Civil-military relations

Common wisdom dictates that safety lies in silence and obscurity-that to avoid conflict, one must avoid attention. This paper challenges that notion, proposing a counter-intuitive strategy for self-protection: the cultivation of strategic prominence. We argue that a combination of high visibility, assertive communication ("loudness"), and a strong, verifiable reputation creates a cost-prohibitive target profile, functioning as a powerful deterrent against social and professional attacks. By examining this phenomenon through the lenses of signaling theory, game theory, social dynamics, and empirical studies, we posit that prominent individuals become "expensive" targets, where the risks of attacking them-reputational damage, public backlash, and mobilization of the target's network-outweigh any potential benefits. We analyze this mechanism through case studies of public figures like Donald Trump, Khabib Nurmagomedov, and Zlatan Ibrahimović, who leverage their unapologetic and highly visible personas to command unprecedented freedom and deter challengers. To provide balance, we also examine counterexamples where prominence backfired due to credibility erosion. The paper concludes by exploring the nuances, risks, cultural and gender contexts, ethical implications, and general applicability of this strategy, suggesting that in an increasingly networked world, the cultivation of a genuine and reputable public identity may be a more viable defense than hiding in the shadows.

Abstract
This study examines the Challenges of Implementing E-Government Initiatives for Service Delivery in Public Tertiary Institutions in Adamawa State, Nigeria. A survey research design was used and the sample population was drawn using the simple random sampling technique from some selected public tertiary institutions in Adamawa State. The data obtained from primary source were analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistical tools. The result from both the primary and secondary sources showed that: there is a relationship between the use of ICT and effective e-government implementation. The study concludes that inadequate IT infrastructure, is a challenge to e-government implementation. This study recommend that government should adequate and sustainable infrastructure for e-government. This will enhance implementation of e-government initiative.
Key Words: E-government, Service delivery, Tertiary Institutions, Adamawa State

ABD merkezli Palantir Technologies Inc. tarafından geliştirilen, teslim edilen ve uygulamaya koyulan bu yazılım, NATO’nun yapay zekâ destekli ilk harp komuta ve kontrol sistemi olacaktır. Sistem; geniş bir yapay zekâ uygulama yelpazesinden yararlanarak müşterek, veri odaklı harp fonksiyonları sağlayacak ve NATO’nun harp imkân ve kabiliyetlerini modernize edecektir.

China-Pakistan maintain a strategic cooperative partnership lasting six decades. Historically, the two sides have built strong military-strategic relations as well as people-to-people contacts. With the launch of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the relationship gained an economic dimension through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which positioned Pakistan as a central partner in Beijing's connectivity vision. Various Pakistani leaders have visited China over the years, from former president Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto to Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, each deepening the bilateral bond. In his second visit to China in 2025, President Asif Ali Zardari vowed to further strengthen this strategic cooperative partnership, reflecting the continuity of bilateral ties.

Tuntutan masyarakat agar pemerintah mereformasi kepolisian muncul pasca banyaknya perilaku represif aparat Polri dalam penanganan demonstrasi akhir Agustus lalu. Perilaku aparat kepolisian banyak disorot merujuk tindak kekerasan yang dilakukan dalam pengamanan demonstrasi, mulai dari penembakan gas air mata secara brutal kepada massa aksi, pemukulan terhadap mahasiswa dan buruh, hingga jatuhnya korban jiwa karena terlindas kendaraan taktis Brimob. Tuntutan ini bukan sekedar disuarakan oleh mereka yang menjadi korban kekerasan saja, tapi telah membesar menjadi sebuah tuntutan yang disuarakan oleh kelompok masyarakat sipil secara masif yang gerah karena Polri melenceng dari khittahnya sebagai pelindung, pengayom, dan pelayan masyarakat.

Peringatan HUT Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) ke-80 pada 5 Oktober ini diselenggarakan secara gegap gempita. Rangkaian peringatan sudah bergulir sejak Agustus lalu yang diwarnai oleh kegiatan perlombaan olahraga, pameran, hingga acara puncak di Monas, Jakarta, yang melibatkan 133.000 personel dan atraksi 1.047 alat utama sistem persenjataan (alutsista). Megahnya perayaan HUT TNI ini sedikit kontras dengan sunyinya capaian reformasi TNI secara struktural dan kultural dalam bingkai reformasi sektor keamanan (security sector reform) yang dimandatkan pasca reformasi 1998. Rumpang nilai ini perlu disikapi secara serius agar reformasi TNI kembali pada trek yang benar.

