Eastern European history

Europa und Asien. Grundriß einer fachlich-räumlichen Inbezugsetzung 4. Aufgaben der Nationalitätenforschung. Potentiale und Defizite 5. Völkerkunde als rußlandbezogene Ethnohistorie. Zur methodischen Kompatibilität 6. Fazit einer teilnehmenden Beobachtung 7. Bibliographie 1. Geschichte und Ethnologie auf Annäherungskurs Will man die Fächer Osteuropäische Geschichte und Ethnologie in Beziehung setzen und -wie das Thema in Aussicht stellt -den Blick für die Horizonte schärfen, so ist dies, in der Tat, ein gewagter Versuch. Dabei liegt die Schwierigkeit der Aufgabe nur scheinbar darin, eine Fülle an Aspekten auf knappem Raum zu bewältigen. Als kompliziert erweist sich ihre Auswahl, führt dies doch geradewegs in die heteromorphen Selbstverständnisse beider Wissenschaftszweige und zu der Frage, welche Geschichte meinen wir und welche Ethnologie? Zwar ist es meine Aufgabe nicht, hier monographieverdächtige Antworten auf Standort-und Abgrenzungsdiskurse zu geben oder fachliche Richtungsläufe nachzuzeichnen. Weil uns aber die Reflektion darüber, wovon beide Fächer handeln, gleichwohl begleiten wird, schadet es nicht, sich ihrer Gegenstände zu vergewissern. 1

1 Andruţă Ceauşescu (n. 1893 -d. 1969). Cât de puţină importanţă se acorda atunci actelor de stare civilă reiese şi din datele diferite de naştere atribuite tatălui lui Nicolae Ceauşescu. Conform Certificatului de naştere al viitorului preşedinte, tatăl său se născuse în 1893. Dar în ultimul buletin de identitate al lui Andruţă Ceauşescu s-a menţionat 1890 ca an al naşterii. 2 Lixandra (Alexandra) Ceauşescu (n. 1894 -d. 1970).

The predominantly agrarian nature of Wallachia’s economy in the 18th c largely explains the scarcity of available documentary sources on the food trade in the period. Within this context, the present study explores the methods used by Wallachian merchants in purchasing and distributing food produce, both the ‘basic’ items used in everyday consumption and ‘luxury’ items such as spices and exotic fruit (lemons, pineapples). The study examines the context for the increased trade in the latter items during the period under consideration: the taste for such produce was undoubtedly due to a ‘civilizing’ process among the elites, but also to their desire to display their status through ‘conspicuous consumption’.

This book examines the public perception, scholarly reception, and critical analysis of Japan through translations of its literature and artistic endeavors within the temporal frame and geopolitical confines of the countries that were either occupied or left under the influence of the Soviet Union after World War II.

By engaging with literary translations from Japanese into languages such as Romanian, Russian, Czech, Hungarian, German, and Slovenian, alongside art exhibits and performance shows focused on Japan, this book provides an original contribution to the field of Japanese studies in Eastern and Central Europe and the former Soviet space. In addition, by offering a multifaceted, multilingual, and multicultural approach to the diverse realities of countries from the former communist bloc, the book sheds light on the unique relationships they created with literary and artistic Japan, as well as the unique ways in which they attempted to lift the Iron Curtain and gaze at the Asian Other, a subject of both fascination and identification.

Approaching the subject of Japanese culture through the unique lens of former communist bloc nations, this book will appeal to students and scholars of Japanese studies and Japanese literature, particularly in the context of translations.

with focus on Eastern Europe during the Communist Period, Theory of International Relations, and Modern Political Theory/Philosophy. He has published scientific articles and book chapters in both Romanian and international journals/books, several books at publishing houses like Polirom, Corint, Institutul European, Cetatea de Scaun, Adenium, Alexandria, Tritonic and the Publishing House of the West University of Timișoara, and various journalistic articles. He participated at numerous international conferences, in countries such as the Republic of Moldova,

Wydarzenia rewolucyjne w Kielcach w latach 1905-1907 na łamach "Gazety Kieleckiej" W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę zaprezentowania, z punktu widzenia redaktorów "Gazety Kieleckiej", zajść i wydarzeń w Kielcach związanych z rewolucją lat 1905-1907. Przed przystąpieniem do omówienia tytułowego zagadnienia zarysowana zostanie gospodarcza i polityczna sytuacja Rosji carskiej na początku XX w., opisane najważniejsze partie działające wówczas w Królestwie Polskim z ich stosunkiem do zrywu robotniczego, a także samo miasto Kielce u progu rewolucji. Rewolucja lat 1905-1907 w Rosji była spowodowana m.in. klęską caratu w wojnie z Japonią (1904-1905). W wyniku tego konfliktu imperium cara Mikołaja II utraciło południowy Sachalin, bazy morskie w Chinach, Port Artur oraz Dalnij 1. Należy dodać, że od 1901 r. gospodarka Rosji przeżywała kryzys wywołany przez spadek dopływu złota z ogarniętej wojną południowej Afryki 2. Przegrana wojna z Japonią pogłębiła jeszcze gospodarcze problemy, które zaczynały słabnąć dopiero koło 1910 r. Niepokoje i zamieszki ogarnęły także i Królestwo Polskie (Kraj Przywiślański). Jedną z przyczyn demonstracji i strajków był spadek produkcji przemysłowej w Królestwie Polskim o 35% 3 , wywołany przez wojnę na Dalekim Wschodzie. Pod koniec 1904 r. 100 tys. pracowników fabryk zostało zwolnionych,

