Culture in the Soviet Union

Поступила 02.05.2020 В статье анализируется религиозно-философская составляющая супрематической живописи К. Малевича и ее революционность на фоне обсуждения теоретических понятий и концепций ближайшего и отдаленного контекста: «пангеометрия» Н. Лобачевского и аксонометрия Эля Лисицкого, четвертое измерение П. Успенского, обратная перспектива П. Флоренского, влечение к смерти З. Фрейда, символическое и реальное Ж. Лакана, абсолютное присутствие Бога посредством неви́дения в религиозной философии Ж.-Л. Мариона. Прослеживаются этапы концептуализации супрематизма: от эскиза сценических декораций в опере «Победа над Солнцем» (1913), где впервые появилось изображение предшественника «Черного квадрата», к аксонометрической проекции и, наконец, к полному разрушению геометрических фигур. Тотальное неви́дение, будучи методом негативной теологии, становится условием рождения супрематических икон «Черный квадрат» и «Белое на белом» (1917)(1918). Они являются не регрессией к живописной плоскости, а наоборот -своего рода кульминационной формой-абсолютом аксонометрического изображения, феноменом неви́дения как совокупности всех ви́дений. Полное отрицание каких бы то ни было геометрических изображений -тупик, предел, «совершенно темное пятно», но именно оно становится вместилищем Бытия, местом «наличия» абсолютной художественной формы, которая наделяется высшим сакральным смыслом. Революционность супрематизма в этом смысле не в его утопическом содержании. Напротив, она присутствует в отрицающем даже самого себя «нуле форм», в тусклом пределе, раскрывающем себя только на руинах знаков и в созерцании этой пустоты как трансцендентной полноты.

On September 4-11, 1961, a meeting of the Soviet Northern Fleet Military Tribunal was held in Severomorsk in Murmansk Oblast-the main base of the Soviet Northern Fleet, where three Latvians were tried-military construction unit soldier Vilnis Arājs, his older brother, the inhabitant of Madona town Jānis Ansis Arājs, and the Northern Fleet sailor Imants Berže. Charges under paragraphs 70 (part 1) and 72 of the RFSR Criminal Code concerned anti-Soviet campaigning and propaganda, as well as the attempt to establish an underground organisation with a view to securing Latvia's withdrawal from the Soviet Union. As the indictment found, in January 1960, the Arājs' brothers came home from the army service to attend their father's funeral. They had agreed at the funeral that practical action was needed to achieve restoration of Latvia's independence. In their view, this could be done by setting up a wide underground organisation and political party that would carry out propaganda work and create opportunities for a mass movement that would require the USSR to grant independence to Latvia and force to carry on free elections, also asking the United Nations to bring in its troops to secure elections if necessary.

Prompted by the need for accessible teaching materials on Central Asian literature and history, this anthology surveys the literature of modern Central Asia from the late 19th century to the present. Genres range from oral literature and folk tales to essays, prose, drama, and poetry. The anthology is divided into five sections: oral literature; pre-Revolutionary written literature; Soviet literature through the Stalin era; Soviet literature of the post-Stalin era; and literature of contemporary Central Asia. Each section is preceded by a short critical introduction and includes representative examples from multiple languages and regions. The geographic focus of the anthology is on literature from the territories of the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan), together with the adjacent regions of Xinjiang, Afghanistan, and the Caucasus.

Исследуются обстоятельства и итоги взаимоотношений Жана-Поля Сартра и Советского Союза в середине 1950-х гг. Хронологические рамки статьи охватывают период, условно ограниченный двумя датами – 5 марта 1953 г. и 1 ноября 1956 г. В указанный временной отрезок Сартр с Симоной де Бовуар трижды побывали в СССР с визитами разной продолжительности – от нескольких часов до нескольких недель. Программа каждого из этих приездов тщательно продумывалась и утверждалась на самом высоком уровне. Цель статьи – выявить те специфические практики «оттепельной» культурной дипломатии, которые были выработаны советскими партийными функционерами от культуры в ходе организации этих визитов и позднее положены в основу политики взаимодействия с западными интеллектуалами. Методология исследования базируется на контекстуальном анализе неопубликованных архивных источников, воспринятых в связи с динамикой складывания писательской репутации Сартра в СССР в 1930–1950-е гг. Основными источниками исследования являются документы Иностранной комиссии Союза советских писателей (РГАЛИ, ф. 631), а также материалы из фондов других организаций и учреждений, периодика тех лет, опубликованные воспоминания, дневниковые и мемуарные свидетельства. Совокупность источников, вписанных в политико-социальный и культурно-идеологический контексты ранней «оттепели», позволяет создать объемное представление не только о том, как была устроена постсталинская публичная сфера, но и о том, какими способами Советский Союз формировал свой международный политический и культурный имидж. Этим и определены актуальность и новизна предпринятого исследования. Основные результаты разысканий связаны с созданием документированного нарратива о выбранном эпизоде из истории советско-западных культурных взаимосвязей. Делается вывод о прагматическом подходе Советского государства к вопросу взаимодействия с Сартром, чьим посредством партийные деятели наращивали степень влияния СССР в среде европейской «левой» интеллигенции.
Ключевые слова: Жан-Поль Сартр, Союз советских писателей, культурная дипломатия, советско-западные культурные связи, «оттепель», холодная война

The circumstances and outcomes of the relationship between Jean-Paul Sartre and the Soviet Union in the mid-1950s are investigated. The chronological framework of the article covers the period conditionally limited by two dates – 5 March 1953 and 1 November 1956. During this time period, Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir visited the USSR three times with visits of varying duration – from a few hours to several weeks. The programme of each of these visits was carefully thought out and approved at the highest level. The purpose of this article is to identify those specific practices of ‘thaw’ cultural diplomacy that were developed by Soviet Party cultural functionaries during the organisation of these visits and were later used as the basis for their policy of interaction with Western intellectuals. The research methodology is based on a contextual analysis of unpublished archival sources, taken in connection with the dynamics of Sartre's writing reputation in the USSR in the 1930s-1950s. The main sources of the study are the documents of the Foreign Commission of the Union of Soviet Writers, deposited in the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art (f. 631), as well as materials from the fonds of other organisations and institutions, periodicals of those years, published memoirs, diaries and memoirs. The totality of sources embedded in the political-social and cultural-ideological contexts of the early Thaw makes it possible to create a comprehensive picture not only of how the post-Stalinist public sphere was organised, but also of the ways in which the Soviet Union shaped its international political and cultural image. This determines the relevance and novelty of this research. The main results of the research are related to the creation of a documented narrative about a selected episode in the history of Soviet-Western cultural relations. The conclusion is made about the pragmatic approach of the Soviet state to the issue of interaction with Sartre, through whose help the party officials increased the degree of influence of the USSR among the European ‘left-wing intelligentsia’.
Keywords: Jean-Paul Sartre, Union of Soviet Writers, cultural diplomacy, Soviet-Western cultural relations, Khrushchev Thaw, Cold War

