we are discussing the
democratic transition in Southern Europe, that is, in Spanish, Portuguese and Greek
society. As we will see, it was a very successful process, which, thanks to its internal
social-political factors, was rapidly completed. It was a direct transition from the
semi-periphery system of the world (authoritarian regime, dictatorship) into the
center of the world system (democracy). In the fourth part of the paper, we focus on the democratic transition in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, that is, in Russian,
Polish, Romanian, Czechoslovak, Hungarian, Bulgarian and Montenegrin society. In
the fifth, the last part of the paper, we will talk about the crisis of democracy on a
global level. We will try to give arguments that support our assumption that liberal
democracy is in a serious crisis today. In the conclusion of this paper, we will
present the results of our research, that is, we will see if our hypotheses have been
confirmed or overturned.
Keywords: authoritarian regime; totalitarian regime; post-totalitarian
regime; sultan; democracy; transition; democratic consolidation; Spain; Portugal;
Greece; Russia; Poland; Romania; Czechoslovakia; Hungary; Bulgaria; Montenegro.
Scientific area: Sociology.
Narrow scientific field: Sociology of politics.

India's electoral system is expanding rapidly, with more voters, especially women and youth, participating in 2024. This growth influences both democracy and the economy, as voters demand policies on jobs, education, and social welfare. However, the electoral process faces challenges like corruption, vote manipulation, and opaque political funding, such as electoral bonds. Historical scams, like the 2G spectrum and Coalgate, show how electoral malpractices harm economic stability and public trust. Recent allegations of digital interference and fake votes highlight the need for reforms to ensure transparency and fairness. Electoral bonds, intended to make donations transparent, have been criticized for enabling secret funding and favoritism. To strengthen India's democracy and economy, reforms must focus on reducing corruption, improving electoral transparency, and safeguarding digital security. This study reviews past and present electoral issues, highlighting their economic impact and suggesting measures to improve electoral integrity for a sustainable democracy. The research examines urgent and rapidly evolving challenges that are becoming increasingly significant in today's interconnected world, emphasizing their importance in the modern global context.

Recognize that the process of representation is dynamic and ongoing. Any individual or group has multiple access points to the system of representation, and a disadvantage in one may be compensated by an advantage in another. 2. When considering changes to any element in the system of representation, consider the impact of the change on other elements. Assess the costs and benefits in the overall system of representation. 3. Consider whether the values embodied in any proposed change are consistent with the values that underlie the system of representationequality of individuals and free and open elections. 4. When assessing any demands for special representational treatment of particular groups, consider what qualities distinguish this group from other groups in Canadian society. Consider also whether any proposed changes differentially advantage the identified group over other groups and individuals. 5. When considering changes to the system of representation, assess the variety of ways in which the desired outcome can be accomplished. 6. Consider whether any proposed change is largely administrative or substantive. An administrative change is one which operates within the context of current institutional arrangements whereas a substantive change seeks to alter the institutional arrangements. For example, a goal may be to increase youth participation in elections. An administrative change could include a targeted effort to register youth electors. A substantive change could include setting quotas for youth candidates for each party. In general, vii given the inter-connection between political institutions, preference should be given to administrative changes. 7. The system of representation should be as open as possible and practical for all citizens to express their right to freely associate, vote and contest elections.

As the climate crisis escalates, educators find themselves frequently having to engage with this issue in a classroom context. A significant contribution that educators, especially language teachers, can make is connected to communicating about environmental questions and helping learners develop the critical skills and competences to engage with such questions fully. In this contribution, we present a series of tasks drawing upon the medium of stories – both fiction and non-fiction, for younger and older learners – which are designed to develop a number of key competences: enhance vocabulary in English relating to climate issues; develop awareness of the key themes regarding these issues; increase learners' critical thinking (regarding the use of language specifically) concerning information available on climate change and related issues.

This research investigates changing attitudes towards religion within and across several generations, with an emphasis on differing beliefs, practices, and attitudes towards religion between older and younger generations. Through surveys, interviews, and content analysis, the research sheds light on those factors driving such shifts, such as technological development, education, globalization, and changing cultural norms. The research compares conservative religious affiliation evidenced within previous generations with the emergence of spiritual pluralism, doubt, and secularism among young people. It further explores the influence of family, media, and community institutions in framing religious identity across time. Discoveries indicate religion continues to be an important cultural and moral context for most, but its role and meaning have undergone a revolutionary shift, indicative of a larger societal movement away from institutionalized religion and toward individualized spirituality. The study sheds further light on how religion evolves and endures in a rapidly evolving society.

