Citizenship and Identity

In Indonesia, attention to culture as a potential resource for community development has become an important discourse in social policies, community development, and even in academic discourse since the end of 1990s. However, not many evidence have been shown of how the strength the local wisdom is able to contribute significantly to community development. This article, based on our fieldwork, will show one of the real successes of how local wisdom contributes to alleviate urban poverty, to some extent. More specifically, this article explores how Tidore community living in Ternate, based on their local wisdom, build hundreds of livable houses for the urban poor in small city of Ternate. Interestingly, they initiate, plan, finance, and build the houses without support from district, province, or national development budgets. This finding theoretically can contribute to the debate between those who believe that local wisdom does really exist and those who deny its existence. Practically, this finding has potential policy implication in developing culturally-based programs for urban poverty alleviation.

This article questions the use of the term 'expatriation', which commonly represents the situation of French people living abroad. A qualitative inquiry with sixty people who have undergone this experience in different conditions and durations shows that expatriation is only a particular form of migration. Some studies about this population and their histories reveal the trickiness of an in-depth reflexivity. By drawing a parallel between their representations and their biography, the author endeavors to seek a new approach to thinking abThis article examines the term 'expatriation,' which is often used to describe the experiences of French citizens living abroad. A qualitative study involving sixty individuals who have lived abroad under various conditions and for different durations reveals that expatriation is merely a specific form of migration. Research on this group and their personal histories highlights the complexities of achieving deep reflexivity. By comparing their perceptions with their life stories, the author seeks a new approach to understanding French emigration, avoiding the pitfalls of an ethnocentric social distinction. The article argues that French emigration should be viewed within the broader context of international migration, considering the individual's relationship with time and space as influenced by their perceptions of "elsewhere."out French emigration, avoiding the pitfalls of an ethnocentric social distinction. He suggests French emigration should be conceived within the field of international migration, taking into account the individual relationship with time and space according to the representations of « elsewhere ».

En décadas recientes ha habido un debate creciente sobre la amplitud y la esencia de la teoría urbana. Este debate ha estado marcado por muchas afirmaciones diversas sobre la naturaleza de las ciudades, incluyendo declaraciones de que lo urbano es un concepto incoherente, que la sociedad urbana no es nada más que la sociedad moderna como un todo o, más recientemente, que hasta ahora la teoría urbana ha estado profundamente viciada debido a su enfoque casi exclusivo en las ciudades del Norte global. Nuestro objetivo en este artículo es ofrecer algunos puntos para aclarar este debate. Argumentamos que todas las ciudades pueden entenderse en términos de dos procesos: las dinámicas de aglomeración/polarización y el desarrollo de un nexo entre lugares, usos de suelo y las interacciones humanas con que están asociadas. Afirmamos que estos procesos constituyen la naturaleza esencial de las ciudades. A partir de esta base proponemos criterios para distinguir específica e intrínsecamente el fenómeno urbano del resto de la realidad social. Nuestra discusión también pretende identificar las dimensiones comunes a todas las ciudades sin, por un lado, exagerar los alcances de la teoría urbana y, por el otro, afirmar que cada ciudad en lo particular es un caso especial e irreductible. Palabras clave: urbanización, nexo del suelo urbano, teoría urbana, historia urbana, economía urbana, aglomeración.

This study examines how Turkish shopkeepers constructed their class identity through anti-communist discourse between 1960 and 1980, during Turkey's Import Substitution Industrialization period. Drawing on Bob Jessop's Cultural Political Economy framework, integrated with Van Dijk's critical discourse analysis, it demonstrates how shopkeepers actively transformed their structural contradictions into political agency, rather than merely reflecting their economic interests. A systematic analysis of four organizational periodicals published by shopkeeper unions, alongside national newspapers, reveals a three-phase discursive evolution: from an administrative vocabulary focused on economic concerns (early 1970s), through narratives of political alienation and representational crisis (mid-1970s), to a militant anti-communist rhetoric (late 1970s). The analysis shows how material anxieties were linguistically rearticulated into cultural narratives of national integrity through processes of 'semiotic transformation.' Shopkeepers' anti-communism emerged not from ideological manipulation or mechanical class positions, but through sophisticated meaning-making practices that fused economic grievances with nationalist-conservative imaginaries. By reframing their structural vulnerabilities as moral authority and patriotic duty, shopkeepers were able to transcend their contradictory class position-being dependent on state protection yet constrained by its regulations, opposing big capital while fearing working-class mobilization. This study contributes to our understanding of class formation among the petty bourgeoisie in late-developing capitalist countries, revealing how anti-communist discourse functioned not as a top-down imposition, but as a symbolic resource for forging political unity across divergent material interests.

Svensk kritisk rasforskning har länge uppmärksammat ”rashumor” som ett fenomen som kan återskapa en normerande vithet. Det perspektivet har undersökt ett njutningsfullt överläge i skrattet, men i den här artikeln riktas fokus mot andra affekter och mot hur den som drog skämtet förhandlar humorns betydelse i retrospektiv. Materialet består av podcasts, tevedokumentärer, böcker och tidningsartiklar där komikern Henrik Schyffert ges utrymme att blicka tillbaka på sin karriär som komiker, och reflektera över de tidiga skämt som mött kritik. Syftet är att synliggöra det affektiva arbete som ligger i att hantera tidigare skämt, där humorns betydelse är under förhandling och beroende av vad som blir tyst och tabu. Analysen visar hur skam, ånger och självkritik görs performativt, och att humor som anklagas för rasism är svårare att tala om i jämförelse med den humor som kritiserats för att vara sexistisk eller homofob. Därmed lämnas ett bidrag till hur antirasistiska subjektspositioner skapas i det affektiva arbetet att blicka tillbaka på gamla skämt – och vad det kan säga oss om möjligheten att tala om humor, ras och rasism i det samtida Sverige.