Although Russian President Vladimir Putin is the only
person who can end the war in Ukraine almost
immediately, peace on the “Western Front” that he himself
created is not necessarily just his free choice. The
question is whether Putin and his circle of power can still
afford a ceasefire with a neighboring country that they
have plundered and destroyed – and to what extent. The
answer is not only to be found in foreign policy. There are
also important factors connected with structural aspects
of the domestic regime.

In an era where politics is shaped by the intensity of emotions, this study explores how leaders manipulate the emotional undercurrents of society to mobilize and consolidate their power.

Through analyses of populism and historical regimes, it reveals how anger, hope, and fear can be transformed into instruments of political legitimacy.

The work highlights the power of emotions in shaping collective identities and their influence on the public political sphere.

Книга посвящена проблеме изображения труда как одного из самых загадочных видов человеческой деятельности, соединяющей самоотрицание и самоутверждение, разрушение и созидание, отчуждение от объекта и приближение к нему, опыт боли и попытку ее преодоления.Предполагается, что эпоха, когда труд становится полноценным объектом рефлексии в культуре, - это 1920-30-е годы. Для многих мыслителей той поры труд есть основополагающий элемент художественного изображения как такового.
Автор книги предполагает возможным написать историю развития литературных форм, исходя из попыток литературы названного периода изобразить самое обыденное явление жизни - человеческий труд - как необычность.
Сюжет литературоведческого, киноведческого и культурологического анализа посвящен истолкованию общности различных видов труда: труд ума, изделия наших рук и труд наших тел.
The book is devoted to the problem of representing labor as one of the most mysterious types of human activity, combining self-denial and self-affirmation, destruction and creation, alienation from the object and approaching it, the experience of pain and the attempt to overcome it. It is assumed that the era when labor became a high-grade object of reflection in culture was the 1920s and 1930s. For many thinkers of that time, labor was a fundamental element of artistic representation as such.
The author of the book suggests that it is possible to write a history of the development of literary forms based on the attempts of literature of that period to portray the most ordinary phenomenon of life—human labor—as something exceptional. Literary, film, and cultural analysis is devoted to interpreting the similarity between different types of labor: mental labor, the work of our hands and the labor of our body.

In this paper I explore the psychoanalytic background of creative photography in the second public sphere of socialist Hungary. Photography theory informed by Peirce' s semiotics and psychoanalytical concepts, permeated the European and Transatlantic art discourse of the seventies, associated with Walter Benjamin' s medium theory, which was developed in the thirties. In his seminal texts on photography and technical reproduction Benjamin introduces the concept of optical unconscious, and instead of the artist' s signature he draws our attention to the porous nature of lens based media letting the uncontrollable reality seep into picturing; he appreciates the unique and magical quality not of the photographer, but her/his subject. While in the Western art scenes Benjamin' s insights were intertwined with the Foucauldian archaeology of knowledge (critique of discourses), on the other side of the Iron Curtain underground artists preferring the medium of photography stepped into the Benjaminian path by "inventing" the performative camera and reloading the montage tradition. The protagonist of this study is Gusztáv Hámos and his photographic works from the 1970s, reconsidered and further developed in the context of his photographic films made in collaboration with Katja Pratschke from the aughts. Hámos made pictures align with his systematized and conceptualized photo-process, that he combined with acute social research (collaborating with sociologists), and developed in his private sphere in a peformative way involving "rebellious" artist friends. State control contributed to the development of the interdisciplinary and intermedial approach featuring in Eastern Block. The "amateur professional" in the squeeze of prohibitions was forced to discover uncharted territories, and the bricoleur-as the psychologist Ferenc Mérei called himself-would become the inventor of private circles freedom. A significant theme of this article is the so called "montage-debate". Montage was manifested as an interdisciplinary issue, a hub in Hungarian "broken" discourses. Thinking on montage created a space to exchange ideas between psychologists, communication theorists and artists, allowed the outlawed psychoanalysis to re-emerge thanks partly to Lacan' s semiotic understanding of Freudian terms. Research into the Hungarian tradition of photomontage shows that montage is not only a historical device of image criticism, but a creative process backed with deep-psychological awareness; i.e. psychoanalysis can be seen as a secret knowledge, a formative language that permeated the second public sphere, and the subversive use of photography.

В статье рассматривается теоретическая проблема изуче- ния самозванчества как феномена истории, в котором нередко видят толь- ко событийную канву, относящуюся к определенному времени. Но само- званчество повторяется, становится хроническим, и потому нуждается в осмыслении не только как событийный феномен, но и как своеобразная константа русской действительности, в которой вместе с «настоящим» сосуществуют так называемые отложения, свидетельствующие о более глубокой природе «прошлого в настоящем».

MoU Indonesia–Qatar (April 2025) dalam memperkuat kerja sama politik, ekonomi, energi, dan pendidikan, berlandaskan prinsip Islam seperti al-mu‘ahadah, al-ta‘awun, dan maslahah, dengan tujuan meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat dan stabilitas regional.

What, from an American point of view, was the true nature of the Soviet Union in October 1932? In Ashkhabad, Turkmen SSR, that month, three US travelers -two adventuresome white women whom history has forgotten, and a famed male Negro poet voyaging alone -met by chance and spent three days together. 1 In the preceding month the two women had witnessed * We thank Kaija Bergen for expert research in the Chicago Tribune. Rich feedback came from audiences at the Mellon Globalization Forum at Sewanee, The University of the South (invited by Sara Nimis), and the Amherst Center for Russian Culture (invited by Michael Kunichika). The latter presentation fortuitously coincided with a meeting of the Cultures of World Socialism research group, whose members posed productive questions. Edyta Bojanowska and Michael Chorost provided insightful readings, and Jars Balan generously shared his deep research into Rhea Clyman. Serguei Glebov and Ilya Gerasimov offered an acute blend of support and critique, and anonymous outside readers for Ab Imperio provided strong suggestions. All errors and shortcomings are our own.