La reforma constitucional de 2024 que amplió las atribuciones  de  las  Fuerzas  Armadas en materia de  seguridad  interna  ha suscitado  un  intenso debate  sobre los límites de dicha  intervención. Este trabajo busca profundizar en los argumentos a favor y en contra de la reforma,  poniendo especial  énfasis  en los  potenciales riesgos a los derechos humanos que podrían derivarse de una mayor participación militar en    tareas de seguridad interna. A  través de un análisis comparativo de marcos normativos, se evalúa el impacto  de  esta reforma  en  el  equilibrio entre seguridad y derechos humanos. Se examina  la normativa aplicable a los nuevos escenarios operativos y se  proponen recomendaciones  para mitigar los riesgos identificados.  Así, se ofrece una visión integral  de las implicaciones  de la reforma constitucional,  contribuyendo al debate sobre el papel de las Fuerzas Armadas en un Estado democrático y su compatibilidad con la protección de los derechos fundamentales.

Commoner Royal Relations (CRR) is the application of rule of law (RoL) methodologies of international relations diplomacy and civil military relations (CRM) to monarchic states open governance. Its open research began when I had the honor to have a friendly talk to a half Polish member of the Imperial House of Portugal and Brazil when I had an intimate relationship with a German aristocrat and was developed due to the responsibilities of my works as a poor commoner worker in projects of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, Belgian Royal Academy of Fine Arts from Antwerp, Spain Royal Prado Museums, Danish Royal Academy of Arts and Science, Brazil Pro-Monarchy Movement, Tibetan Embassy Culture House, United Kingdom Kensington Unitarian Church and Westminster Friends House, Swedish Mission Council (SMC) Freedom of Religion or Belief (FoRB) Learning Platform, and countless tribes with Nobel Prize winning level academics and nobles from worldwide. Its purpose is to stimulate mutually-beneficial cooperation on behalf of the commons' welfare sustainable development (SD). It was compiled for the Wikimedia WikiProject on Royalty and Nobility 'Royal Studies' article workgroup creation edit-a-thon of the International Society of Commoners Heraldry.

Brigata Reggimenti Data creazione Distretti rifornitori Depositi di provenienza Soldati dispersi Ufficiali dispersi Soldati feriti Ufficiali feriti Soldati morti Ufficiali morti Sede in tempo di pace Tempo in linea (giorni) Tempo in riposo (giorni)

O presente estudo trata-se de uma resenha do livro “El Tren de Aragua: La banda que Revolucionó el Crimen Organizado en América Latina”, publicado, em Caracas Capital da Venezuela, em 2023. O livro aborta como as facções criminosas como o Tren de Aragua tem demonstrado crescente sofisticação e internacionalização, operando em múltiplos países e explorando contextos de fragilidade estatal para ampliar suas redes de tráfico, extorsão e controle territorial. Escrito pela jornalista e pesquisadora Ronna Rísquez utilizou-se da metodologia qualitativa, com vasta análise documental e entrevistas estruturadas, ao explorar a ascensão de uma das organizações criminosas mais poderosas da Venezuela e sua internacionalização na América Latina. Tren de Aragua originária das prisões venezuelanas, o grupo expandiu suas atividades para além das fronteiras, influenciando países como Colômbia, Brasil, Chile e Estados Unidos. O livro revela que a organização representa um sintoma do colapso estatal venezuelano, pois explora a vulnerabilidade socias, econômica e institucional dos países, demonstrando uma integração estratégica com o crime organizado no controle territorial e exploração. Conclui-se que a obra é um marco na literatura sobre crime organizado venezuelano, expondo as consequências sociais e políticas do colapso Estatal Venezuelano.

Substantial military service has been a part of world history and defined state sovereignty, citizenship, and social cohesion. This paper will discuss the different evolution of conscription, its legal frameworks, and sociopolitical roles where it is strategically relevant to modern Nigeria. The research, based on comparative case analysis in South Korea, Israel, Finland, Switzerland, and the Nigerian experience of colonization, observes how conscription remains effective in terms of increasing the capacity of defense, national identity, and social responsibility. Although incentives like medical exemptions, gender inequality, financial aspects, and social influences may remain a common factor, there is evidence that identified, scaled legal provisions of conscription may provide a balance between the needs of the country in terms of its security and the need to uphold human rights imperatives. Contemporary evidence shows a variety of different approaches, including gender-inclusive universal drafting and more hybrid concepts that have civil service options. In the case of the situation in Nigeria, where the country has been facing the problem of insurgencies, ethnic conflicts, and unemployment among young citizens, the implementation of a more organized policy on compulsory enlistment would enhance defense preparedness, an increased level of unity, and, as a result of acquiring skills and job opportunities, a beneficial impact on socioeconomic conditions. Some of the recommendations proposed by the article are the establishment of a legal framework in line with international norms, social interaction to create support in society, and policy formulations that consider gender and medical issues. Finally, the introduction of compulsory service in Nigeria may change the security framework of that country and help to stabilize it in the long term and achieve prosperity.