This note explains how different countries performed at the Tokyo World Athletics Championship 2025 when we compare medal counts not just in absolute terms but also relative to population and GDP. The goal is to move beyond the usual medal table and show which countries are most efficient in producing medals given their size and resources.

It was a warm evening on 11 September 2025 when the opening ceremony of the Week of Peace and Culture was opened in Baidoa, the interim capital of the South West State of Somalia. The air buzzed with anticipation, as people from all walks of Somalia and the regions of the Southwest state gathered in a spirit of unity and hope. The event kicked off with President Abdiaziz Hassan Laftagareen taking the stage, welcoming not just the people in the Southwest but all Somalis to witness a week dedicated to peace, reconciliation, dialogue, and cultural celebration. Among the crowd were some notable figures, including Hassan Moallim. the Minister of Constitution and Justice from the Federal Government, who had come to represent the central government's commitment to supporting federal member states' s peace initiatives. Parliamentarians and council ministers from the national Federal State and South West State added their voices, ensuring that the event was as much about governance and policy as it was about peace, culture and community. The evening was filled with beautiful songs and poetry-art forms that have long been the heart of Somali tradition. Each word spoken, every note sung, was a call for peace, unity, and reconciliation. The language of the evening was Maay Somali, the dialect of the South West State, grounding the celebration in the local culture and making it all the more meaningful to those in attendance. This wasn't just a ceremony-it was a reminder that peace is a shared responsibility, a vision that requires all of us, from the grassroots to the government, to come together. It was a week that promised more than just speeches and celebrations. It was the start of something much bigger: a collective commitment to a future built on peace, trust, understanding, and unity. As I was honored to be part of this moment, I realized that the Week of Peace and Culture was not only about addressing past wounds but about celebrating the resilience of a community determined to move forward. The energy in the air was transmittable, and as the week unfolded, I could feel the seeds of a more peaceful and united Somalia being sown.

En tant que droit humain, le droit à la nationalité est justiciable devant la Cour de justice de la Communauté économique des Etats de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, au coeur du système ouest africain de protection des droits de l'homme. Ce faisant, une telle garantie bénéficie des avantages de la communautarisation, dont précisément la préséance sur les systèmes juridiques nationaux. La garantie communautaire participe donc au renforcement de l'effectivité du droit à la nationalité dans l'espace ouest africain.

With the help of the Immigrant Inclusion Index (IMIX), a quantitative tool for measuring the electoral inclusion of immigrants, we demonstrate that European democracies are much more exclusive than they should be. All normative theories of democracy share the conviction that it is imperative that democracies include long-term immigrant residents into the demoseither by granting citizenship or by introducing alien voting rights. But even the 20 most established and stable democracies within the EU are far from fully realizing the ideal of 'universal suffrage'. This is true independently of whether we count in-and excluded people in numerical terms, or whether we evaluate the relevant laws and regulations. Therefore, we diagnose a substantial democratic deficit on the level of European nation-states. By requiring its member states to enfranchise nonnational EU citizens on the local level, the EU, for once, plays a positive role in reducing one of the most fundamental democratic deficits in times of migration.

Studies in Japan The term "citizenship education" has been frequently used of late in the field of educational studies in Japan. Although regular educational studies in Japan is described in similar terms, such as "civic education" (komin kyoiku, simin kyoiku) and "national education" (kokumin kyoiku), the trend of researchers using "citizenship education" (shitizunshippu kyoiku) is recent. The meaning of citizenship education has been argued and interpreted variously by researchers, with these definitions differing depending on researchers' educational and political viewpoints; however, all such definitions broadly agree that civic engagement and political participation by citizens (rather than the elite) is important. These movements for the emergence of citizenship education have influenced research on social studies education in Japan since the 2000s. The term "citizenship education" is derived from citizenship, which was introduced as a subject in the UK around the year 2000. In the UK, the popular Crick Report was published in 1997 (Qualifications and Curriculum Authority, 1998), and the national curriculum on citizenship was announced in 1999. The background for the introduction of the subject of citizenship in the UK includes new social problems such as high unemployment rates among the youth, the apoliticism of the youth, and social exclusion. Citizenship was originally introduced by the Labor Union to resolve problems of social exclusion . Japanese researchers have considered citizenship education from various perspectives, such as political

In the corridors of time, history is never silent-it whispers, it screams, and it is contested in both shadow and light. Writing the past is not merely the recording of events; it is a battle for identity, a struggle over memory, and a fight for the soul of a nation. Some stories shine like torches, celebrated and immortalized, while others are buried in silence by hands that fear the truths they carry. To hold the pen of history is, at its core, to wield a sword: determining who is remembered as a hero and who is condemned as a traitor,