The article analyzes the system of school education in Soviet Russia in the 1930s as the main source of student recruitment. Based on a wide range of sources, the author analyzed the radical transformations of school education during the "cultural revolution" of the early 1930s. First of all, it provoked the liquidation of schools of the 2 nd level, as well as the so-called "polytechnization" of the educational process. These transformations were caused by the leftist ideas of leading figures of the People's Commissariat of Education, headed by N. Krupskaya and A. Bubnov. They stated the need to make the secondary school "proletarian", transform it into an element of industrial production and the collective farm system, as well as the need to replace the "semi-bourgeois" school of the 2 nd level with working faculties, technical colleges and schools of factory apprenticeship. Revolutionary transformations in the school education system were designed to complement the radical transformation of higher education aimed at the maximum simplification and acceleration of the process of training specialists. The article concludes that these innovations literally called into question the very existence of the school as an effective educational institution capable of directly providing trained personnel for vocational and higher education and indirectly-for the national economy and management. This is clearly proved by the actions of the top Party-Soviet leadership, which quickly realized the need to choose between the "pluses" of polytechnization of school education in the form of making schoolchildren "labor force" and the "minuses" of the failure of general education theoretical training, and, as a consequence, the failure of the entire system of vocational and higher education. As a result, in 1932 the classical classroom-lesson system of education was restored, the last vestige of polytechnic school-labor education-was cancelled as an independent subject in March 1937. The main task of general education school was declared to be the quality of training, in parallel to the normalization and unification of the educational process.

Permainan two seventy merupakan permainan simulasi pemilu presiden Amerika yang mana para pemain bersaing dalam rangka meraih minimal 270 electoral votes dari berbagai negara bagian Amerika. Kemenangan dapat diraih bukan hanya dari suara mayoritas namun bergangung pada pemetaan, pengaruh isu, dan keunggulan atau benefit masing-masing kandidat. Dalam permainan tersebut, Trump menjadi pemain yang dimaikan dengan pertai independen yang mana tidak terlalu resiko untuk kalah dan memiliki kelebihan seperti dapat secara bebas melakukan pendekatam isu dan dapat menarik kelompok dalam pemilihan. Strategi partai independen yakni kemampuan membaca peta kekuatan lawan dan memaksimalkan sumber daya di negara yang ditargetkan. Menyerang negara bagian seperti Florida, Ohio, dan Pennsylvania yang memiliki electoral vote besar sehingga dapat menguntungkan dalam menuntukan hasil akhir vote. Dalam simulasi ini, strategi tersebut dapat menghasilkan 288 electoral votes dengan popular votes sebanyak 77.092.028 votes yang dengan unggul mengalahkan lawan yang memperoleh 250 electoral votes.

Following several years of research involving the analysis of archival documents, publications and interviews, I am convinced that Keston College's primary mission was to bear witness to religious repression in Communist-controlled Europe. The college's founders, staff and supporters created a multinational network that, over time, became a unique bridge between East and West. Keston College worked tirelessly to prevent Western audiences from being misled by Soviet propaganda. They didn't just collect stories of persecution and witness reports; they also published these carefully and built networks with dissidents who were real people facing real risks. Thanks to being publicised in Keston publications, some dissidents actually attained a kind of invisible shield. If their names were known in the West, the regime would think twice before making them disappear. Keston was not founded with the aim of bringing down communism, but rather to document and analyse the realities of religious life in communist countries. The organisation also aimed to highlight the religious awakening taking place in these countries. I am convinced that advocacy, careful documentation and international attention significantly impacted religious freedom behind the Iron Curtain. Furthermore, Keston College's history is an interesting case study, showing that organised, ethical and careful advocacy can be highly effective, even if the results are not immediately apparent.

Bu çalışma, Cengiz Aytmatov'un Gün Olur Asra Bedel, Elveda Gülsarı ve Beyaz Gemi adlı eserlerini kültürel hafıza ve toplumsal travma kuramları bağlamında incelemektedir. Jan Assmann'ın kültürel bellek ve Pierre Nora'nın hafıza mekânları kavramlarıyla kuramsal temeli oluşturulan çalışmada, II. Dünya Savaşı sonrası Sovyetler Birliği'nin Orta Asya'daki kültürel asimilasyon politikalarının edebi anlatılardaki yansımaları analiz edilmiştir. Aytmatov'un anlatılarında mit, efsane ve folklorik ögeler; kültürel kimliğin aktarımı, unutmaya karşı direniş ve kolektif hafızanın korunması amacıyla işlevselleştirilmiştir. Mankurt motifi, ölen at simgesi ve geyik figürü, bu üç romanda kültürel hafıza kaybının ve kuşaklar arası kopuşun metaforları olarak öne çıkmaktadır. Eserlerde bireysel karakterlerin taşıdığı hafıza, baskıcı rejimlerin silmeye çalıştığı tarihsel kimliğe karşı bir direniş biçimi olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Sonuç olarak Aytmatov'un eserleri, Sovyet modernitesine karşı edebi bir hafıza mekânı ve kültürel direniş aracı olarak yorumlanmakta; kültürel belleğin ideolojik baskılara rağmen nasıl korunduğunu gözler önüne sermektedir.