Since both modern and traditional ways of life are observed in Lesotho, community members often find themselves in a complex situation, being either citizens in relation to local councillors or subjects of traditional leaders. Local councillors preside over contemporary democratic laws, policies and processes in a manner that stifles the genuine role and influence of traditional leaders. Notwithstanding these far-reaching implications in post-colonial settings, traditional leaders continue to receive popular support in Lesotho. This chapter employs a qualitative research method grounded in a critical desktop literature review. It examines the legal, institutional, and structural challenges that impede the efficiency and effectiveness of traditional leadership in the local government system and seeks solutions to enhance its role in Lesotho’s local government system.

RODRÍGUEZ GONZÁLEZ, ANA LUZ. Reseña de" La política de una rebelión. Los indigenas frente al tumulto de 1962 en la Ciudad de México" de Natalia Silva PradaSignos Históricos [en línea] 2009,(Enero-Junio):[fecha de consulta: 27 de junio de 2012] Disponible en:< ...

El 8 de junio de 1692 en Ciudad de México entre las 4 y las 11 pm ocurrió un motín de pan.1 La ciudad se encontraba celebrando la tradicional fiesta del Corpus Christi al mismo tiempo que experimentaba una tensión colectiva por la escasez de alimentos básicos como el ...

Europe is going through a period of major political change. Governments are taking unusually long to form, elections are becoming more unpredictable, political systems are increa­singly fragmented, the radical right is gaining strength, and trust in politics is eroding across large parts of society. This book examines how these trends have played out in Belgium by taking a long-term view from 1830 to today. While Belgium's political system and its main actors have changed significantly over time, some underlying patterns have remained.By looking at shifts in political life, institutions, and key players since independence while using the major cleavages that have shaped political debate, the author identifies six key phases in Belgium's political history: 1830–1893, 1894–1918, 1919–1945, 1946–1965, 1965–1999, and the early 21st century.Each of these periods is explored in detail. As with any timeline, the boundaries between the phases are not rigid. Still, it is essential to adopt a dynamic approach that recognises conti­nuity and the turning points that have shaped Belgian politics.

In contemporary society, advertising has become ubiquitous across various domains, including the financial industry, where it assumes a significant role. It fosters consumer awareness regarding the latest products being made available to them. Additionally, it establishes a connection between the advertising organization and the customer. Visual metaphor (VM) influences consumers’ response through their cognitive and emotional processing, though how audiences like banking advertisements ‘with visual metaphor’ has rarely been observed. The current study investigates audience ad-liking for ‘with’ and ‘without visual metaphor’ advertisements. It further examines gender differences in ad-liking for ‘with’ and ‘without visual metaphor’ advertisements in Indian banking print advertisements. In this study, a total of six Indian banking print advertisements—three ‘with visual metaphor’ (WVM) and three ‘without visual metaphor’ (WOVM) were shown to one hundred and two (102) participants (51 males and 51 females) and their responses toward those were taken. The result demonstrated that audiences are more likely to respond favorably to banking advertisements that use visual metaphors. In addition, the study reveals that gender has a moderate effect on advertisements containing ‘visual metaphors’ and those ‘without visual metaphors.’ The study has vast implications for the future research of Indian print advertisements.