Wydarzenia rewolucyjne w Kielcach w latach 1905-1907 na łamach "Gazety Kieleckiej" W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę zaprezentowania, z punktu widzenia redaktorów "Gazety Kieleckiej", zajść i wydarzeń w Kielcach związanych z rewolucją lat 1905-1907. Przed przystąpieniem do omówienia tytułowego zagadnienia zarysowana zostanie gospodarcza i polityczna sytuacja Rosji carskiej na początku XX w., opisane najważniejsze partie działające wówczas w Królestwie Polskim z ich stosunkiem do zrywu robotniczego, a także samo miasto Kielce u progu rewolucji. Rewolucja lat 1905-1907 w Rosji była spowodowana m.in. klęską caratu w wojnie z Japonią (1904-1905). W wyniku tego konfliktu imperium cara Mikołaja II utraciło południowy Sachalin, bazy morskie w Chinach, Port Artur oraz Dalnij 1 . Należy dodać, że od 1901 r. gospodarka Rosji przeżywała kryzys wywołany przez spadek dopływu złota z ogarniętej wojną południowej Afryki 2 . Przegrana wojna z Japonią pogłębiła jeszcze gospodarcze problemy, które zaczynały słabnąć dopiero koło 1910 r. Niepokoje i zamieszki ogarnęły także i Królestwo Polskie (Kraj Przywiślański). Jedną z przyczyn demonstracji i strajków był spadek produkcji przemysłowej w Królestwie Polskim o 35% 3 , wywołany przez wojnę na Dalekim Wschodzie. Pod koniec 1904 r. 100 tys. pracowników fabryk zostało zwolnionych,

Видимо, в поисках ответа на этот вопрос историки будут спорить еще очень долго. Автор, далекий от искушения расставить все точки над «i», предлагает свой взгляд на возможные подходы к дальнейшему исследованию этой безграничной проблемы. И призывает всегда помнить, что ею занимались многие выдающиеся ученые, богатое творческое наследие которых мы, конечно, не могли обойти вниманием, каким бы противоречивым оно ни казалось и, порой, ни являлось. Во всем многообразии накопившейся за века научной литературы нас особенно привлекла не всегда явно различимая и, разумеется, недоказуемая гипотеза о наличии теоретических предпосылок для образования Русского национального государства в более широких масштабах, охватывающих юго-западную (Галицко-Волынскую) и западную (Литовскую) Русь. Тогда, возможно, Россия была бы впредь избавлена от многих дорогостоящих войн за возвращение исконных русских земель, а Польша — от своей злосчастной судьбы, на которую она себя обрекла своей воинствующей шляхетской демократией, приблизившей к нулю шансы не только на реализацию грандиозных геополитических амбиций, но и на сохранение Речи Посполитой как государства.

Apparently, historians will continue debating this question for a long time to come. The author of the article resists the temptation to definitively “dot all the i's”. Instead, he offers his own perspective on possible approaches to further research into this boundless problem keeping in mind that many outstanding scholars have studied this issue, and he certainly could not overlook their rich intellectual legacy – no matter how contradictory it may seem or, at times, truly is. Among the vast body of scholarly literature accumulated over the centuries, we were particularly drawn to a hypothesis that is not always clearly discernible and, of course, provable: the idea that there may have been theoretical preconditions for the formation of a Russian national state on a larger scale, encompassing southwestern (Galicia-Volhynia) and western (Lithuanian) Rus'. Had this happened, Russia might have been spared many costly wars to reclaim its ancestral lands, while Poland could have avoided its unfortunate fate — a fate it brought upon itself through its militant noble democracy, which all but erased any chances not only of realizing its grand geopolitical ambitions but even of preserving the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as a state.

Detection of new evidence of early Stone Age human presence in Ukraine significantly advances the understanding of the initial settlement period in the northwestern part of Eurasia. Ancient migration routes are marked by Lower Palaeolithic sites located in the foothills of Crimea and the Carpathians, along major lowland river valleys, and coastal zones. The Carpathian region, including sites such as Velykyi Sholes and Korolevo, signals hominin presence in Central Europe. Initial reports also mention ancient sites in the eastern European part of the region (Skhidnytsia). This article presents preliminary results of a geoarchaeological survey conducted near Drohobych in western Ukraine. The survey identified two stratified sites, Solne 1 and Solne 2, containing in situ stone artefacts with signs of anthropogenic modification. These findings are preliminarily dated to between 1.5 and 0.9 million years ago, corresponding to the Kryzhanivka (Waalian) and Shyrokyne (Bavelian) stages of the Ukrainian Quaternary subdivision. The technological characteristics of the artefacts align with those from other Early Palaeolithic sites in Eastern Europe, indicating early hominin occupation in the Carpathian foothills.