Peristiwa TRIKORA (Tri Komando Rakyat) merupakan salah satu momen bersejarah yang menunjukkan bagaimana bangsa Indonesia berjuang mati-matian untuk mempertahankan keutuhan wilayah dan kedaulatan negara. Saat itu, Irian Barat (Papua) masih berada dalam kekuasaan Belanda, padahal secara sah wilayah tersebut adalah bagian dari Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI) sebagaimana tercantum dalam Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945. Melalui TRIKORA yang dideklarasikan oleh Presiden Soekarno pada 19 Desember 1961 di Yogyakarta, Indonesia menegaskan tekadnya untuk merebut kembali kepemilikan atas Irian Barat dari tangan kolonial Belanda. Langkah ini bukan semata-mata upaya militer, tetapi juga merupakan pernyataan politik kepada dunia bahwa Indonesia memiliki tekad kuat untuk mencegah perpecahan negara dan memastikan tidak ada sejengkal pun tanah air yang dikuasai pihak asing. TRIKORA menjadi bukti nyata bahwa Indonesia adalah bangsa yang tangguh dan berdaulat, serta tidak gentar menghadapi tekanan internasional. Program ini menunjukkan kepada dunia bahwa Indonesia memiliki semangat persatuan, tekad yang bulat, dan keberanian luar biasa dalam memperjuangkan kepentingan nasional. Peristiwa ini sekaligus memperkuat identitas bangsa sebagai negara merdeka yang berdiri di atas harga diri, persatuan, dan kedaulatan penuh atas wilayahnya. Di dalam perjalanan TRIKORA, dukungan internasional menjadi faktor penting. Uni Soviet, sebagai salah satu kekuatan besar dunia pada masa itu, memberikan dukungan penuh kepada Indonesia melalui kerja sama bilateral, khususnya di bidang militer. Uni Soviet memasok Indonesia dengan peralatan militer modern, seperti kapal selam, pesawat tempur, tank, dan berbagai amunisi canggih lainnya. Bantuan ini tidak hanya memperkuat kekuatan militer Indonesia, tetapi juga menumbuhkan rasa percaya diri rakyat Indonesia dalam menyukseskan perjuangan merebut Irian Barat. Peran diplomasi Indonesia pun terbukti sangat kuat. Setelah dukungan Uni Soviet, Indonesia juga berhasil menarik perhatian Amerika Serikat (AS). Dalam forum Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB), AS tampil sebagai mediator dan menekan Belanda agar melepaskan Irian Barat. Hal ini kemudian berujung pada ditandatanganinya Perjanjian New York pada tahun 1962, yang menjadi jalan bagi kembalinya Irian Barat ke pangkuan Indonesia. Meski demikian, bantuan AS lebih didorong oleh kepentingan politik Perang Dingin, yaitu untuk mencegah Indonesia semakin dekat dengan blok Uni Soviet. Semua rangkaian peristiwa tersebut membuktikan bahwa Indonesia tidak hanya berjuang melalui jalur militer, tetapi juga mampu memainkan peran penting dalam diplomasi internasional. TRIKORA menjadi contoh konkret bagaimana kekuatan militer, diplomasi, dan dukungan rakyat bersatu dalam menjaga kedaulatan bangsa. Dengan keberhasilan TRIKORA, Indonesia kembali menegaskan bahwa kemerdekaan bukan sekadar deklarasi, tetapi sebuah perjuangan yang harus terus dipertahankan. Kembalinya Irian Barat ke pangkuan Ibu Pertiwi menjadi bukti nyata dari tekad, persatuan, dan keberanian bangsa Indonesia. Peristiwa ini mengajarkan bahwa dalam menghadapi ancaman kedaulatan, Indonesia mampu berdiri tegak, mendapatkan dukungan internasional, dan meraih kemenangan melalui semangat perjuangan yang tak pernah padam.

Articolul respectiv pune în discuție problema cinematografiei din RSS Moldovenească în contextul indicațiilor ideologice comuniste, atât la nivel local cât și la cel unional. Prin prisma izvoarelor de arhivă, sunt trasate principalele direcții și documente care au determinat vectorul filmului de ficțiune local, cum ar fi corespunderea cu ideile comuniste, orientarea spre tineret sau caracterul antireligios. În pofida faptului că cineaștii de la studioul "Moldova-Film", uneori reușeau să evite filtrele de partid, nerespectarea acestora putea cauza consecințe. În acest context, constatăm felul în care autoritățile de partid, pe parcursul anilor 1957-1970 a înăsprit continuu controlul asupra domeniul cinematografic, culminând cu emiterea Rezoluției secrete a PCUS "Cu privire la sporirea responsabilității conducătorilor instituțiilor de presă, radio, televiziune, cinematografie, cultură și artă pentru nivelul ideologic și politic al materialelor publicate și al repertoriului" din 7 ianuarie 1969, care a dat cenzorilor noi instrumente de subminare a ideilor aflate în neconcordanță cu cea de partid.

The Finnish-Russian borderland reflects many of the (geo)political changes that Europe has experienced during the last decades and the tensions that presently dominate Europe-Russia relations. Finland’s post-WW II relationship with the Soviet Union, and then with Russia, has been both close and distant; shaped by a common history, Cold War realities, pragmatism, interdependencies and the lessons learned from devastating armed conflicts. The borderland has been transformed over time hand‐in‐hand with the role of the actual border. It began as a fuzzy demarcation zone between the Swedish and Russian Empires, to an increasingly divided, and then militarized area marking the edge of the newly independent Finnish state. After World War II the borderland emerged as an ideologically loaded “civilizational” frontier zone between East and West. After the end of the Cold War the borderlands represented a showcase of post-Soviet era good neighbourliness and cooperation, and then to a Europeanized and integrative new neighbourhood. With the present conflict, however, the Finnish-Russian borderland has again become a highly bordered space and extensive cross-border cooperation initiatives have ceased. One message that can be gleaned from recent history is that clear-cut trajectories of cross-border integration are very much the exception. Indeed, the Finnish-Russian borderland exemplifies the highly ambivalent political and social consequences of globalization in terms of “debordering” and “rebordering” processes.

Foregrounding transnational movements in and around Soviet culture, Red Migrations rethinks the field of migration studies in socialist Eastern Europe.

Together with a new political, social, and cultural order, the Bolshevik Revolution also brought about a spatial revolution. Changed patterns, motivations, and impacts of migration collided with new cultural forms and aesthetic mandates. Red Migrations highlights the various multidirectional and multilateral transnational movements of leftist thinkers, artists, and writers.

The book draws on avant-garde poets such as David Burliuk, Marxist theoreticians such as János Mácza, and “fellow travellers” such as Langston Hughes, revealing how leftists of all stripes were inspired and at times impelled by the Soviet Revolution to cross borders. It explores how the resulting circulation of ideas, aesthetic forms, and individuals not only contributed enormously to the ferment of creative activity in the early Soviet years, but also deeply informed international leftist aesthetics and political practice throughout the twentieth century.

The robust and diverse transnational networks created by these circulations are at the centre of this volume. With original archival research and insightful analyses, Red Migrations sheds light on the ideals, aspirations, and disappointments of leftist transnationalism from the 1920s through the 1960s and the aesthetic forms they engendered.