Nas cidades, o capitalismo estrutura-se por processos de intervenção urbana que priorizam a propriedade, o lucro e a produção/circulação de mercadorias e trabalhadores. Os entornos habitacionais — espaços primordiais para o cuidado e reprodução da vida — não são considerados relevantes por esses processos de urbanização. As moradias, ao adotarem como base a família cishéterosexual burguesa e suas formas de divisão sexual/racial do trabalho, originaram projetos habitacionais que desconsideram outros agrupamentos familiares ou modos de vida dos povos originários/tradicionais. Dessa forma, manifesta-se uma desconexão entre habitat e cidade, reflexo de dicotomias como privado/público, moradia/trabalho, feminino/masculino, ser humano/natureza, etc.
Para que atividades como morar, cuidar e trabalhar se desenvolvam coletivamente, é necessário que os espaços livres do entorno da moradia possibilitem o encontro coletivo e a apropriação por grupos diversos, com usos variados em diferentes horários. Projetar áreas de relacionamento vai além de jardins, sombreamento e passeio: é preciso entender como o desenho do espaço pode potencializar essas atividades. As ações de cuidar e trabalhar também devem se mesclar: a realidade de muitas mulheres é estar predominantemente em ambientes como cozinha e área de serviço, realizando atividades ao mesmo tempo que observam crianças e outros dependentes.
Diante dessas premissas, foi estruturado nosso grupo de estudos, iniciado em 2020 e sediado no NEST FAU/Ufal, que debate a problemática da moradia a partir de uma abordagem feminista, com foco na Habitação de Interesse Social (HIS). Criamos uma metodologia interescalar para análise de conjuntos habitacionais de Maceió, estruturada em três escalas complementares:
ESCALA DA INSERÇÃO URBANA: avalia a localização da moradia, sua integração à malha urbana, infraestrutura, equipamentos públicos, mobiliário adequado e serviços para reprodução da vida, além de aspectos qualitativos como acessibilidade, diversidade, autonomia, vitalidade e representatividade;
ESCALA DA IMPLANTAÇÃO DO CONJUNTO: observa a morfologia do conjunto habitacional, seu parcelamento, a distribuição das unidades, sua relação com o entorno imediato, os elementos naturais e construídos, a qualidade dos espaços livres, de convivência e circulação que reforcem a coletividade, redes de apoio mútuo e apropriação comunitária;
ESCALA DA UNIDADE HABITACIONAL: analisa a organização interna das moradias, as transições entre público e privado, a visibilidade das tarefas de cuidado (espaços de uso intensivo, como a cozinha, devem ser orientados para espaços de relacionamento), e a adaptabilidade das unidades às diferentes necessidades.
A metodologia parte de uma perspectiva feminista e seu diferencial está em considerar as dimensões do cuidado, da reprodução social e da autonomia como centrais na avaliação da qualidade espacial, valorizando as conexões entre as diferentes escalas analíticas. Progressivamente, o grupo agregou pesquisadoras que aprofundaram sua aplicação em diferentes contextos e também como instrumento projetual, estabelecendo uma ferramenta não apenas de análise crítica, mas re-orientadora na maneira de se projetar HIS.
Nas HIS de Maceió, observamos uma inserção urbana periférica, com infraestrutura insuficiente e distante do trabalho. Na implantação, priorizou-se a densidade, gerando espaços livres residuais, improvisadamente ocupados por atividades coletivas e/ou de produção alimentar. As unidades se conectam precariamente aos espaços comuns, impedindo uma mediação entre público e privado. Os espaços de cuidado (cozinhas e lavanderias) são minúsculos, com as piores condições de ventilação/iluminação. Destaca-se o Residencial Vila dos Pescadores, fruto do deslocamento forçado de uma comunidade pesqueira para uma área tóxica e isolada, rompendo com seu modo de vida. Tal violência territorial e epistêmica, com dimensões ambientais e culturais, é evidente em todas as escalas estudadas, desde o rompimento entre moradia/trabalho ao serem afastados da área de pesca, até os espaços livres e apartamentos minúsculos que inviabilizam práticas de cuidado e a manutenção das atividades pesqueiras.
Em contraposição, ao aplicar a análise interescalar em casos como a Casa 1 — organização de acolhimento LGBTQIA+ —, e em projetos habitacionais da URSS revolucionária dos anos 1920, ficou evidente como a habitação assume outras configurações quando orientada por valores voltados à reprodução social. Tais experiências demonstraram uma apropriação do espaço que valoriza a coletividade, promove a permeabilidade público/privada, fortalece vínculos afetivos com o território e reconhece a diversidade dos modos de habitar como parte fundamental da construção espacial.
Por fim, foi realizada uma interessante experiência a partir do método interescalar no projeto “Ocupar e Resistir: Diretrizes urbanísticas para a Ocupação Tereza de Benguela, Maceió-AL”.  Na escala urbana, buscou-se enfrentar o isolamento da ocupação do tecido urbano, propondo acesso ao transporte, infraestrutura e equipamentos urbanos voltados à reprodução social. Na implantação, valorizaram-se múltiplos espaços públicos em pequena escala próximos às casas e espaços comunitários já existentes: biblioteca, cozinha solidária e horta. Na escala habitacional, observou-se o uso produtivo dos quintais como extensão dos barracos, propondo assim moradias térreas abertas à varanda e aos quintais coletivos.

Le fichier Traitement des antécédents judiciaires (TAJ), institué par le décret n° 2012-652 du 4 mai 2012, centralise les données relatives aux personnes mises en cause dans des procédures pénales, qu’elles aient ou non donné lieu à condamnation.