Rusya’da, üç ana gruba ayrılan Rus Kazakları arasında Dinyeper’e yerleşenler Zaporog Kazakları, Don Nehri civarındakiler Don Kazakları ve Terek Nehri dolaylarında yaşayanlar Terek Kazakları olarak adlandırılmıştır. Bunlardan Zaporog ve Don Kazakları Osmanlı döneminde Rusya’dan Türkiye’ye göç etmişlerdir. Türkiye’ye göç eden Rus Kazaklarından olan Don Kazakları Manyas Gölü civarına yerleştirilerek burada balıkçılıkla meşgul olmuşlardır. Rus Kazakları, zamanla Manyas Gölü’nde balıkların yeterli gelmemesinden dolayı İznik ve Terkos gibi göllere yönelmişler, bu göllerin de ihtiyaçlarını karşılayamaması sebebiyle Beyşehir ve Eğirdir gibi başka gölleri kiralamak istemişlerdir. Beyşehir Gölü’nde balıkçılık yapan Rus Kazakları 1866 yılında İstanbul’a müracaat ederek, Beyşehir Gölü’nde Mada Adası’na yerleşme talebinde bulunmuş ve bu talepleri neticesinde 30-40 hane kadarı 1867 yılında bu adaya iskân edilmişlerdir. Mada Adası’na yerleştirilen Rus Kazakları 40 yıl kadar burada yaşamış ve göl ve çevresinde ortaya çıkan salgın hastalıklar nedeniyle XX. yüzyılın başlarında Akşehir’e göç etmek durumunda kalmışlardır. Uzun yıllar boyunca Akşehir’de kalan Rus Kazakları Türkiye’nin diğer bölgelerindeki soydaşları ile birlikte 1962 yılında Rusya’ya geri dönmüşlerdir. Bu çalışmada çeşitli sebeplerle Rusya’dan Türkiye’ye göç eden Rus Kazakları’nın Beyşehir Gölü Mada Adası’ndaki iskân süreci, buradaki hayatları, fiziksel özellikleri, kıyafetleri, inanışları, ibadetleri, geçim kaynakları, yemekleri ile Beyşehir’de bıraktıkları izleri ve bölgeye yaptıkları katkıları arşiv belgeleri ve kaynak kişilerin anlatımları ışığında ele alınmaktadır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Rus Kazakları, Beyşehir, Mada Adası, İskân, Balıkçılık.

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This paper reconstructs the emotive-semantic transmutation of the Hebrew verb ' .h.v. [ ‫א‬. ‫ה‬. ‫ב‬. , 'to love'] in maskilic Hebrew, set against the political transformation of the Russian Empire during the first half of the nineteenth century. It focuses on romantic love and love for the ruler and the state, inquiring how these two concepts of love converged and impacted each other in the maskilic imagination. The final section of the article identifies a critique regarding how Jewish maskilic discourse blurred the boundaries between romantic and patriotic love. It focuses on Israel Axenfeld's Yiddish play The First Jewish Recruit in Russia […] or The Story of a Supposed Wedding (ca. 1830). The First Jewish Recruit, I argue, sheds light on the inherent cost of using romantic imagery to describe the relationship between Jews and the Russian government.

Full article: https://brill.com/view/journals/ejjs/aop/article-10.1163-1872471x-bja10101/article-10.1163-1872471x-bja10101.xml

A második világháború után az első osztrák katolikus nagygyűlést 1952 szeptemberében, ötven éve tartották Bécsben. Előkészítésére májusban tanulmányi napot rendeztek Mariazellben. A két bevezető referátumot húsz munkacsoportban dolgozták fel. Karl Rahner a nagygyűlés fő témájáról beszélt: Az ember szabadsága és méltósága. Otto Maurer (1907Maurer ( -1973) ) az egyház helyzetét elemezte Ausztriában. Az előadások és a megbeszélések nyomán kirajzolódott az igény: világosan meg kell fogalmazni, mit jelent a "szabad egyház a szabad államban" kifejezés. Így született meg a Mariazelli Manifesztum, amely első részében azt foglalja össze, hogy mit nem jelent a szabad egyház, második része pedig pozitív ajánlásokat tartalmaz. Magát a szöveget Otto Maurer gondolatai nyomán Richard Barta (1911Barta ( -1985)), a Kathpress főszerkesztője és König bíboros közeli munkatársa öntötte végleges formába. A manifesztumot akkor érthetjük helyesen, ha tekintetbe vesszük keletkezésének konkrét körülményeit: az egyház és az állam kapcsolatát a Habsburg monarchia idején, az Első Köztársaságon keresztül egészen "a keresztény rendi államig". A manifesztum gyakorlati megvalósítása elsősorban Franz König bíboros nevéhez fűződik, aki 1956-tól 1985-ig volt Bécs érseke és az osztrák püspöki kar elnöke. Az alábbiakban a Manifesztum néhány fontosabb részletét közöljük. "A katolikus nagygyűlés témája: Az ember szabadsága és méltósága. Az egyház ma magasra emeli a szabadság zászlaját, és különösen az egyháznak köszönhető, ha szorongatott korunkban meg tudjuk védeni az ember szabadságát és méltóságát. Az egész emberiség közös ügyében az egyház minden szociális, politikai és felekezeti korlát fölé emelkedve az egész emberiség szószólójává lett. Amit követel, azt nem csupán magának követeli, hanem minden ember számára. A szabadságot nemcsak magának igényli, hanem mindenkinek, aki kész arra, hogy az ember szabadságát és méltóságát közösen védelmezze. A mariazelli tanulmányi nap eredményét a "szabad egyház a szabad államban" kifejezésben foglalhatjuk össze. A "szabad egyház" azt jelenti, hogy az egyház önmagában álló, független valóság. Minden történelmi kornak megvannak a saját szükségszerűségei és lehetőségei. Ma azonban az egyház mögött nem áll sem császár, sem kormányzat, sem párt, sem egyetlen társadalmi osztály, sem katonaság, sem tőke. Az 1938 és 1945 közötti időszak áthághatatlan szakadékot képez. A múltba vezető hidak összeomlottak; ma a jövőbe vezető hidak alapjait kell leraknunk. Egy elsüllyedő korból az egyház így megy át egy új szociális fejlődés korszakába. A szabad egyház tehát azt jelenti: -Nem térhetünk vissza az elmúlt századok államegyházi gyakorlatához, amely a vallást az állampolgári lelkület valamiféle ideológiai felépítményévé degradálta, a papokat pedig engedelmes államhivatalnokokká nevelte. -Nem térhetünk vissza a trónus és oltár szövetségéhez, amely elaltatta a hívek lelkiismeretét, és érzéketlenné tette őket a belső kiüresedés veszélyére. -Nem térhetünk vissza oda, hogy egyetlen párt vállaljon védnökséget az egyház fölött; ez egyes korokban lehetett ugyan szükséges, de tízezreket elidegenített az egyháztól. -Nem térhetünk vissza ahhoz az erőszakos kísérlethez, amely a keresztény alapelveket pusztán szervezeti és államjogi alapon próbálta érvényre juttatni. A szabad egyház azonban azt is jelenti, hogy az egyház jogot formál arra, hogy szabadon fejlődjék, missziós tevékenységet fejtsen ki, szentségeket szolgáltasson ki, iskolákat alapítson, anélkül, hogy e legősibb tevékenységeiben bármilyen állami előírás korlátozná. A szabad egyház azonban nem azonos a sekrestye-egyházzal vagy a katolikus gettóval. A brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk

In this paper, I explore the issues related to the emergence of Holocaust memory discourse, which started in the late 1950s and intensified in the 1960s through the sources of Ilona Benoschofsky’s bequest found in the
Hungarian Jewish Museum and Archives. In particular, I examine Ilona Benoschofsky’s engagement in the shaping of denominational and (latent) public memory, as well as her contract with the international organizations of the World Jewish Congress and Claims Conference between 1957 and 1960, and its cultural implications, the 1960 exhibition From Slavery to Freedom, other private documents and editorial opinions related to the “coming to terms with the past” during the 1960s, and Irén Darvas’s manuscript in the bequest and its particular “reception”.

This paper explores the development of the Liliești and Țintea communities through a dual lens of demographic analysis and the role of local elites, combining insights from the civil status registers of the St. Nicolas–Liliești Church archive (1921–1950) and the socio-cultural influence of key community figures. By examining trends in birth rates, mortality, healthcare access, and socio-economic factors, the research sheds light on the
evolving health and demographic landscape of the area. Additionally, the study delves into the significant contributions of the local elites. This intersection of material development and symbolic influence underscores the critical role of the elites in fostering social cohesion, promoting education, and improving public health, ultimately driving the community’s growth and resilience.

This call against the catastrophic war in Gaza was published in the Hebrew edition of Haaretz on Friday, August 8, 2025. It was signed by 270 faculty members of the University of Haifa-including Rector Prof. Mouna Maroun and several other senior of�icialsrepresenting a substantial portion of the faculty. A considerable number of administrative staff and students also added their names.

The article deals with the applicability of the postcolonial theoretical framework to the relationship between the Habsburg Monarchy agents and the noble elites of the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria following the First Partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. It is argued that the imperial government attempted to implement 'subalternization' strategies concerning the local elites by depriving them of possibilities to influence provincial politics. The reactions of the nobility of the Kingdom to these strategies, their attempts to retain dominant positions in Galicia through creating a hybrid government model, and the eventual outcome of the Habsburg homogenization politics in Galicia by the end of Napoleonic Wars are also examined.

The review examines Varsói Magyar Oklevéltár (Hungarian Cartulary of Warsaw), edited by Ádám Novák and published in the Fontes Memoriae Hungariae series. The volume consolidates and revises four earlier booklets (2017–2022), presenting ninety charters with ninety-eight full-text transcriptions and Hungarian summaries. These documents, mostly in Latin but also in German and Old Church Slavonic, illuminate the multifaceted political, military, economic, and social relations between Hungary and Poland from the Angevin period to the Jagiellonian dynasty. A key strength of the publication lies in its comprehensive inclusion of sources, some of which had not been accessible in previous collections or databases. With detailed indices and integration into the Memoria Hungariae digital platform, the work greatly facilitates research and ensures long-term scholarly usability. The cartulary represents a major contribution to Hungarian-Polish medieval studies and to the wider field of Central European diplomatic history.

Contributors:
Transcription of documents:

Benjámin Borbás (no. 29)
Attila Györkös (no. 67)
Géza Hegyi (nos. 92–93)
Gábor Pető (nos. 86, 88, 97–98)
Orsolya Tóth (nos. 65, 67, 77)
Péter Tóth (nos. 1–11, 23–24, 27, 38–40, 52–53, 56–62)

Document proofreading:

Tünde Móré
Orsolya Tóth
Péter Tóth

English translation:
Balázs Antal Bacsa

Indexes preparation:
Ádám Novák

Volume review:
Attila Bárány

Денес, колекцијата на черниговскиот Историски музеј „Василиј Василевич Тарновски“ – (Украина) вклучува околу 230 илјади предмети. Овие артефакти се претежно поврзани со историјата на Украина, но многу од нив потекнуваат од други земји или се тесно поврзани со нивната историја и припаѓале на истакнати историски личности. Меѓу нив, колекцијата на музејот го содржи Служебникот од 1658 година, чиј сопственик бил кратовскиот митрополит Михаил (Боичиќ). Во оваа богослужбена книга се сочувани белешки од неговите патувања, како и богослужбените текстови што ги додал во Служебникот (чин на хиротонија и хиротесија). Сочуваните записи се важен извор за истражувачите на неговата биографија, а може да бидат интересни и за литургичарите кои ги проучуваат промените во богослужбените редоследи.