Langston Hughes and Arthur Koestler met on the outskirts of the Soviet revolutionary project, in Tashkent in 1932, where they soon struck up a friendship. Together they drank tea with locals, picked cotton, attended a show trial, and travelled to the farthest southern frontier of Soviet territory. Each came to Central Asia for his own reasons, but both were interested in probing the outer limits of the Revolution. This article shows that both authors, in memoirs written decades later, deployed disgust as a literary device in order to map the Revolution and to convey their views on leftism, Soviet society, and Cold War politics.

Afganistan'ın kuzeyinde yer alan ve kaynaklarda Bend-i Türkistan, Türkistan-ı Sagir, Cenubî Türkistan gibi adlarla anılan bölge yaklaşık olarak bin beş yüz yıldır Türk yurdudur. Bölgede günümüzde esasen Özbek ve Türkmen Türkleri yaşamaktadır. Özbekler ülkede üçüncü, Türkmenler ise dördüncü büyük etnik topluluktur. Bilhassa geçtiğimiz son yüzyılda ülkedeki başta totaliter idareden, ardından iç kargaşalardan dolayı Türk toplulukları ana dillerinde eğitim görememişlerdir. Klasik Doğu Türk Edebiyatının büyük şairleri Ali Şîr Nevâî ve Hüseyin Baykara gibi birçok Türk edip ve şairinin yetiştiği bu coğrafyada Türkçe, son yüzyılda varlığını edebî alanda esasen şiirde gösterebilmiştir. Afganistan'da resmi dil Derice-Farsçadır. Yakın dönemde kabul edilen kanun sayesinde azınlıklar yoğun oldukları bölgelerde anadillerinde eğitim yapabilmektedir. Afganistan Özbekleri tarihî Klasik Doğu (Çağatay) Türkçesinin mirasçısı olarak hâlen dahi şiir dilinde geleneği sürdürmektedirler. Ancak geleneği sürdürürken öte yandan kuzeyde, Özbekistan Cumhuriyeti'nde gelişen yazı ve şiir dilinden de etkilenmektedirler. Afganistan'daki Özbek ve Türkmen Türkleri hâlen dahi Arap alfabesi kullanmaktadırlar. Geçmişte yaklaşık bin yıl kullanılan Arap alfabesi yerine günümüz Türkistan Cumhuriyetlerinde alfabe durumu şöyledir. Özbekistan ve Türkmenistan'da Latin; Kırgızistan, Kazakistan ve Tacikistan'da Kiril alfabesi kullanılmaktadır. Çin hâkimiyetindeki Doğu Türkistan Muhtar Cumhuriyeti'ndeki Uygur Türkleri ise tarihî Çağatay ve Osmanlı yazı sistemiyle hiç ilgisi olmayan Arap kökenli bir alfabe kullanmaktadırlar. Bütün bunları dikkate aldığımızda diyebiliriz ki Klasik Doğu (Çağatay) Türk yazı geleneğini hem alfabe hem de yazım yönünden yalnızca Güney Türkistan'da (Afganistan) yaşayan Özbek ve Türkmen Türkleri sürdürmektedirler. Afganistan Özbek şiir dilinde; görebildiğimiz kadarıyla klasik şiir geleneği, Deri-Fars dili, Özbekistan ölçünlü dili gibi değişik etkenler sonucunda imlada önemli ikilikler, tutarsızlıklar görülmektedir.

Afganistan’in kuzeyinde yer alan ve kaynaklarda Bend-i Turkistan, Turkistan-i Sagir, Cenubi Turkistan gibi adlarla anilan bolge yaklasik olarak bin bes yuz yildir Turk yurdudur. Bolgede gunumuzde esasen Ozbek ve Turkmen Turkleri yasamaktadir. Ozbekler ulkede ucuncu, Turkmenler ise dorduncu buyuk etnik topluluktur. Bilhassa gectigimiz son yuzyilda ulkedeki basta totaliter idareden, ardindan ic kargasalardan dolayi Turk topluluklari ana dillerinde egitim gorememislerdir. Klasik Dogu Turk Edebiyatinin buyuk sairleri Ali Şir Nevâi ve Huseyin Baykara gibi bircok Turk edip ve sairinin yetistigi bu cografyada Turkce, son yuzyilda varligini edebi alanda esasen siirde gosterebilmistir. Afganistan’da resmi dil Derice-Farscadir. Yakin donemde kabul edilen kanun sayesinde azinliklar yogun olduklari bolgelerde anadillerinde egitim yapabilmektedir. Afganistan Ozbekleri tarihi Klasik Dogu (Cagatay) Turkcesinin mirascisi olarak hâlen dahi siir dilinde gelenegi surdurmektedirler. Ancak gelenegi surd...

In the 1950s-1980s, working as children's book designers enabled many Soviet nonconformist artists to have a recognized role within the system. This article introduces an interdisciplinary and intermedial perspective on Soviet children's book illustration by focusing on the work of Boris Sveshnikov . The artist established his visual style while imprisoned in the Gulag. After his release and exoneration, he transferred this graphic aesthetics to the design of various volumes of fairy tales, both folk and literary ones, within the Soviet project of "world literature" for adults and children. The analysis traces Sveshnikov's engagement with fairytale worlds in image and text as a response to Gulag-wrought trauma and as an aesthetic counterpart to the loosening of socialist realism under conditions of political liberalization. Resumo: Nas décadas de 1950 a 1980, o trabalho como designer de livros infantis permitiu que muitos artistas soviéticos inconformistas tivessem um papel reconhecido dentro do sistema. Este artigo apresenta uma perspectiva interdisciplinar e intermidiática sobre a ilustração de livros infantis soviéticos concentrando-se no trabalho de Boris Svechnikov (1927-1998). O artista estabeleceu seu estilo visual em seu período de cárcere no Gulag. Após sua libertação e exoneração, ele transferiu essa estética gráfica para o design de vários volumes de contos de fadas, tanto folclóricos quanto literários, dentro do projeto soviético de "literatura mundial" para adultos e crianças. A análise traça seu envolvimento com o universo dos contos de fadas em imagem e texto como resposta ao trauma causado pelo Gulag e como contrapartida estética ao enfraquecimento do Realismo Socialista sob condições de liberalização política.