This paper examines the evolution of polling methodologies and their performance during the last three U.S. presidential campaigns (2016, 2020, and 2024), highlighting key changes in practices and their implications. A comparison of the three campaigns reveals notable trends. The number of polls conducted between September 1st and Election Day peaked at 222 in 2020, up from 153 in 2016, before declining to 141 in 2024. Similarly, the number of active pollsters rose from 35 in 2016 to 51 in 2020 but dropped to 42 in 2024. Over this period, the use of web opt-in polling increased from 50% in 2016 to 59% in 2020 and 64% in 2024, while reliance on live-interviewer phone polling plummeted from 38% to 20% and eventually to just 10%. Mixed-mode approaches and varied sampling sources also became more prevalent. The perceived polling failures of 2016 spurred methodological innovation. Between 2016 and 2020, many pollsters adopted new techniques, including mixed mode methodologies (Skelley & Rakich, 2020; Keeter, Kennedy & Deane, 2020; Kennedy, Popky & Keeter, 2023) and the inclusion of education as a weighting variable. Despite these innovations, the 2020 election marked the worst polling performance since 1996, with significant discrepancies across modes of administration (Clinton et al., 2021; Durand & Johnson, 2021). The period between 2020 and 2024 saw further shifts in the polling landscape. Several pollsters exited the field, and live-interviewer phone polls nearly vanished. Weighting practices also evolved, with greater use of past vote behavior and party affiliation for weighting. Interestingly, polls employing these variables in 2020 had often fallen outside their margins of error, raising questions about their efficacy (Durand, 2024). This study traces the trajectory of pollsters and their methodologies across the three elections, providing a longitudinal perspective on U.S. electoral polling. By identifying which pollsters entered, exited, or adapted their methods, the paper offers insights into the broader implications of methodological change, both domestically and internationally. It also evaluates the impact of these changes on polling accuracy, considering the interplay between pollsters and their practices.

Fields, i.e. enclosed areas of arable land, are distinguished according to parcel shape and size, land fragmentation, land dispersion, and land use. The description of characteristics of a space, including a field, is unique when expressed in measurable, i.e. quantifiable values (indicators or indices), and this was the subject dealt with in this doctoral thesis. We designed a set of mutually independent indices determined either at the level of a unit, a class, or an area. The values of the indices were determined for the selected 22 fields as irregular blocks, furlongs, continuous strips, and enclosures based on the 2015 data and for selected fields also the data from the Franciscan Cadastre. The analysis of the obtained index values and statistical data processing showed that field characteristics are well described by the parcel shape index (IOP), index of land fragmentation (K), index of land dispersion (SD), and the Simpson’s Diversity Index (SIDI). The low IOP index points to...

The way social protest affects electoral outcomes remains a lacuna. This article helps fill this gap by examining how social protest against far right actors affects their electoral standing. The article utilizes a unique dataset of 4,745 local protest events to investigate how mobilization against the far right in Greece affected its electoral performance. The article finds that protest activity depressed the electoral results of the far right Golden Dawn by as much as 16%, after controlling for a number of important variables. The article identifies and specifies the patterns through which protests against the far right affect its electoral standing. Protests are effective when following the “tango” pattern—when there is close interaction of far right and anti-far right events. The timing of protest is also important and the article shows how the synchronization of protest and electoral cycles affects electoral outcomes. The article uses the findings to discuss the varying impact ...

El artículo analiza las acusaciones de corrupción contra la primera senadora mujer de Chile, María de la Cruz en 1953, cuya destitución terminó con un primer ciclo de participación femenina en la política chilena. Revisando el Diario Ilustrado y los debates en el Senado, el artículo pretende demostrar, a través del uso de la nueva historia de la corrupción, que la acusación de corrupción contra María de la Cruz constituyó el elemento central para reafirmar estereotipos tradicionales sobre los roles de género. La acusación de corrupción sirvió como arma discursiva contra la participación de las mujeres en política. De esta manera, el artículo utiliza el enfoque de la nueva historia de la corrupción para echar luz sobre un acontecimiento muy importante pero poco estudiado tanto de la historia de género como de la historia de Chile en general.


The article analyzes the accusations of corruption against the first female senator of Chile, María de la Cruz in 1953, whose dismissal ended a first cycle of female participation in Chilean politics. Reviewing the Diario Ilustrado and the debates in the Senate, the article aims to demonstrate, using the new history of corruption, that the accusation of corruption against María de la Cruz constituted the central element to reaffirm traditional stereotypes about gender roles. The accusation of corruption served as a discursive weapon against women's participation in politics. In this way, the article uses the approach of the new history of corruption to shed light on a very important but little studied event of gender history and history of Chile in general.

This research paper explores the critical role of political communication in democratic societies like India, emphasising the synergy between politics and communication. It traces the historical evolution of political communication from ancient civilizations to the contemporary digital era. The study highlights how social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram, and YouTube have revolutionized political campaigning, enabling direct engagement with voters and bypassing traditional media. The paper examines the impact of these platforms on voter behaviour and campaign strategies, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, a key political battleground. It also addresses the challenges posed by misinformation and the need for effective content moderation. The research categorizes existing literature into three domains: the rise of social media, the role of social media channels in UP elections, and issues affecting public perception in UP. The study concludes that effective political communication is essential for building lasting relationships, encouraging discussions, and advancing societal welfare in Indian democracy.