S’il constitue un instrument majeur de la politique de sécurité publique, il soulève néanmoins des enjeux essentiels en matière de protection des données personnelles, de respect des droits fondamentaux et d’accès aux professions réglementées.

Cette étude propose une analyse synthétique du cadre juridique de l’effacement des données inscrites au TAJ en cas de classement sans suite, en examinant la jurisprudence pertinente et les voies de recours. L’accent est mis sur le principe de proportionnalité et la garantie des droits consacrés par l’article 8 de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme (CEDH).

Theoretical and empirical research into online politics to date has primarily focused on what might be called formal politics or on how activists and social movements utilize social media to pursue their goals. However, in this chapter, we argue that there is much to be gained by investigating how political talk and engagement emerges in everyday, online, lifestyle communities: i.e. third spaces. Such spaces are not intended for political purposes, but ratherduring the course of everyday talkbecome political through the connections people make between their everyday lives and the political/social issues of the day. In this chapter, we develop a theoretically informed argument for research that focuses on everyday informal political talk in online third spaces.

The JOS crisis has clearly brought to the fore the indigene /Settler issue and the multiple negatives encountered in a plural society like Nigeria. While noting the implosions that exist in such plural societies like Nigeria, recourse is made to John Rawls idea of justice. Succinctly leaning on his idea of overlapping consensus and idea of citizenship, this paper adopts an elastic definition of citizenship and indigeneship. It posited that any Nigerian citizen who has lived in any part of the country for a reasonable length of time and if he so chooses ought to be regarded as an indigene of such a place and as such ought not to be discriminated against. The paper while urging for a religious balanced society in the impossibility of a religious blind society, noted that discrimination is bad since humanity is one.

The JOS crisis has clearly brought to the fore the indigene /Settler issue and the multiple negatives encountered in a plural society like Nigeria. While noting the implosions that exist in such plural societies like Nigeria, recourse is made to John Rawls idea of justice. Succinctly leaning on his idea of overlapping consensus and idea of citizenship, this paper adopts an elastic definition of citizenship and indigeneship. It posited that any Nigerian citizen who has lived in any part of the country for a reasonable length of time and if he so chooses ought to be regarded as an indigene of such a place and as such ought not to be discriminated against. The paper while urging for a religious balanced society in the impossibility of a religious blind society, noted that discrimination is bad since humanity is one.

How do competing historical narratives authorize or sanction violence? The central argument of this article is that the mobilization of historical narratives, whether popular, amateur or academic history, constitutes another form of violence that is far from the concerns of students of conflict in Central Nigeria. Based on oral interviews and a critical study of reports of government commissions, ethnic memoranda and propaganda leaflets, collected during fieldwork in Benue and Plateau states, Central Nigeria, the article examines the ways in which the extra-textual and meaning-assigning agency of history is weaponized as an instrument of negotiation and political violence. The article examines the various discourses around the Sokoto Jihad and the history wars among competing ethnic groups in Benue and Plateau states. The study is located within critical work that is attuned to the salience of symbolism in understanding the capacity of vengeful historical discourses to inflame violence.

Lessons learnt on “Digital Twins” technologies and activities in the Green Deal area.
The presentation discusses experiences and results related to various analysis, design, and development activities (including operational activities) within the ISDE, the WMO GEOSS initiative, the European Commission's JRC, and numerous European projects concerning the conceptualization of geospatial digital ecosystems.

How could art contribute to making sense of the ongoing conflicts over mining and territory? Engaging with other modes of producing knowledge beyond the dominant Western tradition, two artists-researchers point out connections to other modes of thinking with natural and cultural entities. Grounded in their history growing up in Peru and thinking through performance and drawing, their writings pay attention to the ontological conflicts that are at the centre of the struggles over mining in Peru.

Alfredo Ledesma (p.107-110) performs the Mountain self, the Jaguar self, and the Sheep self, in towns impacted by mining projects in order to explore imaginaries that have persisted as alternative horizons to the dominant system. 
Imayna Caceres (p.111-117)approaches an intersection of ecological and planetary concerns, where drawing works as an alternative method for knowledge production. Recalling their upbringing amid mestizo-indigenous practices that stem from the Amazonian and Andean worlds, Caceres speculates about the more than human entities and relationalities that are centrally evoked by those rejecting mining.

https://interamerica.de/current-issue/vol-15-2-dec-2022/

A passagem de um modelo cívico para um modelo cristão das relações sociais tem sido vista por muitos autores como uma das mais cruciais transformações da Antiguidade Tardia. Essa visão não deixa, porém, de ter o inconveniente de apresentar as categorias cívicas como fósseis destinados a desaparecer e o discurso sobre a caridade e a pobreza como uma força transformadora que dá um lugar aos "pobres", mas que não é nunca moldada por eles. O objetivo deste artigo é questionar a pertinência desta abordagem no caso particular das cidades da África do Norte durante os séculos IV e V Ao fazer isso, espero demonstrar como esse novo discurso sobre a caridade e a pobreza podia coexistir e se articular nos meios populares citadinos com as antigas noções de cidadania e de direitos como parte de um mesmo conjunto de estratégias de sobrevivência e de formas de ação coletiva.