This article examines how late Soviet visual satire-particularly cartoons and caricatures-functioned as a vehicle for expressing and reinforcing gender stereotypes, with a specific focus on sexuality. The relative loosening of censorship under Perestroika permitted an increased presence of sexual humour in Soviet media. However, rather than indicating genuine liberalisation, this humour often reaffirmed patriarchal frameworks. In magazines such as Krokodil and Perets', the female body frequently appears as a hypersexualised figure, commodified and rendered interchangeable with consumer goods. These representations did not critique dominant gender ideologies; instead, they naturalised them through visual codes of desire, scarcity, and submission. Employing an iconological approach, this article analyses how this visual rhetoric encoded broader cultural anxieties about gender, sex, and social change. Soviet cartoons simultaneously reflected and shaped discourse on sexuality, portraying it as both emancipatory and destabilising. Through an analysis of official satire, unofficial humour, and visual culture, this article explores how visual satire contributed to the evolution of gender discourses in the late Soviet and early post-Soviet periods.

The rejection of socialist realism, which
represented the norm taught in Soviet Art
schools, was what united the unofficial artists
who entered active life after Stalin’s death.
This official Soviet art, perceived as an
aesthetic, political and social reality, became
an object of ironical comment throughout
Ilya Kabakov’s life in the USSR. The artist
recreated anonymous and mediocre paintings,
deprived of any personal touch, made
in great haste following well-known recipes.
This process was close to pop art: it involved
taking consumer objects, this time
aesthetic-ideological, artificial objects that
pretended to be art, and attributing these poorly made artefacts to imaginary artists.
Kabakov’s relationship to “official art”, however,
evolved over time. In the 21st century,
Soviet painting became historicised, offering
its own vocabulary, in the same way abstract
art, 19th-century Russian classical realism, or
Italian Renaissance and Mannerism did. All
these styles, so varied and above all so differently
valued, play in Kabakov’s paintings on
an equal footing, intertwining, clashing, piercing
one another, as equal players taken from
global art history.

The study examines the socio-cultural context of Russian music in the decades immediately preceding and following the October Revolution of 1917, focusing on several aspects: personalities representing pre-and post-revolutionary Russian (in exile) and Soviet (at home) musical activity and culture; second-tier national composers; "industrial music" of the early Soviet period; and Soviet cultural management in music behind the Iron Curtain. Portraits of composers little known to Western listeners and academic audiences are presented. The spectrum of musical styles and aesthetics is considered. Issues of ethnic diversity and religious affiliation of Russian composers are relevantly explored. Songs of the First Revolution (1905), the Civil War, and Soviet mass songs are briefly touched upon. The scope and choice of themes of the study provide a holistic approach to topics that are usually addressed separately: before or after the 1917 Revolution; classical music or folk/popular songs.

Dopo la storia del monumento a Giordano Bruno, Massimo Bucciantini racconta qui un altro pezzo di memoria italiana: la biografia di uno spettacolo teatrale. Non è infatti un personaggio in carne e ossa il protagonista di questo libro. Ma è un po’ come se lo fosse perché tutti accorrono per vederlo, tutti fanno lunghe file al botteghino per ammirarlo. È il Galileo di Bertolt Brecht, messo in scena per la prima volta in Italia nel 1963, al Piccolo Teatro di Milano, con la regia di Giorgio Strehler. Un Galileo che giunge a Milano alla fine di un lungo viaggio. Prima di arrivarci, il lettore attraverserà con Brecht mezza Europa e gli Stati Uniti, osservandolo mentre lavora alla sua opera piú sofferta e piú celebre. E poi farà il suo ingresso nella sala del Piccolo per assistere a uno spettacolo memorabile. Che destò scandalo. Al centro di questa storia ci sono un teatro e una città, nella temperie degli anni Sessanta. Una storia emozionante.

Milano, 21 aprile 1963. Una domenica sera. Sul palcoscenico del Piccolo Teatro una compagnia di oltre quarantacinque attori, un coro di bambini, e poi mimi, acrobati e un nano mettevano in scena Vita di Galileo di Bertolt Brecht con la regia di Giorgio Strehler. Era la prima volta che veniva rappresentata in Italia. Preceduto da prove interminabili che portarono alla chiusura del teatro per quaranta giorni, lo spettacolo durò oltre cinque ore e venne salutato da interminabili applausi. Ma fu molto piú di una rappresentazione teatrale. In quelle settimane accorati appelli giunsero all’arcivescovo di Milano perché intervenisse a mettere fine a quello che veniva considerato uno scandalo. Tant’è che in alcune chiese gruppi di fedeli organizzarono perfino delle veglie nel tentativo di esorcizzarlo. Tutto ciò accadeva in una delle città piú innovative d’Europa, crocevia di idee, volano della crescita economica italiana e laboratorio politico, dove a partire dal 1960 si stava sperimentando la prima giunta di centro-sinistra. Dentro a questo scenario un poeta e scrittore come Brecht e una figura- mito come Galileo, simbolo della battaglia per la libertà della scienza, svolsero un ruolo di primo piano. Un Galileo a Milano, dunque. Ovvero quello di Bertolt Brecht. Anzi, per essere piú precisi, di Strehler e Brecht. Perché accanto a Brecht è soprattutto Strehler – e con lui Paolo Grassi – il protagonista di questo libro.

В статье рассмотрена семантическая эволюция прилагательного «хороший» и в раннесоветском языке на материале 1920–1930-х годов. Показано, как это слово становится  универсальным маркером соответствия новым общественным и политическим нормам. Анализируется переход «хорошего» в идеологический штамп, формирующий позитивный образ социалистической реальности, и противопоставление «хорошего человека» и «хорошего коммуниста». Также рассматриваются метафоры прочности и надежности как символы советского человека и общества. Использован дискурсивный анализ, выявляющий роль языка как инструмента идеологического воздействия через семантические изменения.