This systematic review analyzed the Military Forces' approach to road construction between 2018-2024. For this purpose, 44 articles on the topic were reviewed. More than half were found on Google Scholar, while the rest the Escuela Superior de Guerra repository, the Nueva Granada Military University repository, and ProQuest. The primary source was the Force's annual management reports. Although, all authors go along with this is a task for military engineers, they also agree that its socioeconomic impact improves the Military Forces' image among the population and its assessment should be carried out using indicators of civil-military relations, such as reconstruction of the social fabric, economic growth and poverty reduction.

The decennial exposition of St. Francis Xavier concluded on the 5th of January 2025. Lakhs upon lakhs converged in Old Goa to pay their respect to the relics of the saint. While being loved and shown reverence around the globe, the saint’s actions haven’t come with its own share of controversies in the recent decade by his staunch detractors, none more than his alleged role in the establishment of the Goan Inquisition.

Recent statements by Donald Trump and Pete Hegseth made at the Quantico base in Virginia during a large forced mass bringing together some 800 US generals and admirals show an authoritarian and repressive shift in the use of the armed forces and their sexist purge. Purging the army of its deviant elements: homosexuals, trans people, woke people, but also obese people in order to revitalize and rearm it?
Trump and Hegseth want to use the military against the enemy within, which appears to be Democratic elected officials and supporters, as well as Democratic cities and metropolises. Trump has already deployed the  National Guard and Marines to Los Angeles and Washington under the pretext of public disorder. Trump continues his vendetta against Democrats, whom he equates with the enemy within.
Purges are underway to silence and oust minorities and put the military back at the exclusive service of President Trump and his MAGA cronies.
His domestic policy does not tolerate any opposition, and he is reinforcing all its exclusive and reactionary aspects, particularly with regard to the Woke movement, illegal immigration, and all those who oppose it:
Democrats, women's rights movements, gay rights movements, freedom of expression movements, etc.
This Trumpist repression is intensifying as the midterm elections approach, and this is no coincidence, as the Democratic Party appears to be in difficulty and Trump can still step up his fight against the countervailing
powers that persist in the USA

This paper analyzes the relationship between the politics of memory, austerity measures, the implications of neoliberalism, and the importance of collective agency in Brazil. The study analyzes how implementing austerity measures between 2016 and 2022 affected government spending on initiatives related to the country's memory of the dictatorship. The reduced funding from measures such as the Expanding Cap Amendment harmed several ongoing projects. The article discusses the broader impact of neoliberalism on memory through the perspective that neoliberal reasoning might be apathetic to collective memory, but, by doing so, it may become an incubator of authoritarian practices. Thus, collective agency and a broader role of civil society are cornerstones in transmitting collective memories of a violent past.

Conformément à la coutume adoptée par le périodique de la Section des Sciences Historiques et Archéologiques, nous présentons un bref texte dédié à la célébration de lʼAcadémicien Victor Spinei, dont le jalon biographique impressionnant nous incite à évoquer les moments les plus significatifs du parcours de son activité scientifique.

Filósofo con maestría y doctorado en Filosofía. Ha publicado trabajos sobre filosofía política y seguridad urbana, entre otros temas. Entre sus obras: El rastro de Caín (2001) y Guerra civil posmoderna (2009). Recientemente, ha editado: Cayetano Betancur: Sobre política (2010) y Economía criminal en Antioquia: Narcotráfico (2011).

Drawing on extensive original empirical research, this article examines the adoption of NATO's lessons-learned process within the Netherlands Army. It finds that existing accounts of military learning inadequately explain how practices shape formal learning processes and organisational learning in a military context. The case study reveals important, but hitherto neglected, routinised practitioner behaviours which enable and hinder the adoption, engagement with, and effectiveness of formal lessons-learned processes. These practices span three key dimensions: formal and informal relational dynamics, interweaving of diverse temporal orientations and structuring of the material, historical, social, and symbolic context.