Popular media has a significant but not entirely straightforward relationship with people's sense of gender and identity. Media messages are diverse, diffuse and contradictory. Furthermore, people are changing, building new identities founded not on the certainties of the past, but organized around the new order of modern living, where the meanings of gender and identity are increasingly open. Different aspects of popular media can aid or disturb these processes of contemporary reorientation. Some critics say that the media should offer traditional role models and reassuring certainties, but this view is unlikely to survive. Radical uncertainties and exciting contradictions are what contemporary media, like modern life, is all about. Implicit in the women's magazines' strategies is the notion of a "new" reader, the highly visible woman of the new Indian economic order who is intended to serve as an inspirational model for the wider, non-working audience of women. Implicit also are notions of what constitutes work (i.e work that is performed in the public sphere), what constitutes liberation, and, consequently, what constitutes the normative subject of feminism. There is a marked self-consciousness in the projection of the "new woman", a self-consciousness that is particularly apparent in the use of visuals. The post-feminist New Woman, secure in her modernity, negotiates her different roles as a modern professional and as a traditional home-maker with playful and confident ease. Features mostly represent women as people who are independent, in control of their lives. The evidence in the study demonstrates that women are not the puppets that earlier forms of feminism think they are represented as. They have choices to make about their professional and social lives. They are not simply confronted with situations over which they have no choices to make. For instance, the target market of these magazines or the implied readers are a group of educated professional women who have dreams and know what they want in life. While most of the consumerist persuasion comes in the form of direct advertising, most of it is disguised as editorial material that is in the form of feature articles, advice columns or health and fitness tips. That leads one to the conclusion that advertising has never been a good vehicle for representing women. It has done nothing more than to harm their image and misplace the idea of what it means to be a complete woman. It has never been interested in who women are other than their commercial value. It is also unfortunate that advertising forms such an integral part of popular magazines. This leaves one at a dead end since the media cannot do without advertising as they get most of their revenue from it. So, striving to please both readers and advertisers is a big challenge for magazines and this implies that as long as they depend highly on advertising, chances are that women will still be represented as sex objects and helpless beings. Images in the media generally project a standard to which women are expected to aspire, yet that standard is almost completely impossible for most women to achieve. Women almost always fall short of standards that are expected of them regarding physical appearance. The pervasiveness of the media makes it very challenging for most women to avoid evaluating themselves against the socio-cultural standards of beauty.

Since the turn of the millennium, the appointment of women judges has increased markedly in Africa and the Middle East, along with the social and political influence of courts. The expansion of judicial power worldwide raises important questions about who the judges are and what their role should be. The appointment of women to positions of judicial authority has increased, but this increase is only beginning to be reflected in socio-legal studies. The articles collected in this special issue contribute to the burgeoning empirical comparative literature by approaching the subject matter from two analytical angles: (i) Gendered patterns in judicial selection processes that focus mainly on judicial selection processes and subsequent legal careers; and (ii) Gendered aspects of court practices that shed light on whether and how gender plays into judging practices and experiences at court. The authors in this special volume elaborate on the theme of gender and judging predominantly throu...

Background: COVID-19 has created global disruption, with governments across the world taking rapid action to limit the spread of the virus. Physical distancing and lockdowns abruptly changed living conditions for many, posing specific challenges of social isolation and lack of connectedness due to being physically and socially isolated from family and friends. Social capital is the bonding of individuals within a society that facilitates and shapes social interactions. The aim of this study was to qualitatively explore the impact that existing social capital has on Australians' experience of lockdowns during the COVID-19 pandemic and the effect this has had on their wellbeing and quality of life. Methods: Participants from various socioeconomic areas within Australia were purposively selected to participate in semi-structured interviews conducted via videoconferencing or telephone. Inductive thematic analysis of the data was undertaken. Results: A total of 20 participants were interviewed ranging in age from 21 to 65 years, including 50% (n = 10) females, 40% (n = 8) males, 5% (n = 1) non-binary and 5% (n = 1) transgender. Three main themes emerged from the analysis of the data: No person is an island; Social engagement; and Loneliness and isolation. Individuals who resided in low socioeconomic areas, those who lived alone and had reduced social support expressed feelings of poorer wellbeing. This study describes the lived-experiences of the influence of the COVID-19 pandemic on Australians' social capital and wellbeing. The findings highlight the need for interventions to increase social support, social cohesion, and social connectedness, especially among Australians from low socioeconomic areas, to enhance their overall wellbeing.

Seyla Benhabib, a leading philosopher on cosmopolitanism and the rights of others,1 shares an intellectual and philosophical lineage with Immanuel Kant, Hannah Arendt, and Jurgen Habermas. These towering figures have advanced ideas around (global) citizenship, universal democracy, international cooperation, and human rights. Yet Benhabib stands apart from her predecessors insofar as she did not herald form Europe and the German intellectual tradition of the 18th to 20th centuries, though she would come to participate in and advance that tradition.
Benhabib was born in Istanbul in 1950, a “child of Ataturk’s Republic,” of a Sephardic Jewish family that traced their lineage back centuries. But to call her merely a Turk, an Istanbulite, a Jew, or even a woman, would blunt the linguistic, cultural, religious, historical, and political layers and experiences that have informed—in subtle and explicit ways—her influential canon of
work.