Recognize that the process of representation is dynamic and ongoing. Any individual or group has multiple access points to the system of representation, and a disadvantage in one may be compensated by an advantage in another. 2. When considering changes to any element in the system of representation, consider the impact of the change on other elements. Assess the costs and benefits in the overall system of representation. 3. Consider whether the values embodied in any proposed change are consistent with the values that underlie the system of representationequality of individuals and free and open elections. 4. When assessing any demands for special representational treatment of particular groups, consider what qualities distinguish this group from other groups in Canadian society. Consider also whether any proposed changes differentially advantage the identified group over other groups and individuals. 5. When considering changes to the system of representation, assess the variety of ways in which the desired outcome can be accomplished. 6. Consider whether any proposed change is largely administrative or substantive. An administrative change is one which operates within the context of current institutional arrangements whereas a substantive change seeks to alter the institutional arrangements. For example, a goal may be to increase youth participation in elections. An administrative change could include a targeted effort to register youth electors. A substantive change could include setting quotas for youth candidates for each party. In general, vii given the inter-connection between political institutions, preference should be given to administrative changes. 7. The system of representation should be as open as possible and practical for all citizens to express their right to freely associate, vote and contest elections.

Las encuestas electorales han sido durante mucho tiempo una herramienta clave para predecir los resultados de las elecciones. Sin embargo, a menudo nos encontramos con que estas encuestas no logran capturar completamente el pulso de la opinión pública y sus pronósticos no siempre reflejan con precisión el resultado final. En este artículo, exploraremos las razones detrás de las trampas de la demostración, revelando las limitaciones de las encuestas y los errores metodológicos que a menudo las acompañan. Aunque las encuestas electorales pueden proporcionar una instantánea de la intención de voto en un momento determinado, es importante reconocer sus limitaciones intrínsecas. Una de las principales limitaciones es el sesgo de selección, ya que las encuestas solo pueden captar la opinión de aquellos que están dispuestos a participar. Esto puede excluir a aquellos que no están interesados en la política o que no tienen acceso a los medios utilizados para realizar las encuestas. Otra limitación es el sesgo de respuesta, donde los encuestados pueden proporcionar respuestas que creen que son socialmente deseables o que se ajustan a las expectativas del encuestador. Esto puede distorsionar los resultados y llevar a una imagen inexacta de la realidad. Además, las encuestas también incurren en los errores de muestreo. Por otra parte la muestra seleccionada puede no ser representativa de la población objetivo y hasta el presente no hay forma de conocer el nivel de representatividad de una muestra aleatoria.

La política electoral peruana, especialmente en sus fases previas al sufragio, revela dinámicas que merecen ser analizadas con detenimiento. En ese tiempo de preparación, donde los partidos definen sus precandidaturas y los ciudadanos comienzan a observar con atención a quienes aspiran a representarlos, emergen prácticas que no solo deterioran las relaciones humanas dentro de las organizaciones políticas, sino que también comprometen la calidad del proceso democrático.

Voter turnout is the springboard of election as an election is to democracy and it is a major yardstick to measure democratic performance. Since 2003, the Nigerian democracy has been underperforming and in the recent election, the South Eastern region of the country has witnessed a sharp increase in voter abstention. This study investigates the underlying factors responsible for the increasing level of voter abstention in South Eastern Nigeria. The exercise engaged an extensive literature review, a questionnaire survey, descriptive analysis aided result interpretations, and thus, it identified twenty factors summarized into eight factors using Principal Component Analysis (a statistical procedure that uses an orthogonal transformation to convert a set of observations of possibly correlated variables into a set of values of linearly uncorrelated variables) that influence voter abstention in the region. Hence, the examination finds that socioeconomic status, social trust and weak inst...