The 2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine and
subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia have
thrust Ukraine and European security into an intense
and formidable challenge. The Western response,
marked by a resolute sanctions regime targeting Russian
officials and entities, has not only met but exceeded
initial expectations, serving as a powerful testament
to a steadfast stance against Russian aggression. As the
full-scale invasion enters its third year, characterized
by unconventional and asymmetrical tactics, delving
into the historical roots of this crisis is imperative,
acknowledging the enduring influence of the Soviet
Union on the geopolitical landscape.
This paper embarks on a rigorous exploration of
the multifaceted factors propelling Russia’s invasion
of Ukraine. Geopolitical power dynamics, historical
grievances, competitions of national conscience, economic
dependencies, and security concerns are scrutinized
intensely to unravel the intricate motivations
behind the conflict. The study offers an exhaustive
analysis of global ramifications, encompassing geopolitical
realignments and shifts in alliances. The war in
Ukraine has not only damaged global food and energy
supply chains but has also rendered international trade
fragile and complicated, reshaping the global landscape
significantly. The Russian invasion, transcending
the bounds of a mere territorial conflict, reshapes
the global order. Simultaneously, Putin’s strategic miscalculation,
fueled by perceived success in Crimea,
led to an underestimation of Ukrainian resilience.
Subsequent events in eastern Ukraine underscored the
limits of Putin’s strategic calculations, showcasing the
indomitable spirit of a people united in defense of their
homeland. Ukraine’s extraordinary resilience, evident
through citizen mobilization and strategic defense initiatives,
shatters the perception of invincibility. The nation’
ability to transform challenges into opportunities
underscores its unwavering commitment to long-term
security and territorial integrity. Even with uncertain
perspectives of Western support Ukrainian leadership
continued to provide all the efforts to win this war. By
harnessing collective strength, Ukraine sends a strong
message about its determination to safeguard sovereignty,
protect citizens’ interests, and emerge stronger
in the face of adversity. By harnessing collective
strength, Ukraine sends a resounding message about
its determination to safeguard sovereignty, protect
citizens; national interests, and emerge stronger in the
face of adversity. Indeed, while Russia employs military
tactics, Ukraine fights with the indomitable spirit
of its citizens.

Л. Г. Фризман — известный литературовед, исследователь русской поэзии, творчества поэтов-романтиков. Крупнейший специалист по творчеству Е. А. Баратынского, поэтов ХХ века. В книге предлагается авторский взгляд на биографию и творчество Л. Г. Фризмана в последнее десятилетие его жизни.

Переводческие трансформации представляют собой сложный приём, применяемый с целью максимально точной передачи содержания оригинального текста на переводящем языке. Вопрос о типах трансформаций и их функциях был и остаётся одной из центральных проблем современного переводоведения. Автором рассматриваются основные виды переводческих трансформаций, а именно: перестановка, замена, добавления, опущения. Проводится анализ функций переводческих преобразований, конкретные примеры их использования, в том числе с учетом вертикального контекста. Автор анализирует наиболее важные синтаксические средства, которые помогают передать эмоциональное состояние главного героя, используемые переводчиком в русской версии романа. Результаты исследования могут послужить основой для анализа произведений художественной литературы на русском и английском языках с целью выявления универсальных приёмов усовершенствования переводов, а также будут полезны при обучении переводчиков применению различных типов трансформаций в процессе перевода художественных текстов с английского языка на русский.

What was the real reason Stalin walked out of Shostakovich's opera Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk? And did Shostakovich really want his opera to contain quite so much sex and violence? This short article for The Conversation highlights the evidence set out in Pauline Fairclough's new study of this still-controversial opera.

Советская гуманитарная наука — вопреки расхожим представлениям — не была сферой реализации сугубо политических идей: интеллектуальная жизнь в сталинскую эпоху представляла собой сложный сплав личных интересов и общественного запроса. Книга Владимира Турчаненко и Дмитрия Цыганова посвящена частному эпизоду советской интеллектуальной истории 1920–1950-х годов и строится вокруг весьма значительной для сталинской культуры идеи «классики» и «классического», которая — под чутким контролем партийных функционеров — стараниями гуманитариев-теоретиков была воплощена в почти сакральной фигуре А.С. Пушкина. В этой книге история советского пушкиноведения перестает быть чередой дат, событий и имен: исследователи реконструируют обстоятельства публичных дис- куссий и внутренних интриг, за которыми нередко скрывалась борьба за институциональные и управленческие ресурсы. Размышляя о ключевых для филологической науки 1920–1950-х годов идеях, проектах и персонах, авторы вписывают их в стремительно менявшийся контекст сталинской культурной политики.
Владимир Турчаненко — филолог, историк литературы и культуры, специалист по интеллектуальной истории и истории пушкиноведения, научный сотрудник ИРЛИ РАН.
Дмитрий Цыганов—филолог, историк литературы и культуры, специалист по интеллектуальной истории и истории советского литературоведения, научный сотрудник ИМЛИ РАН.

Geopolitics pervades memorialisation of borders worldwide. Border heritage sites commonly form powerful geopolitical bordering by creating myths of division and difference to serve the nation-state, and secure hegemonic narratives. Attention to multiplicity and polyphony of border memorialisation voices reveals coincidence and collision of memories and spatial orders to form resistance to the illusionary hegemonic border. Multiple temporalities may accrue in different settings, and borders of memory occur where different understandings and ideas of national heritage sites or everyday border memorialisations meet. The memoryscapes shaped and enabled in processes of heritage making extend beyond time-bound renditions of linearity to open a wider conversation around the politics of border heritage, approach border memorialisation as spaces of encounter, possibility and hope and confront the touristic fascination and engagement with dark border heritage. In this Geopolitical Forum, 13 scholars of border heritage studies explore the global dimensions of border memorialisation and debate its impact.

Why one story-Ginzburg's-is widely remembered and celebrated, while the other-Heniush's-remained nearly unknown for decades? It is becoming increasingly clear that even after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the diversity of experiences of dissent and resistance has remained largely overlooked. This has led to a persistent paradox: many individuals who had once supported or even helped construct the Soviet repressive system, but later suffered under it, have been recognized as its most prominent opponents. Meanwhile, many others who consistently rejected the system and never participated in it have been largely forgotten.