The research analyses Angry Inuk (2016), a documentary by Inuk filmmaker, Alethea Arnaquq-Baril. The study explores the significance of truthful representation of Indigenous narratives of Inuit through Ecocinematic films, specifically documentaries. The research examines the adverse effects of misleading representation of Inuit knowledge, culture and practices like seal-hunting as brutal and ecologically threatening in mainstream Western media. The study investigates that green colonialism is a digitalized or cinematic version of settler colonialism. The research focuses on activist engagement of documentary in gaining visual sovereignty and strengthening the Indigenous narrative. The study employs Salma Monani's contemporary theoretical perspective of Indigenous Ecocinema. Monani's critical framework accelerates the deeper exploration of impactful visuals, narration and themes of the film. It unveils the reality of Western profit-driven animal rights organizations, like PETA, Greenpeace and IFWA, that merely intend to exploit Indigenous communities through bans on their ecologically sustainable practices. The study analyzes Arnaquq-Baril's cinematic journey of Inuit survivance and resistance against culturally prejudiced dominant narratives. The research aims to accelerate more Ecocinematic explorations of films that represent the true image of Indigenous communities and their contribution to ongoing discussions on ecological sustainability. The study aims for more inclusive and global policy-making addressing digital colonialism like green colonialism by unveiling organizations working against Indigenous communities under the guise of welfare and education. The research implies that in future any decision regarding Indigenous communities must be taken with accurate knowledge, giving right of counter discussion to the Indigenous people to defend themselves in order to save lives of people from an era of depression, facing long lasting drastic repercussions.

Over the past century, governments around the world have greatly expanded civil registration and the issuance of identity documents of all kinds. The process of identifying and registering individuals is sometimes called establishing their 'legal identity'. 1 Establishing a legal identity is crucial for people to access many rights. 2 It is also a basic prerequisite for establishing a nationality. A legal identity is also important for governments to surveil their populations. Yet, as more research is done on the legal identity of nomadic and mobile peoples, 3 it is emerging that establishing a legal identity is not easy for them, nor is it a panacea that automatically helps them access their rights. Instead, it can lead to their assimilation. 4 This comment summarises my recent research into the establishment of legal identity for nomadic and mobile peoples, uncovering important and disturbing new insights into this fraught process. 5 Problems with establishing the legal identity of nomads stretch back to the colonial period. 6 The end of the colonial period saw the rapid introduction of laws creating identity documents and centralised registration around the world. However, the short time frame in which these systems were created meant that mass registration was in many cases never done and most rural peoples, including many nomads, entered decolonisation with no identity documents of any kind. Because nomads often lacked a fixed residence, colonial administrators struggled to register them and keep them within their designated, administrative zones. Meanwhile, colonial empires vested settled and urban rulers with enormous, centralised powers, including the power to issue documents, while marginalising nomadic leaders. Nomad territories, usually labelled by the colonial powers as *

THIS PAPPPER IS AN ATTEMPT TO PRESENT PAST EFFORTS IN RESOLVING ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN NIGERIA.  CREATION OF NEW STATES, ENACTMENT OF LAWS AND PAST COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY REPORTS FAILED TO STEM THE TIDE OF FAULTLINE CONFLICTS IN NIGERIA FROM COLONIAL ERA TO DATE.

Based on fieldwork conducted with naturalised Albanian immigrants and key informants in the Italian city of Padua, this paper analyses the political integration of immigrants and their voting post-naturalisation. Departing from the predominantly quantitative research on this topic, the paper establishes through qualitative methods a link between memories of past political socialisation in the country of origin, the mode of integration, in particular the role of stigma, and immigrants’ voting patterns. Even though previous research has pointed to common trends of political behaviour and voting of ethnic groups, we find that political integration and voting are closely linked to participants’ personal biographies and social positioning in the country of immigration, political socialisation in and memories of life in the country of origin, and social and cultural capital. This last factor, in particular, played an important role in dissociating voting preferences from immigrant identit...

Citizenship, an ancient concept of Grecian origins, depicted a status held by male patricians enjoying a public political life within the polis (territory) and superior to the private realm of the household (Shafik and Brysk, 2006). Marshall (1950) linked political and civic rights including voting and decisionmaking for the nation through representative liberal democracy with social rights associated with welfare entitlements to food, clothing, shelter, education and health services. Despite its exclusionary beginnings, citizenship as status assumes that all those deemed 'citizens' enjoy similar rights within national boundaries. However, citizenship practices can be inclusionary or exclusionary. The capacity to include or exclude is embedded in state enacted social policies that define those belonging to a particular nation-state and the benefits that accrue to citizens while denying these to those unable so to qualify (Roche, 1992). Such exclusionary practices produce varied citizenship experiences according to social divisions like gender, ethnicity including the specific variant of Indigeneity, ability, age, class and sexual orientation. A wealth of writing has exposed exclusion among both nationals and non-nationals (Dominelli

Immigration is a sensitive issue all over the world. A lot
of discussions are being conducted and plentiful books and writeups being published on this issue. Immigration to the North-East
India is yet another socio-economic and political factor since India
got independence in 1947 that has made the region volatile.
Siddhartha Deb's 'The Point of Return' is one among those few
pieces of fictional literature especially in English that addresses
the issue of immigration into this region. The author deals here with
the troubled history of his homeland, seen through the eyes of a
young man whose father fled East Pakistan and moved to a
northern hill town in the neighboring Indian state of Assam during
the time of partition, only to experience resultant violence,
uprootedness, alienation, and the continued memory of loss and
injustice. This paper aims at exploring various sensitive issues relating to immigration which leads to a sense of rootlessness and
loss of identity within postcolonial framewoork.