Electoral reforms in India have evolved as vital mechanisms for enhancing the transparency, efficiency, and fairness of the democratic process. This paper examines major reforms, including the adoption of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) with Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) systems, the implementation of voter identification through EPIC and Aadhaar integration, the introduction of the "None of the Above" (NOTA) option, and regulations on campaign finance. These reforms aim to curb malpractices, such as voter impersonation, fraud, and excessive election spending, fostering a more credible electoral environment. Politically, these reforms have influenced the Indian democratic landscape by enhancing voter trust, encouraging responsible candidate selection, and improving transparency. However, they also pose challenges, including concerns around data privacy, disenfranchisement, and occasional opposition from political parties. The ongoing evolution of electoral reforms remains crucial to strengthening India's democracy and ensuring fair representation.

en base a datos obtenidos de una encuesta realizada alrededor de las elecciones de 1993, en el marco de un estudio comparado estructurado en torno al Cross-National Elections Project. Se analizan los procesos de intermediación en el contexto de continuidad y cambio del sistema de partidos y de las preferencias electorales de los ciudadanos. El estudio se centra en la manera en que los votantes obtuvieron informacion acerca de las campañas electorales y en el papel jugado por intermediarios clave (partidos políticos, organizaciones secundarias, y contactos cara a cara con familiares y amigos/as) en la creación, discusión, estructuración y diseminación de esa información, así como en el impacto de los medios de comunicación (especialmente la televisión) en esta información y su evaluación. El estudio permite entonces una observación sistemática de los cambios en la manera en que los chilenos se aproximan a la política y sus organizaciones desde el restablecimiento de la democracia en 1990. El estudio confirma los profundos cambios acaecidos en la intermediación política: disminución del rol de los partidos y otras organizaciones, en frente de un papel preponderante de las conexiones interpersonales, aun mayor que el impacto de los medios de comunicación. Se estudian estos cambios en el marco de las transformaciones en el sistema político ocurridas desde el quiebre de la democracia en 1973. Una versión previa de este artículo, titulada "Intermedia/ion Debilitated: Po/itics in Post-authoritarian Chile", fue presentada en la conferencia del Comparative National Elections Project (CNEPJ, realizada en el

CONSTANTIN-FLORENTIN GRĂDINARU După revoltele popoarelor din Peninsula Balcanică îndreptate împotriva stăpânirii otomane, Imperiul Ţarist a intervenit militar, armata rusă ajungând în apropierea Constantinopolului. În Ţările Române -Moldova şi Valahiaarmata ţaristă a staţionat din mai 1828. Principatele au fost conduse de guvernatori investiţi de împăratul tuturor Rusiilor. Astfel, la 22 februarie 1828, Pahlen a fost numit guvernator al Principatelor de către ţar fiind înlocuit de generalul Jeltuhin care a guvernat până în noiembrie 1829. În perioada noiembrie 1829-1834 a fost numit guvernator al Principatelor generalul rus Pavel Kiselev. Pentru ambele Principate a existat un singur guvernator având reşedinţa la Bucureşti, în capitala Valahiei, purtând titulatură de "preşedinte plenipotenţiar al divanurilor Valahiei şi Moldovei". În anul 1828 în fiecare principat s-a instituit o comisie de redactare a unui regulament general, document prevăzut în Convenţia de la Akerman. Cele două comisii s-au întrunit la Bucureşti fiind prezidate de Minciaki, vicepreşedinte pentru Principatul Moldovei. Aceste comisii erau alcătuite astfel: pentru Moldova: Mihai Sturdzavornic; C. Paşcanuvistiernic; desemnaţi de imperialii ruşi; Costache Conachevornic şi Iordache Cantacuzinovistiernic, aleşi de Adunarea Obştească a Moldovei. Secretar al comisiei era Gheorghe Asachi. Pentru Valahia comisia era compusă din: Grigore Băleanu -ban; Gh. Filipescuvornic; numiţi de imperialii ruşi; Ştefan Bălăceanlogofăt şi Alexandru Vilara -hatman, aleşi de Adunarea Obştească a Valahiei. În contextul internaţional dominat în această parte a Europei de rivalităţile ţaristootomane, în anul 1829, Turcia a încheiat cu Rusia ţaristă Tratatul de la Adrianopol. Acest tratat încheiat de cele două puteri a cuprins dispoziţii importante relative la Principate. Astfel se garanta autonomia administrativă a acestora; frontiera dintre Principate şi Imperiul Otoman era stabilită pe talvegul fluviului Dunărea ceea ce a implicat restituirea raialelor din stânga Dunării (Turnu, Giurgiu şi Brăila) către Valahia. S-au înfiinţat unităţi militare având ca atribuţii menţinerea ordinii interne şi apărarea graniţelor; s-a desfiinţat monopolul otoman instituit asupra produselor agricole. Principatele au fost reorganizate în temeiul regulamentelor intrate în vigoare în timpul administraţiei ţariste, Turcia obligându-se să le recunoască valabilitatea. Imperiul ţarist a dobândit "calitatea" de putere protectoare a Principatelor.