Film The 15:17 to Paris (2018) yang disutradarai Clint Eastwood merekonstruksi kisah nyata upaya tiga pemuda Amerika yang berhasil menggagalkan serangan teror di kereta cepat Thalys pada 2015. Kajian ini menempatkan film tersebut dalam kerangka teoritis perang generasi keempat (4GW), cognitive warfare, dan keamanan ekonomi. Analisis menunjukkan bahwa serangan teror semacam ini merupakan bentuk perang asimetris berbiaya rendah namun berdampak luas pada psikologi publik dan stabilitas ekonomi. Dari perspektif intelijen keuangan, serangan kecil dengan pendanaan mikro mampu menciptakan efek makro pada pariwisata, transportasi, dan kepercayaan pasar. Paper ini menekankan pentingnya resiliensi sipil, narasi kontra-teror, serta penguatan intelijen keuangan, dengan implikasi khusus bagi Indonesia dalam konteks keamanan transportasi publik dan pariwisata.

califican Bueno, cuatro Regular y dos Malo. La evaluación del Proceso, da como resultado, 74.7% y una calificación Regular. La Evaluación de resultados permite ver una asociación no lineal, entre aspectos de la organización, su accesibilidad, los procesos de atención, la participación y la satisfacción por el servicio recibido. Conclusiones: La calidad de atención del Centro requiere fortalecimiento, decisión política, apoyo técnico y estrategias de inserción comunitaria.

Toffler e sua esposa Heidi, em sua obra Guerra e antiguerra, afirmam que as civilizações atravessam ondas de desenvolvimento no seu modo de produção no transcurso da história. Os ciclos ou ondas levantados são o agrícola, industrial e o da informação. Também defendem que as guerras parecem seguir o mesmo raciocínio, o que é por eles demonstrado pelo sucesso estadunidense na Primeira Guerra do Golfo, onde o país coroou sua nova doutrina, a Batalha Ar-terra, após uma série de estudos e de uma verdadeira transformação originada na derrota no Vietnã . Os Estados Unidos da América, potência militar hegemônica, empregaram sua nova doutrina da Era da Informação no Golfo Pérsico contra o exército iraquiano que ainda baseava sua forma de guerrear na Era Industrial. O resultado foi acompanhado em todos os cantos do globo terrestre, já que os satélites enviavam as imagens da guerra às redes de televisão, que transmitiam ao vivo os bombardeios "cirúrgicos" executados na Operação Tempestade no Deserto . Posteriormente, tanto na Operação Iraqi Freedom, quanto na Operação Enduring Freedom, ambas no Iraque e Afeganistão, os estadunidenses tiveram mais uma vez que adaptar-se às novas demandas dos conflitos Estão relacionados, com frequência, ao crescimento populacional e ao controle de recursos naturais e são conjugados à proliferação de tecnologiasincluindo às relacionadas a armas e agentes de destruição em massa -, ao terrorismo transnacional, ao narcotráfico, à degradação ambiental e à migração massiva (BRASIL, 2014c, p. 2-3).

La militarización de la política democrática es la concesión, por gobernantes electos democráticamente, de poder y tareas al personal militar en diferentes áreas. Ello excede la seguridad pública, pues en Brasil, Colombia y México abarca sectores que van desde el medioambiente hasta la salud. Se trata de una situación que no se asocia a una ideología, ya que ha tenido lugar en gobiernos de distintas orientaciones políticas. En el artículo se evalúan los efectos de este proceso sobre la calidad de la democracia en gestiones iniciadas o concluidas a partir de 2020 en los tres países mencionados. Con base en la propuesta metodológica del entendimiento, planteada por Leonardo Morlino, y desde una perspectiva comparada se presentan evidencias sobre los efectos de la militarización de la política democrática en el estado de derecho, en la accountability interinstitucional, en la libertad y en la responsividad. Además, se ahonda en la impunidad hacia crímenes cometidos por los militares en la seguridad pública, en la pérdida de control civil sobre las Fuerzas Armadas, en la falta de preparación del personal militar para encargarse de áreas en las que no tienen formación y en las violaciones a las libertades civiles de las poblaciones vulnerables. En distintos grados, esos hechos pueden ser observados en algunos o en los tres casos estudiados.