На сьогоднішній день колекція Чернігівського історичного музею імені Василя Васильовича Тарновського налічує близько 230 тисяч предметів. Ці артефакти здебільшого пов'язані з історією України, але багато з них походять з інших країн або тісно пов'язані з їх історією, належали видатним історичним особистостям. Серед них у колекції музею зберігається Служебник 1658 року, власником якого був митрополит Кратовський Михаїл (Боїчич). У богослужбовій книзі збереглися його записи, що стосуються історії його подорожей, а також додані ним у Служебник літургійні тексти (чини хіротесій та хіротоній). Записи, що збереглися, є важливим джерелом для дослідників його біографії, а також можуть зацікавити літургістів, які вивчають зміни в богослужбових чинопослідуваннях.

"Nikada jedna generacija istoričara nije ispisala istoriju svoga doba", zabeležio je profesor istorije Jugoslavije na Beogradskom univerzitetu Branko Petranović u studiji posvećenoj istoričaru savremene epohe, ukazujući na to da istoriografija o određenoj temi -u ovom slučaju istoriji Jugoslavije -predstavlja plod višegeneracijskog rada i intelektualnog pregnuća istoričara. 1 Međutim, više generacija pisaca jugoslovenske prošlosti suočavalo se sa nizom faktora koji su u znatnoj meri otežavali naučno bavljenje istorijom Jugoslavije. S jedne strane, reč je o izazovima svojstvenim svakom pokušaju bavljenja bliskom prošlošću -vremenska i prostorna "sljubljenost" istoričara sa predmetom istraživanja, teškoće apstrahovanja sopstvenih političkih i ideoloških stavova u interpretaciji prošlih zbivanja, mala vremenska distanca koja onemogućava sagledavanje svih značajnih posledica istorijskih procesa o kojima je reč i dr. S druge strane, jugoslovenski istoričari savremene prošlosti suočavali su se i sa nizom drugih prepreka. Istorija Jugoslavije do danas je tema koja uzburkava političke i nacionalne strasti i izaziva oprečna tumačenja i sudove.

Old Belarusian Texts in Latin Graphics Teksty w języku starobiałoruskim pisane graiką łacińską П ісьмова-літаратурнай і афіцыйнай мовай Вялікага княства Літоўскага ў XIV-XVII стст была мова, якую ў той час называлі «руськай», ці «простай мовай», і якая пазней называлася таксама па-рознаму: старабеларуская, стараўкраінская, заходняруская (літаратурна-) пісьмовая мова, рутэнская, паўднёваруская, роская, русінская, славянская мова Вялікага княства Літоўскага і інш Яна ўяўляла сабой змешаную кніжную мову, якая развілася з мясцовага варыянта агульнаўсходнеславянскай мовы, з паступовым пранікненнем мясцовых рыс (як украінскіх, так і беларускіх) і невялікім уплывам (у параўнанні са старарускай) царкоўнаславянскай мовы У адрозненне ад гутарковых украінскай і беларускай, пісьмовая мова была ў пэўнай ступені адзіная для ўсіх заходнерускіх земляў, так што для некаторых тэкстаў нельга сказаць, у якой частцы ВКЛ яны напісаныя Пісьмовы інтэрдыялект адрозніваўся ад мясцовых гаворак, аднак і ў вуснай гутарковай мове Вялікага княства Літоўскага, і ў пісьмовай (як і ў старарускай (= маскоўска-рускай) мове) былі дыялектныя асаблівасці, у першую чаргу раннебеларускія і раннеўкраінскія, і далей з больш дробным чляненнем Пра «простую мову» пісаў Б А Успенскі: «проста мова» отнюдь не совпадает с живой диалектной речью, представляя собой до некоторой степени искусственное образование Само … выражение проста мова восходит к лат lingua rustiса …, иначе говоря, это книжное по своему происхождению выражение Отличия «простой мовы» от диалектной разговорной речи очень четко осознавались в Юго-Западной Руси (Uspienskij, 1994, s 66) Аб лацінаграфічных тэкстах іменна на гэтай мове (часцей будзем называць яе старабеларускай) пойдзе гаворка ў нашым артыкуле Пісьмовая мова Вялікага

The experience of arrIving from the other shore is inherited in the Jewish condition, and is often related to the absence of an authentic origin, thus impeding the univocal determination of the private and the collective while narrating the personal history and evoking the past. The impossibility to belong to one place and the individual dilemma facing the surrounding society require considering the ethnic, racial, and cultural elements, as well as those factors concerning class and gender, and their inter-textual and intra-textual significances when analyzing the ambivalence of the Jewish newcomers. In the case of Gabriela Avigur-Rotem (1945, Israeli resident since 1950) and Alicia Dujovne Ortiz (1945), native Judeo-Argentinean writers, this absence corresponds also to their exclusion as women and daughters of immigrants, and with their sense of alienation and exile prior to the decision to leave their place of origin. Writing from Israel and France, these two authors accept their ...

This special issue introduction examines the use of letters as "ego-documents" in Jewish historical research. Ego-documents, a term coined by Dutch historian Jacques Presser, encompass personal materials like diaries, memoirs, and correspondence that offer insights into individual experiences and perspectives.
The authors argue that letters constitute a distinctive category within ego-documents due to their inherently dialogical nature - unlike diaries or memoirs, letters are explicitly addressed to specific recipients and create communicative relationships between writers and addressees. This dialogical character allows historians to examine social relationships, community networks, and identity formation across different contexts.
Letters possess unique temporal specificity, capturing immediate circumstances and concerns rather than retrospective reflections subject to memory reconstruction. Their materiality, circulation patterns, and preservation provide rich contextual information about the social and cultural environments in which they were composed.
The introduction traces the development of letter studies within Jewish historical scholarship, noting particular strength in migration studies and growing applications in Holocaust research. The collected articles demonstrate how Jewish correspondence - from medieval responsa to modern immigrant letters - illuminates both personal identity formation and community maintenance across geographical and temporal boundaries.
The authors emphasize letters' capacity to document major historical events while revealing everyday experiences, making them essential sources for understanding Jewish life, thought, and social organization throughout history.