CONSTANTIN-FLORENTIN GRĂDINARU După revoltele popoarelor din Peninsula Balcanică îndreptate împotriva stăpânirii otomane, Imperiul Ţarist a intervenit militar, armata rusă ajungând în apropierea Constantinopolului. În Ţările Române -Moldova şi Valahiaarmata ţaristă a staţionat din mai 1828. Principatele au fost conduse de guvernatori investiţi de împăratul tuturor Rusiilor. Astfel, la 22 februarie 1828, Pahlen a fost numit guvernator al Principatelor de către ţar fiind înlocuit de generalul Jeltuhin care a guvernat până în noiembrie 1829. În perioada noiembrie 1829-1834 a fost numit guvernator al Principatelor generalul rus Pavel Kiselev. Pentru ambele Principate a existat un singur guvernator având reşedinţa la Bucureşti, în capitala Valahiei, purtând titulatură de "preşedinte plenipotenţiar al divanurilor Valahiei şi Moldovei". În anul 1828 în fiecare principat s-a instituit o comisie de redactare a unui regulament general, document prevăzut în Convenţia de la Akerman. Cele două comisii s-au întrunit la Bucureşti fiind prezidate de Minciaki, vicepreşedinte pentru Principatul Moldovei. Aceste comisii erau alcătuite astfel: pentru Moldova: Mihai Sturdzavornic; C. Paşcanuvistiernic; desemnaţi de imperialii ruşi; Costache Conachevornic şi Iordache Cantacuzinovistiernic, aleşi de Adunarea Obştească a Moldovei. Secretar al comisiei era Gheorghe Asachi. Pentru Valahia comisia era compusă din: Grigore Băleanu -ban; Gh. Filipescuvornic; numiţi de imperialii ruşi; Ştefan Bălăceanlogofăt şi Alexandru Vilara -hatman, aleşi de Adunarea Obştească a Valahiei. În contextul internaţional dominat în această parte a Europei de rivalităţile ţaristootomane, în anul 1829, Turcia a încheiat cu Rusia ţaristă Tratatul de la Adrianopol. Acest tratat încheiat de cele două puteri a cuprins dispoziţii importante relative la Principate. Astfel se garanta autonomia administrativă a acestora; frontiera dintre Principate şi Imperiul Otoman era stabilită pe talvegul fluviului Dunărea ceea ce a implicat restituirea raialelor din stânga Dunării (Turnu, Giurgiu şi Brăila) către Valahia. S-au înfiinţat unităţi militare având ca atribuţii menţinerea ordinii interne şi apărarea graniţelor; s-a desfiinţat monopolul otoman instituit asupra produselor agricole. Principatele au fost reorganizate în temeiul regulamentelor intrate în vigoare în timpul administraţiei ţariste, Turcia obligându-se să le recunoască valabilitatea. Imperiul ţarist a dobândit "calitatea" de putere protectoare a Principatelor.

The structural study of Khachatur Abovyan’s novel “Wounds of Armenia”
enables to analyze Aghasi’s voyage on the basis of the monomyth of hero’s journey, nominated by J. Campbell. From this point of view, the spatial plans of the novel and the hero’s steps gains important functional meaning. The rotating chain “Kanaker – Adventure Road – Kanaker” defines Aghasi’s path from leaving home and returning home after the death. Like the heroes of folklore, Aghasi also goes through some important stages. While neglecting his father’s warnings, he leaves his native environment, crosses the path of ordeals (Aparan, Khlgharakilisa), in an unknown world (Ani) acquires the knowledge and skills necessary for the final battle with the enemy, kills the demon (Yerevan Fortress), that has closed the water path (the Zangu River), thereby freeing the homeland from the rule of the enemy (Persia).