identities, beliefs, values, and attitudes.5 Understanding the dynamic association between these central life interests and knowing which of them are most important to individuals' self-conceptions will help explain and predict behavioral choices. This article begins by illustrating cognitive inconsistencies and identity tensions in the context of contemporary peace operations. Based on social identity theory, it examines the network of central life interests and develops a dynamic model of identity which assumes that identity, values, attitudes, and behaviors mutually influence one another. The model extends social identity theory by considering contextual variations in the salience and the potency of particular identities and renders a conceptual frame for recognizing sources of identity tensions and for developing resolution strategies. The final part of the analysis explores the effectiveness of different strategies for resolving cognitive inconsistencies in the context of peace operations. Like war, peace operations are military enterprises serving political ends. But unlike war, they lack a focal enemy and, oftentimes absent clearly defined mission objectives, are typically conducted in an environment that is not well defined. There is much debate in military circles on how to differentiate among the growing array of "peace operations," that is the spectrum of military operations other than war (MOOTW) encompassing humanitarian assistance, preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peacekeeping, peacebuilding, and peace enforcement.6 Military involvement in humanitarian assistance ranges from fostering a climate of security for civilian populations and supporting the work of humanitarian organizations in providing goods and services to those in need. Preventive diplomacy connotes actions that either prevent hostilities from arising or prohibit existing disputes from escalating into conflicts and limit the latter when they occur. Peacemaking describes actions designed to bring hostile parties to agreement, essentially through peaceful means as specified in Chapter VI of the United Nations Charter. Peacekeeping in the classical sense denotes the deployment of interventionary forces to prevent an existing dispute from re-igniting. Typically, peacekeeping operations are undertaken with the consent of all major parties to a dispute and normally involve United Nations forces. Peacebuilding or peace-maintenance operations are primarily diplomatic and economic post-conflict actions to help strengthen and rebuild governmental infrastructure and institutions and to avoid a relapse into conflict. Finally, peace enforcement activities stand in the gray zone between peace and war, using or threatening to use military force, typically pursuant to international authorization, to compel compliance with resolutions or sanctions designed to maintain or restore peace and order.7 Although it is quite possible to delineate peace operations on paper, in reality these distinctions are often much less clear. The international community's intervention in Somalia, for instance, included three distinct operational phases with different mandates and sets of resources.8 UNOSOM I began in mid-1992 as a Chapter VI humanitarian relief and peacekeeping operation to alleviate the suffering that, by then, had already taken the lives of nearly half a million people. With the effects of the civil war

Ce texte est issu de l’intervention de Alessandro Pagani dans la Table ronde IX « La guerre froide » dans le cadre du « Deuxième Congrès d’Histoire et de Société Contemporaine de l’Université Autonome de la Ville de México (UACM) : cent ans après la Révolution d’Octobre », qui a eu lieu dans la Ville de México les 23, 24, 25, 26 et 27 octobre 2017.

Peace for the world is not merely the absence of violence but the presence of justice, cooperation, and human security that enables societies to flourish. This paper develops an integrated approach to world peace by combining theoretical frameworks with practical roadmaps for individuals, communities, and global institutions. Drawing on classical and modern peace theories, including Johan Galtung's concepts of negative and positive peace, Kant's vision of perpetual peace, and contemporary critical perspectives, the study establishes a conceptual foundation for understanding peace as both an idea and a practice. The practical roadmap section highlights actionable strategies across individual, national, and international levels, addressing disarmament, diplomacy, conflict resolution, and responses to shared global challenges such as climate change and digital security. Case studies-including South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the European Union, and peace processes in Colombiademonstrate the interaction between theory and practice. The paper concludes by synthesizing theoretical insights with pragmatic approaches, arguing that sustainable peace requires ongoing engagement, adaptability, and a recognition that peace is a process rather than a final state.

Este ensaio analisa a formação e consolidação da "Síndrome Golpista Originária" no Brasil republicano, tendo Hermes da Fonseca (1855-1923) como figura paradigmática da institucionalização do militarismo político brasileiro. A partir da articulação entre trauma militar fundacional (Massacre de Acosta Ñu, 1869), matriz conservadora saquarema (1837-1889) e traição da elite imperial pós-Lei Áurea (1888), examina-se como Hermes transformou precedentes episódicos em tradição sistemática reproduzida por 134 anos. Através de análise prosopográfica e história de longa duração, demonstra-se que as "Salvações Nacionais" (1910)(1911)(1912)(1913)(1914) estabeleceram modelo metodológico que conecta golpe de 1889 às tentativas contemporâneas de ruptura democrática. O conceito "Síndrome Golpista Originária" oferece chave interpretativa para compreensão da persistência única do autoritarismo militar brasileiro versus democratização observada em outros países latino-americanos.