This paper presents the analysis of European smart city narratives and how they evolved under the pressure of the COVID-19 pandemic. We approach the smart city concept from the critical perspective of surveillance capitalism, as proposed by Zuboff (2019), to highlight the growing privacy concerns related to technological development. We have collected and analyzed 184 articles regarding smart city solutions, published on social media by five European journals between 2017 and 2021. We adopted both human and machine coding processes for qualitative and quantitative analysis of our data. As a result, we identified the main actors and four dominant narratives: regulation of AI and facial recognition, technological fight with the climate emergency, contact tracing apps, and the potential of 5G technology to boost the digitalization processes. Our analysis shows the growing number of positive narratives underlining the importance of technology in fighting the pandemic and mitigating the climate emergency. Although the discourse on surveillance is often accompanied by the consideration of the right to privacy, those types of concerns are central for only two topics out of the four we discovered. We found that the main rationale for the development of surveillance technologies relates to the competitiveness of the EU in the global technological rivalry, rather than increasing societal wellbeing or safeguarding the transparency of new policies.

This paper examines the drivers and dynamics of the out-of-school children issue in Mogadishu, drawing on interviews with families, educators, and policymakers. Despite significant international and local efforts to rebuild the educational infrastructure, Mogadishu continues to face alarmingly high rates of children who are not enrolled in formal education. The paper situates the problem within the broader historical and socioeconomic context of Somalia, highlighting the enduring impact of the country's colonial past and the subsequent fragmentation of its educational landscape. The study explores how the dual system of Western-style formal education and Islamic religious education has created significant challenges for families, forcing them to navigate between competing educational paradigms with limited resources. The paper also discusses how the socioeconomic realities of post-conflict Mogadishu, where the scarcity of public schools, coupled with economic hardship, further exacerbate the issue. It concludes with recommendations for creating a more inclusive and resilient educational system that addresses the underlying systemic issues and better serves the needs of all children in Somalia.

Since 2005, health insurance (HI) coverage in India has significantly increased, largely because of the introduction of government-funded pro-poor insurance programs. As a result, the determinants of HI enrollment and their relative importance may have changed. Using National Family Health Survey (NFHS)-4 data, collected in 2015–2016, and employing a Probit regression model, we re-examine the determinants of household HI enrollment. Then, using a multinomial logistic regression model, we estimate the relative risk ratio for enrollment in different HI schemes. In comparison to the results on the determinants of HI enrollment using the NFHS data collected in 2005–2006, we find a decrease in the wealth gap in public HI enrollment. Nonetheless, disparities in enrollment remain, with some changes in those patterns. Households with low assets have lower enrollments in private and community-based health insurance (CBHI) programs. Households with a higher number of dependents have a higher ...

This study asks the question of how collective and social memory is constructed as the 'century of humiliation' in 19th century Chinese history. This period marked an important break in Chinese history, which was also reflected in the narrative of the founding of modern China. The study examines this narrative from the perspective of ontological insecurity and presents the First Opium War as a break. After the war, the Qing Dynasty not only experienced a significant loss of territorial control, but also a long-term process of insecurity construction based on the self. In this process, not only the war defeat but also the postwar treaties remained in Chinese memory as part of the century of humiliation and were defined as 'unequal treaties'. In analysing this insecurity, the study focuses on the years 1839-1942 and analyses the process under the headings of ideational instability, narrative instability, self identity instability and failure of ontological security provider. Under these headings, it reveals how the process that started with the First Opium War was embedded in the collective and social memory as the 'century of humiliation' and how the defeat in the war and the agreements made afterwards resulted in an existential anxiety.

Objectives: To find out the major health problems and barriers in getting health care by transgender community in Lahore, Pakistan. Methods: An analytical cross-sectional study was conducted in transgender community of Lahore from January to October 2020. The study included 214 participants from different areas of Lahore by targeting their “gurus”. Non-probability, snow-ball sampling technique was used to collect required sample size. Data was collected by using a structured questionnaire. Data were analyzed using SPSS version 23. Results were generated in form of tables and graphs. Chi square test and Fischer’s exact test were used to find out associations between health seeking behavior with their transgender status and p value was fixed as ≤ 0.05 as significant. Results: Among total 214, 78.5% were transgender females and 21.5% were transgender male. Among the common health problems were depression (56%), anxiety (59%) and genital tract ulcers (45%). About 70% transgender seek he...

The concept of sustained ethnic mobilization remains under-studied, with a majority of the focus being drawn to the initial factors initiating mobilization. Yet, there are instances globally where ethnic groups have engaged in mobilization, remaining active without fully completing the process of mobilization, or experiencing a decline in mobilization over time. The case of Hungarians in Romania serves as a key example of a minority group that mobilized during the immediate post-communist era while continuing to pursue its stated goals and objectives, maintaining broad support within the community. This article examines two theories of sustained ethnic mobilization, institutional and kin-state, to evaluate which is more effective in analysing the case of the Hungarian minority. Using these theories, the analysis focuses on domestic organizations and institutions, as well as the allowances provided by the Romanian governing system. Additionally, it examines the influence of the Hungarian government through two key forms of support: financial backing for cultural institutions and the provision of citizenship to Hungarians residing in Romania. The article comes to the conclusion that both approaches offer value in understanding why mobilization is sustained but in the case of the Hungarians, the role of institutions is paramount in allowing a group to retain mobilization, offering regional and conceptual implications.