The article analyzes the religious traditions of the dukely Korecki dynasty during the 16th – mid- 17th centuries. It was traced which elements of the spiritual culture of Korecki dynasty remained unchanged and which were transformed. As part of the study of the traditions of this kind, the usual burial places of the dukes Korecki and their patronage activities in favor of the Orthodox and Catholic churches were characterized. The time of the conversion of the dukes Korecki from Orthodoxy to Catholicism was tracked. A comparison of the life strategies of representatives of this dynasty with other dukely families was also made.

Interdependențe Maghiaro-Române în secolul al XIV-lea, de la Carol Robert De Anjou la Basarab I și Bogdan I
Autor: Dr. lonițescu Constantin
În carte sunt prezentate noi informații, pe bază de documente reale, găsite pe teren în Țara Loviștei și descrise în 1574 de către istoricul polonez Maciej Strijkowski, în drumul lui prin Țara Românească spre Polonia.
Sunt prezentate date privind locul luptei de la Posada din 1330 de pe Valea Băiașului, loc numit de Carol Robert de Anjou drept "cetatea de sub Arghiș".
Aici exista o cetate încă din timpul lui Traian, ale cărei ziduri de piatră te impresionează și azi. Au fost descrise de arheologul Teoharii Antonescu în 1910, în cartea “COLUMNA TRAIANĂ".
Autorul consemnează importanța relațiilor dintre Regatul Ungariei și Țara Românească a voievodului Basarab I.
Dupâ lupta pierdută de Carol Robert de Anjou, Țara Româneasca și-a căpătat independența.
Tot în această perioadă, vrând-nevrând, Carol Robert de Anjou a contribuit și la formarea Moldovei sub conducerea lui Bogdan I.
În 1335, pe 15 martie, Carol Robert de Anjou a eliberat o diplomă în care se cerea transferul voievodului Bogdan de la periferia țării in Ungaria căci nu mai suferea amânare, sarcină dată arhiepiscopului de Calocea. Concomitent, lui Bogdan i s-au pregătit in Maramureș 17 sate unde a fost numit voievod, la Cuhnea. Metele - mejdini între sate - au fost făcute în 1335, adică in același an, dar într-o lună anterioară aducerii lui Bogdan din Muntenia.
Notele sunt din cartea "Bereg Varmegye" (Monographia), publicată in 1881 de Leoczky Tivadar. Traducerile au fost făcute de Pop Csilla Rita, autorizația 38878, Arad, 2O23. Îi mulțumesc domnului loan Costea din Arad, [Moț Horia] pentru aceste informații.
Pe terasa stâncii numită Turnul lui Doancă se găsesc ziduri de piatră vechi de aproape 2000 de ani. În acest areal s-a descoperit și vârful unei săgeți de fier, datată de istorici în secolele XIII-XIV.

Hungarian-Romanian interdependencies in the 14th century, from Carol Robert De Anjou to Basarab I and Bogdan I
Author: Dr. lonițescu Constantin
The book presents new information, based on real documents, found on the ground in Țara Loviștei county and described in 1574 by the Polish historian Maciej Strijkowski, on his way through Wallachia to Poland.
Data are presented regarding the place of the battle at Posada in 1330 on Valea Băiașului, a place named by Carol Robert of Anjou as "the fortress under Arghiș".
There has been a fortress here since the time of Trajan, whose stone walls still impress you today. They were described by archaeologist Teoharii Antonescu in 1910, in the book “COLUMNA TRAIANĂ'.
The author records the importance of relations between the Kingdom of Hungary and Wallachia of voivode Basarab I.
After the battle lost by Carol Robert of Anjou, Wallachia gained its independence.
During this period, willy-nilly, Carol Robert of Anjou also contributed to the formation of Moldavia under the leadership of Bogdan I.
In 1335, on March 15, Carol Robert of Anjou issued a diploma in which the transfer of Voivode Bogdan from the periphery of the country to Hungary was requested because he no longer suffered procrastination, a task given to the Archbishop of Calocea.
At the same time, 17 villages were prepared for Bogdan in Maramureș where he was appointed voivode, in Cuhnea.
The so-called "mete" - demarcation lines between the villages - were made in 1335, that is, in the same year, but in a month prior to Bogdan's bringing from Muntenia.
The notes are from the book "Bereg Varmegye" (Monographia), published in 1881 by Leoczky Tivadar. The translations were made by Pop Csilla Rita, authorization 38878, Arad, 2O23. I thank Mr. John Costea from Arad, [Moț Horia] for this information.
On the terrace of the rock called Doancă's Tower there are stone walls almost 2000 years old. The tip of an iron arrow, dated by historians to the 13th-14th centuries, was also discovered in this area.

В сборнике представлены материалы XIII Международной конференции «Комплексный подход в изучении Древней Руси». Центральная тема конференции -юбилейная дата: 900-летие со дня смерти Владимира Мономаха. Среди авторов статей сборника историки, археологи, историки церкви, историки литературы и языка, фольклористы, искусствоведы, изучающие историю и культуру русского Средневековья.