يتناول هذا المقال كتاب إفريقيا وإعادة النظر في العلاقات المدنية–العسكرية (2023م)، الذي يستعرض تحولات أدوار الجيوش في القارة من الانقلابات المباشرة التي ميّزت عقود ما بعد الاستقلال، إلى أشكال جديدة من النفوذ عبر الاقتصاد والسياسة والأمن الإقليمي. ويعتمد الكتاب على بحوث ميدانية ومقابلات موسعة أجراها موسى خيسا وكريستوفر داي في عدة دول إفريقية، ما أتاح الكشف عن تعقيدات العلاقة بين السلطة المدنية والمؤسسة العسكرية. ومن خلال فصوله الثمانية، يناقش قضايا مثل الشرعية والانقلابات، دور الاتحاد الإفريقي، الحروب المعاصرة، وإصلاح قطاع الأمن. ويقدّم الكتاب في مجمله مقاربة نقدية تفتح المجال لتطوير فهم إفريقي أصيل للعلاقات المدنية–العسكرية يتجاوز الأطر التفسيرية التقليدية.

The Philippine Army's Strategies on Crisis Communication: Public Affairs Officers' Practices explored the current strategies of the Philippine Army on crisis communication. The objectives were to determine the profile of the Public Affairs Officers (PAOs) who communicate organization's crisis, how they defined and determine it, the strategies in relation to the content, themes and messages, and tools for collecting, and disseminating information, and, the problems encountered in communicating the crisis. This study used Deming's systems theory in the analysis of the data since the Philippine Army, as an organization, follows a very inclusive systemic approach in the performance of its function. Seven PAOs underwent focused interview to gather their experiences in communicating crisis. The researcher found out that the Philippine Army only take actions when crisis has already occurred and they based their actions on the guidance of the higher headquarters. The current practice of the Philippine Army prevails because of the absence of institutionalized systems and approaches in disseminating crisis. The study recommends that this study become the basis of the Philippine Army in conducting trainings on crisis communication as well as in crafting policies and related documents that may facilitate the institutionalization initiated by the Philippine Army. II.

Методичні рекомендації розроблені на основі дослідження та аналізу стратегій поведінки військових, які отримали тяжкі поранення чи ампутації. У роботі визначено ключові соціально-демографічні, освітньо-професійні та особистісні чинники, що впливають на адаптацію, розглянуто копінг-стратегії, а також особливості психологічної роботи з цією категорією військовослужбовців. Практичні поради спрямовані на підвищення ефективності соціально-психологічної підтримки, залучення військових до активних і продуктивних стратегій подолання викликів, розвиток груп взаємодопомоги та залучення близького оточення. Рекомендації стануть корисними для персоналу медичних та реабілітаційних закладів, а також для спеціалістів, які працюють із ветеранами.

With the evolving integration of conventional, irregular and cyber capabilities, the contemporary landscape of warfare is undergoing with a substantial transformation. This trend has been generally identified as a hybrid or multi-domain warfare that produces both opportunities and challenges for any military organisations worldwide. In this backdrop, traditional approaches to warfare are no longer sufficient and due to that armed forces need to develop adaptable and innovative strategies to maintain its effectiveness. Concerning the Sri Lanka military, Sri Lanka Army as one of the most recognized armies in the world with its notable history of successful campaign against terrorism, these developments demand a paradigm shift of all aspects. Similar to any militaries, Sri Lanka Army must now face with non-traditional security challenges in various forms including cyber threats, information warfare and irregular tactics employed by state and non-state actors. These complexities demand a unified approach to integrate diverse capabilities, fostering interoperability between other services and enhancing operational readiness. This study aims to research into the challenges connected with this evolving nature of warfare, particularly as they relate to the Sri Lanka Army's unique operational context. It will analyse the implications of integrating conventional, irregular and cyber warfare capabilities and offer evidence-based recommendations to ensure the Army's continued effectiveness in safeguarding national security. By addressing these issues, the research seeks to contribute to the strategic development of the Sri Lanka Army, focusing contemporary and future security demands with resilience and adaptability. After the World War I mainly during Cold War era, the rapid advancements in technology have transformed traditional warfare to the rise of hybrid challenges. other nations' militaries to identify relevant lessons. During the process, the researcher may undergo restraints in accessing classified information and limitations in the availability of comprehensive details on cyber warfare capabilities. This study consists of six chapters as follows: a. Provides an overview of the research topic, including the problem statement, objectives, significance, scope, and structure. b. Reviews literature on hybrid warfare, military integration, and case studies from other nations. c. Chapter Three. Details the research methodology, data collection methods, and analytical techniques. d. Chapter Four. Presents findings based on qualitative data and comparative studies. e. Discusses key findings and their implications for the SLA. f. Chapter Six. Concludes the study and offers recommendations for hybrid warfare capability integration. 17. This structured approach ensures a comprehensive analysis of hybrid warfare integration within the SLA, providing actionable recommendations for military modernization. including interview transcripts and recordings are stored securely on passwordprotected devices and accessible only to the researcher, ensuring compliance with data protection principles.