“La prima [ragione della giustezza di questa guerra e conquista] è questa: essendo gli uomini barbari [gli indios] per natura servili, incolti e inumani, essi si rifiutano di accettare il comando di quelli che sono più prudenti, potenti e perfetti di loro; comando che darebbe loro grandi vantaggi, è infatti, cosa giusta, di diritto naturale, che la materia obbedisca alla forma, il corpo all’anima, l’appetito alla ragione, i bruti all’uomo, la moglie al marito, l’imperfetto al perfetto, il peggiore al migliore, per il bene di tutti”.
Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, De la Justa causa del la guerra contro los indios, Roma 1550

Desplazamiento por gentrificación climática En abril de 2022, junto con mi familia, decidimos emigrar. No fue fácil, y creo que la pandemia tuvo mucho que ver en abandonar nuestra amada Argentina. Llegamos con nuestras cosas a una localidad llamada Weston, al sur de la Florida. Decidimos mudarnos aquí por los colegios y porque estaba alejada de

In this paper, we combine natural language processing (NLP) techniques and network analysis in order to systematically map the individuals mentioned in the Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, thus revealing its underlying structure. We depart from previous studies due to the distinction we make between the subject of a biography (bionode) and the individuals mentioned within a biography (object-node). We examine whether the bionodes form sociocentric networks based on shared attributes (provincial origin, education, etc.). Our major contribution consists of annotating the links between individuals in order to: (1) question the assumption that word cooccurrences equate to actual relations; (2) define a more accurate classification of relationships among elites in republican China. We demonstrate that political and professional relations in this population outweigh the types of social ties commonly accepted in scholarship on modern day China. We ultimately develop a method that can be applied to similar corpora in a critical and comparative perspective.

Wstęp coraz częściej jesteśmy świadkami zawierania związków małżeńskich katoliczek z muzułmanami. dzieje się tak, ponieważ liczba muzułmanów na świecie rośnie, a prawo szariatu zezwala mężczyznom wierzącym w allaha zawierać małżeństwo z muzułmankami, żydówkami i chrześcijankami (z innych religii kobietami zawarty związek będzie ważny, ale nieprawidłowy), zaś z drugiej strony zakazuje muzułmankom wiązać się z nie-muzułmanami 1. prawo Kościoła katolickiego dotyczące szeroko rozumianych małżeństw mieszanych ogólnikowo normuje kwestię przygotowania narzeczonych (strony katolickiej i muzułmańskiej) do zawarcia małżeństwa. najwyższy ustawodawca w kodeksie z 1983 r. ogranicza się do zamieszczenia w kan. 1125 nakazu pouczenia

This article explores the multifaceted impact of globalisation on migration, focusing on Britain and France as case studies. It examines theoretical frameworks, migration trends, and national responses within the broader global context. Through comparative analysis, the paper highlights how globalisation shapes migration flows while challenging traditional notions of sovereignty and identity. The contrasting approaches of Britain's multiculturalism and France's republican assimilation offer insights into the political and social tensions generated by migration in an interconnected world. Understanding the relationship between globalisation and migration requires a multidisciplinary approach that incorporates political economy, sociology, and postcolonial theory. Migration is not merely a demographic process; it is deeply embedded in the global structures of inequality, governance, and cultural exchange that have been transformed by globalisation. Globalisation refers to the increasing interconnectedness and interdependence of the world's economies, societies, and cultures, facilitated by advances in technology, communication, and transportation. David Held et al. define globalisation as "a process (or set of processes) which embodies a transformation in the spatial organization of social relations and transactions." This transformation compresses time and space, enabling faster flows of capital, goods, information -and people.

La primera documentación del marbete del español como la «lengua de Cervantes» se produce en 1836, de la mano del mismísimo Mariano José de Larra, según CORDE (apud Sáez y Sancho, 2016: 6). Pero hasta entonces, e incluso en ese momento, Cervantes pugnaba como figura preeminente en el canon literario hispánico junto a otras como Gracián, Quevedo o Lope de Vega (siguiendo a Bloom, 1995 y Pozuelo Yvancos y Aradra Sánchez, 2000 en cuanto al concepto de canon y su fijación en Occidente y España en particular). En este trabajo nos planteamos responder a la pregunta de si estuvo la lengua española a punto de ser considerada y denominada como la «lengua de Lope», habiendo elegido otras lenguas occidentales cercanas a otros dramaturgos del XVII como epítome (el inglés como «la lengua de Shakespeare», o el francés como «la lengua de Molière»), mientras que el alemán optó por el polígrafo (aunque fundamentalmente poeta) Goethe (el alemán como la lengua
de Goethe, de ahí el Goethe Institut, igual que por Cervantes se denomina el Instituto Cervantes). Para ello, señalaremos y analizaremos historiográficamente la destacada presencia de Lope de Vega, que se acerca a la de Cervantes, en un corpus de gramáticas publicadas en el ámbito germánico entre 1778 y 1839, con el que complementamos el trabajo de Zamorano Aguilar (2016) sobre la relación entre Lope de Vega y la historia de la gramática española, siguiendo asimismo la estela conceptual del mismo Zamorano Aguilar (2009, 2010, 2016, 2017a, 2017b) que ya se adoptó y adaptó en Sáez Rivera (2023a) para el estudio canónico de Nebrija.