The political and economic aspects and scenarios of differentiated European defence BOGLÁRKA KOLLER-ANDREA ÉLTETŐ The article discusses the current challenges facing European defence policy, focusing on the possibilities for implementing a common defence strategy. There have been notable initiatives for unified defence since the beginning of Western European integration, but these have been mainly unsuccessful due to political, ideological, and sovereignty-related reasons. However, Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its aggression against Ukraine in February 2022 have made it urgent to rethink a unified European defence strategy. The re-election of Donald Trump and the radical transformation of transatlantic relations have made it urgent to strengthen the European Union's independent defence capabilities. Based on the concept of differentiated integration, the article examines a flexible approach to defence policy that allows for varying levels of commitment and cooperation between EU member states and third countries. The article also presents the defence policy, as well as its fiscal, industrial, and innovative aspects, emphasising the interrelationships between the three pillars. The article argues that the creation of a differentiated and integrated European defence policy is essential for strengthening the security and competitiveness of the European Union, this being the only way to preserve the achievements of integration in a changing global foreign policy and foreign economic environment.

The article examines whether the Old Believers can be considered a reformation. A definite "no" is the answer. The Western Reformation is an intellectual expression of the bourgeoisie, and it constantly strives for the development of society (confessionalization). In contrast, Russian Old Believers withdrew from society, opposed it, and opposed all innovations. The “Old Believers” appeared in Russia in the 17th century, due to the schism within the Russian Orthodox Church, primarily caused by Patriarch Nikon’s reforms. This initiative prompted a series of church councils in 1666 and 1667, during which Nikon was removed from office and several liturgical reforms were affirmed. Beyond improving the texts of liturgical books, which is usually mentioned for these innovations, the reforms still included altering the way the cross was signed, changing the offertory loaves used for the host, and suppressing Russianized icons and certain chants. However, when Patriarch Nikon strove to introduce significant liturgical reforms in the Church in 1652 58, the conservative wing of the church did not accept it. Individuals who did not comply with these changes were labelled as schismatics and subjected to persecution, leading to the formation of the “Old Believers” and additional dissenting groups (Lupinin, 1984). They formed a new Church, the Old Believers’ Church with its hierarchy, thus the church of those who insisted on the traditional, “old” religious practice, against the innovations, the “new beliefs”. (Zenkovsky, 1957; 2006; Meyendorf, 1991; Heller, 1988; Neubauer, 1964). These traditionalists were led by Protopope Avvakum, a learned and deeply believing man, who much more declined toward the saint life of the Church rather than play a significant secular role in society. He was arrested and expelled. (Hunt, 2002; Pascal, 1963). Avvakum argued for seeking guidance internally rather than following state commands, which could potentially lead to significant divisions within society. (Weickhardt, 1994:335). — The Old Believers were persecuted, expelled, and wherever they could, they escaped. Many of them moved to Siberia, where they have settled and live to this day. Old Believers always remained a highly traditional, superstitious, and almost subcultural group that is far removed from the elite and remains anti-secular in its nature, with an almost sectarian character. (Clopot, 2017; Michels, 1992).

The article explores the specifics of constructing the image of Ukrainian lands in the works of Metropolitan of Moscow and Kolomna Platon Levshin, one of the most prominent religious figures and church historians of Eastern Europe in the second half of the 18th and early 19th centuries. The influence of Platon Levshin's personal experience, philosophical, and socio-political views on the characteristics of Ukrainian lands in his travel notes and historical works is examined. Relying on the principles of the Cambridge School of Intellectual History, the theory of conceptual metaphor, and the concepts of "mental maps" and "sites of memory," the study determines how Platon Levshin used the terms "Ukraine" and "Little Russia" and outlines the specifics of the interplay between ethnic, political, and religious connotations in his descriptions of Ukrainian lands. The Enlightenment’s impact on Levshin’s perception of Ukraine is reflected in his rationalist approach to spatial categories and the limited use of anthropomorphic metaphors in his texts. An analysis of sources indicates that the territorial boundaries of Little Russia in Levshin’s texts were constructed based on historical-administrative divisions. Volhynia and Galicia were not part of the symbolic Little Russian space, and the term "Ukraine" was used relatively infrequently, having a meaning similar to "Little Russia." The ethnic specificity of Ukrainians remained outside the metropolitan’s focus, distinguishing his travel notes from the travelogues of his contemporaries. The confessional aspect was the decisive factor in constructing the image of "us" and "them" for the metropolitan. In his narrative, Jews and Greek Catholics played the role of the Other, against whom the image of the Self was constructed. The Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra was a site of memory in Platon Levshin's perceptions of Ukrainian lands.