The study of corruption in political economy is inseparable from the question of how states allocate resources, maintain legitimacy, and confront collective resistance. Nowhere is this clearer than in Nepal, Indonesia, and the Philippines-three states where corruption is not an aberration but an institutionalized feature of governance. Examining these cases comparatively reveals how corruption is embedded in neopatrimonial and clientelist systems, and how popular protests emerge as both a symptom of discontent and a corrective mechanism within contested democracies. In Nepal, corruption must be understood within the context of fragile institutions and protracted political transitions. Having emerged from decades of monarchy and a brutal civil war, the Nepali state was reconfigured under a federal democratic republic in 2008. Yet patronage remains the dominant mode of distributing state resources. Bureaucratic inefficiency, rent-seeking in public procurement, and the politicization of civil service appointments have perpetuated what scholars call "low-level equilibrium traps," where corruption is normalized as part of survival politics. Protests, such as the Madhesi uprisings or demonstrations against sluggish disaster responses, represent more than localized grievances-they reflect systemic distrust in a state unable to deliver equitable development. In this sense, Nepal illustrates how corruption, when entrenched in state-building, produces a cycle of mobilization demanding accountability and inclusion.

Det norske systemet for krisehåndtering gjennomgås og er i endring. Denne artikkelen diskuterer noen åpenbare organisatoriske, politiske og juridiske utfordringer som man står ovenfor ved krisehåndtering i Fiskevernsonen rundt Svalbard. Selv om fellestrekk finnes, er disse utfordringene på flere områder annerledes enn de relatert til 22. juli terroren. Disse forskjellene må ivaretas i det pågående arbeidet med å utvikle kompetansen og systemet for krisehåndtering. Forfatterne argumenterer for at de etablerte naerhets-og ansvarsprinsippene ikke alltid er hensiktsmessig i krisehåndtering, saerlig når interessepolitiske hensyn spiller inn, og at det utgjør et strategisk ledelsesdilemma. Når det gjelder nasjonal krisehåndtering er det mange gråsoner og uklare overlapper mellom institusjoner og etater, lover og instrukser. Etter terroren som rammet Norge 22. juli 2011 er mange av disse utfordringene og norsk evne til krisehåndtering satt under lupen. I all hovedsak har den offentlige debatten, naturlig nok, dreid seg om problemstillinger relatert til terror. Det er derimot mange andre utfordringer Norge kan bli stilt ovenfor. Innen sikkerhetspolitikken gjelder saerlig utfordringer som har med terror, cyber-domenet eller suverenitetsmessige forhold i Arktis å gjøre. Denne artikkelen tar for seg denne sistnevnte kategorien, med et spesifikt fokus på krisehåndtering i forbindelse med hendelser i Fiskevernsonen, havområdet rundt Svalbard. Dette området er spesielt juridisk, hvor det råder forskjellige oppfatninger om det juridiske grunnlagetog dette gir store utfordringer for norsk evne og mulighet til å drive krisehåndtering i dette området. Basert på grundige geologiske undersøkelser har Norge i norsk lovgivning lagt til grunn at norsk fastlandskontinentalsokkel går ut og forbi Svalbard. Norge fikk i 2009 i det alt vesentligste medhold i dette i FNs sokkelkommisjon. Det synes å råde enighet om at norsk brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk

View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk provided by FHS Brage 2-2015 Oberst Gjert Lage Dyndal er avdelingssjef for «Militaermakt, strategi og doktrine» ved Forsvarets stabsskole. Han jobbet før det som ledende forsker og prosjektleder innen arktisk teknologiutvikling i Statoil. Han har tidligere vaert hovedlaerer i luftmakt-og teknologistudier og dekan ved Luftkrigsskolen i Trondheim. Dyndal har i tillegg til militaer utdannelse sivil M.Phil. i krigsstudier og Ph.D. i moderne historie fra Centre for War Studies, University of Glasgow. Blant publikasjonene hans finner vi fire fagbøker, hvorav Land-based Airpower or Aicraft Carriers?(London: Ashgate, 2012) er den viktigste til dette tema. Han har utgitt flere fagartikler og bokkapitler innen sikkerhetspolitikk, strategi og teknologiutvikling. Dyndal leder per tiden et prosjekt om "droner og robotisert krig" ved Forsvarets stabsskole, som etter planen vil ende med en større bokutgivelse høsten 2015. Det prosjektet går i dybden på de mange trender og utfordringer som løftes frem i dette temaheftet.

Essa pesquisa tem como tema geral a presença de pessoas abertamente LGB (lésbicas, gays e bissexuais) nas Forças Armadas da Argentina e do Brasil no século XXI. A partir da compreensão de que as Relações Internacionais são impactadas diretamente pela estrutura de gênero e sexualidade socialmente imposta, buscamos compreender como essas mesmas estruturas têm impactos na formação e consolidação da identidade das Forças Armadas. Argumentamos que a identidade das Forças Armadas é influenciada por características relacionadas à masculinidade hegemônica, além de que essas constituem uma instituição de gênero. A masculinidade hegemônica é associada a padrões heteronormativos que, por consequência, impedem que pessoas LGB estejam de forma aberta nas Forças Armadas. Para entender a relação entre as Forças Armadas e a masculinidade, a pesquisa considera a evolução histórica e a formação das Forças Armadas brasileiras e argentinas, bem como as dinâmicas de poder e hierarquia que prevalecem dentro dessa instituição. Através da análise conjunta dessas três questões e por meio da metodologia de process tracing, a pesquisa tem o objetivo de analisar a presença da população abertamente LGB nas Forças Armadas da Argentina e do Brasil no século XXI. A partir disso, elencamos a hipótese de que, devido à masculinidade hegemônica, as Forças Armadas de ambos os países veem a não normatividade heterossexual como empecilho ao trabalho militar. Também levantamos a hipótese de que as disposições militares além de reforçarem a exclusão de pessoas LGB, postulam que essas não devem tratar abertamente da própria orientação sexual. Ao longo do estudo, ambas as hipóteses foram confirmadas.

A poetic essay bridging Romanian myth and cosmic imagination, this piece explores the symbolic resonance of flight — from the contemplative shepherd in Miorița to Major Tom’s orbital solitude in Space Oddity. Mociulschi reinterprets aviation as a cultural archetype, honoring heroes of the sky while reflecting on music as a living archive of human transcendence. A tribute to dignity, silence, and the dream of detachment in the age of algorithms.

The study here proposed is an analysis of militarisation processes of hegemonic masculinities by an intersectional feminist lens and their impacts on peacebuilding and international security, taking Italy as contextual reference. Moreover, an attempt to develop an approach to demilitarisation of masculinity identifies is made, in order to enhance the transformation of violent conflicts and make peacebuilding more effective 2 .

This article uses urban semiotics as a lens to analyze elite power relations in Iraqi politics, as well as the role and limits of impunity therein. The article focuses on the contestation of symbolism in Baghdadi public space between different political and security actors with a special focus on the symbolism of the Popular Mobilization Units (the Hashd al-Sha'bi) and the Sadrists. Understanding the informal rules and mechanisms that govern how elite actors utilize public space reveals much about how power relations are negotiated, upheld, and contested. It also sheds light on the countervailing pressures and considerations that constrain the impunity that elite actors enjoy.

Myanmar is not merely a fragile state trapped in a cycle of authoritarianism and conflict—it is a shattered home, ruled by fear, betrayal, and silence. Its crisis is not just political; it is deeply psychological, rooted in patterns of abuse that mirror those found in the most dysfunctional of families. In this metaphor, the Myanmar military—the Tatmadaw—takes the role of the tyrannical father: violent, paranoid, and obsessed with control. The Bamar political elite acts as the enabling mother, aware of the brutality yet unwilling to intervene, maintaining the illusion of reform while preserving her own comfort and power. The favored child—the non-political Bamar majority—benefits from this arrangement, shielded and privileged, but still trapped, manipulated, and punished when they step out of line. Meanwhile, the ethnic minorities—the Karen, Kachin, Shan, and others—are the neglected and abused children, discarded and brutalized, their cries for justice ignored.