Леонид Люкс, Пути к катастрофам и ответственность элит: сравнение России и Германии. Борис Хавкин, Русский «Зондервег»? Или немецкий «особый путь»? Дмитрий Бирюков, Эгалитарная и тоталитарная линии в структуре «соборности»: от антиерархизма Хомякова к иерархическим соборным личностям Карсавина и евразийцев. Виктор Шнирельман, Церковь, элиты и мистические настроения в современной России. Мэрилин Янг, Риторика обиды: от мюнхенской речи до полномасштабной войны в Украине. Борис Хавкин, Покушение на Гитлера, которого не было: Рудольф-Кристоф фон Герсдорф в немецком Сопротивлении. Леонид Люкс, Причины недооценки фашизма и национал-социализма коммунистическими теоретиками, 1920–1933 гг. Светлана Ярошински и Дэвид Крейтис, Поворачивая Русь вспять: официальный украинский перевод Кремля статьи Путина «Об историческом единстве русских и украинцев». Михаил Блюменкранц, Франц Кафка: конец или начало? Андреас Умланд, Как общая концепция фашизма помогает понять войну России против Украины: заметки к дискуссии о характере путинского режима. Тереза Оболевич. Мирра Лот-Бородина: историк, литератор, философ, богослов / Ред. Е. Твердислова. СПб., 2020 (Оксана Назарова). https://vtoraya-literatura.com/publ-6076

The article presents and analyzes the Publishing House “Yugoslavia”, which operated from 1956 to 1962, and was primarily responsible for foreign propaganda and the promotion of socialist Yugoslavia around the world. Placed within the context of the global Cold War, the article provides an in-depth insight into the institution itself, its functioning, personnel policies, content, and main publications, while also revealing the entire system of Yugoslav propaganda abroad. The research is primarily based on numerous unpublished archival materials, which clearly indicate the
significant role of the Publishing House “Yugoslavia” in promoting
the country in the late 1950s and early 1960s

This paper presents basic theoretical frameworks of revolutionary internationalism, supported by various examples based on extensive literature. Subsequently, the paper analyzes the case of Yugoslav revolutionary internationalism, situated in the context of anti-imperialism and the process of decolonization. This case study, integrated into the mentioned theoretical frameworks, enabled the analysis of Yugoslav foreign policy as well as internal dynamics and society. One of the main goals of the paper is to emphasize the importance of using theory in historiography, as highlighted by Andrej Mitrović, which in this case served as the starting point of the research.

На основу архивских извора, релевантне литерату
ре и оновремене дневне штампе анализира се посета државног
секретара за спољне послове ФНРЈ Константина Коче Попови
ћа државама Латинске Америке – Бразилу, Чилеу, Боливији и
Мексику маја 1962. године. Боравак Поповића у поменутим др
жавама посматра се кроз контекст међународне ситуације у ко
јој се почетком шездесетих година нашла југословенска држа
ва, али и цео тадашњи свет. У завршном делу рада сагледава се
ефекат посете и тада потписаних споразума.

Diplomová práce "Kopie ruských ikon Bohorodičky v barokních Čechách" uvádí toto téma charakteristikou a nástinem počátků ikony. Ikona je v kontextu evropského umění velmi výjimečná a jedinečná tím, že není pouze obrazem zhotoveným specifickou technikou, ale zároveň představuje předmět kultu a samotnou "duchovní realitu". Toto pojetí ikony se definitivně kontituovalo po skončení ikonoklastických bouří roku 843. Z Byzantské říše přejímá po christianizaci umění ikony také Rusko. První ikony Bohorodičky v pravém slova smyslu začaly vznikat až po Efezském koncilu konaném roku 431, kdy nastal rozkvět jejího kultu i zobrazování. Při definování typologického rozlišování ikon Bohorodičky, které však není jednotné a obecně přijímané, se ustálilo několik základních ikonografických typů. V období baroka byly z různých evropských zemí do Čech importovány ikony Bohorodičky typu Hodégétria a typu Glykofilúsa. Jedná se o kopie zázračných ruských ikon Bohorodičky Hodégétrie Smole...

L’intervento si propone di analizzare la questione dell’alterazione della barriera tra realtà e finzione all’interno delle narrazioni transmediali appartenenti al nuovo panorama mediatico internazionale. Al centro dell’intervento, dal punto di vista teorico, si situerà dunque il transmedia storytelling, per come viene caratterizzato dagli studi più in generale di Jenkins e, più in particolare, per l’ambito seriale e televisivo, oggetto privilegiato di questo intervento, di Sepinwall. Dagli anni Novanta del Novecento in poi, vi è stata una sorta di rivoluzione televisiva, che ha condotto a quella che Mittell definisce come “tv complessa” e che ha reso le serie televisive dei prodotti di crescente spessore. Nel corso del tempo, le serie televisive, con la loro acquisita complessità, sono riuscite a diventare la forma di narrazione culturalmente egemone, in grado di manipolare la barriera tradizionalmente presente tra realtà e finzione. In questo senso si prenderanno in considerazione alcuni prodotti seriali in particolare, quali Twin Peaks, Montalbano e Lost, che presentano le tipologie paratestuali principali della modernità transmediatica e che promuovono una profonda mescolanza tra mondo fittizio e realtà circostante.

publications of limited duration. A more complete (and consequently more valuable) list might have been obtained by systematically survey ing local historical societies and local ethnic and ethnic-labor organiza tions. Finally, I am disappointed that Hoerder limited this study to the ethnic labor press, even though, as he admitted, ethnic labor and non labor publications often overlap, and it is frequently difficult to dis tinguish one genre of newspaper from the other. Certainly a fully annotated bibliography of all ethnic newspapers would have delighted ethnic historians and increased the value of this study to researchers. Hoerder again cited financial limitations as the reason for restricting the scope of this study. Despite these flaws The Immigrant Labor Press in North America is a valuable addition to the source material available on the experience of immigrants and especially immigrant labor organizations in North America. The number of newspapers cataloged, the extent of detailed information about the publishing history of each newspaper, and the brief description of the focus, history, and ideological orientation of each newspaper make it easy to forgive Hoerder for the book's limitations, and instead to applaud him for his valuable contribution to ethnic studies.

The article gives an overview of the development of the image of Che Guevara in socialist Yugoslavia in the period from 1959 to the eighties. Initially, his image was very complex an it depended a lot on the Yugoslav-Cuban bilateral relationship. However, later it became free of such influence. As in the whole world, the turning point was 1968, when Che Guevara became a myth and a symbol of a true revolutionary. In that context, Guevara was one of the icons of student protests, which did not suit the Yugoslav regime at all. This piece of work was based on the analysis of press, popular culture, literature and film, as well as various literature that was used to shed the light on the historical context.