בחקר מסורות הקריאה של עדות ישראל התקבע בעבר מעמדה של מסורת יהודי אשכנז כנחותה ביחס לשתי אחיותיה, זו התימנית וזו הספרדית. מסורת הקריאה של יהודי אשכנז נחשבה במשך דורות רבים למסורת משובשת שאין בה עניין למחקר, ומרבית החוקרים משכו ידיהם מן העיסוק בה. בדורות האחרונים התגבר בה העניין לאחר שחוקרים אחדים הבחינו שגם בה השתמרו יסודות חשובים של מסורות קדומות של לשון חכמים. עם עניין חדש זה קם הצורך בתיאור דקדוקי ממצה של המסורת על פי מקורותיה המהימנים.
ספר זה בא למלא את החלל החסר במחקר, והוא מציע תיאור דקדוקי מקיף של אחת ממסורותיה העיקריות של יהדות אשכנז לדורותיה: מסורת קריאת המשנה של יהודי פולין ואוקראינה במאה התשע-עשרה. המחקר התבסס על דפוסי משנה שהודפסו במחצית השנייה של המאה התשע־עשרה בפולין ובאוקראינה ונוקדו ניקוד עממי – ניקוד המשקף מהימנה את מסורת הקריאה של יהודי אשכנז וחף מתיקוני מדקדקים.
העיון הלשוני מעלה שלמרות האופי העצמאי של מסורת אשכנז בתחומים רבים בלשון היא מגלה קרבה רבה למסורות אחרות של העברית, ובכלל זה לכתבי היד המעולים של המשנה. יש בכך כדי להעמיד על חשיבותה של המסורת, שעד לפני דורות אחדים נחשבה לדחויה במחקר.

The armed clashes between Greeks and Bulgarians in Macedoniafigured largely in German and Austro-Hungarian Balkan policy inthe early 20th century. Although the two Empires had forged theirDual Alliance in 1879, on the Macedonian question, they differedsignificantly. This paper attempts to trace each one’s political prio-rities and interests in the three Macedonian vilayets during theperiod of the Vienna and Mürzsteg reform programs and theirimpact on public discourse at home.

Wypad na Truskaw jest uznawany za jedno z nielicznych zwycięstw Grupy AK Kampinos, choć faktycznie przyczynił się do jej hekatomby miesiąc później. Ów mit rozwijały zgodnie polskie opracowania i monografie w czasach PRL oraz od 1989 roku. Podwyższanie rozmiarów tej „wiktorii” było bezkrytyczne przyjmowane przez stronę weteranów nocnego starcia, jak i historyków. Nikt nie wpadł na pomysł przebadania dokumentów niemieckich nie tylko z zasobu Bundesarchiv, ale też tych czekających w Polsce.
[The raid on Truskaw (2.09.1944) is considered one of the few victories of the AK Kampinos Group, although it actually contributed to its hecatomb a month later. This myth was consistently developed by Polish memoirs, studies and monographs during the communist era and since 1989. The exaggeration of this "victory" was uncritically accepted by veterans of the night clash and historians alike. No one thought to examine German documents, not only from the Bundesarchiv, but also those awaiting them in Poland]

У раду се говори у којој мери и обиму је вршена бугаризација на југословенском простору и које су биле главне установе и организације које су вршиле асимилацију становништва. У уводу је дат кратак преглед приласка Бугарске силама Осовине и односа са Југославијом у периоду 1939-1941. година. Aкценат је на политичком, војном, привредном и културном потчињавању Бугарске Трећем рајху. Главни део текста приказује интензитет и распон бугаризације и скреће пажњу на главне фазе у асимилацији становништва. Закључак обухвата сажетак изнетих података и анализу главног дела текста. Чланак је настао на необјављеној архивској грађи, објављеним изворима и релевантној литератури.

A book about two Romanian queens, one of them the granddaughter of Britain’s Queen Victoria, this is an atypical historical novel in that it is written entirely as a dialogue between the queens, who speak from beyond the grave, and their chronicler, a Romanian-born, contemporary American writer. The three women talk about politics, wars, love, beauty, literature, architecture, design, and gossip about family members. This is not your usual historical novel: rather, it is a novel of ideas, in which history is part of the present.

The 2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine and
subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia have
thrust Ukraine and European security into an intense
and formidable challenge. The Western response,
marked by a resolute sanctions regime targeting Russian
officials and entities, has not only met but exceeded
initial expectations, serving as a powerful testament
to a steadfast stance against Russian aggression. As the
full-scale invasion enters its third year, characterized
by unconventional and asymmetrical tactics, delving
into the historical roots of this crisis is imperative,
acknowledging the enduring influence of the Soviet
Union on the geopolitical landscape.
This paper embarks on a rigorous exploration of
the multifaceted factors propelling Russia’s invasion
of Ukraine. Geopolitical power dynamics, historical
grievances, competitions of national conscience, economic
dependencies, and security concerns are scrutinized
intensely to unravel the intricate motivations
behind the conflict. The study offers an exhaustive
analysis of global ramifications, encompassing geopolitical
realignments and shifts in alliances. The war in
Ukraine has not only damaged global food and energy
supply chains but has also rendered international trade
fragile and complicated, reshaping the global landscape
significantly. The Russian invasion, transcending
the bounds of a mere territorial conflict, reshapes
the global order. Simultaneously, Putin’s strategic miscalculation,
fueled by perceived success in Crimea,
led to an underestimation of Ukrainian resilience.
Subsequent events in eastern Ukraine underscored the
limits of Putin’s strategic calculations, showcasing the
indomitable spirit of a people united in defense of their
homeland. Ukraine’s extraordinary resilience, evident
through citizen mobilization and strategic defense initiatives,
shatters the perception of invincibility. The nation’
ability to transform challenges into opportunities
underscores its unwavering commitment to long-term
security and territorial integrity. Even with uncertain
perspectives of Western support Ukrainian leadership
continued to provide all the efforts to win this war. By
harnessing collective strength, Ukraine sends a strong
message about its determination to safeguard sovereignty,
protect citizens’ interests, and emerge stronger
in the face of adversity. By harnessing collective
strength, Ukraine sends a resounding message about
its determination to safeguard sovereignty, protect
citizens; national interests, and emerge stronger in the
face of adversity. Indeed, while Russia employs military
tactics, Ukraine fights with the indomitable spirit
of its citizens.