China's foreign and defense policies

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The attendance this week of Russian President Vladimir Putin, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, Myanmar’s ruling general, Min Aung Hlaing, and Cuban President Miguel Diaz-Canel at China’s “grand parade” commemorating the end of World War II transformed what ostensibly celebrated the defeat of fascism into something far more revealing about contemporary geopolitics.
These leaders collectively preside over states engaged in active warfare, internal repression or serial human-rights violations, a stark irony given the parade’s stated purpose of commemorating liberation from tyranny.

Hugh White’s latest essay warns that Australia must urgently prepare for a post-American regional order shaped by great power rivalry and nuclear deterrence. Rooted in realist theory, the piece challenges long-held assumptions about US security guarantees and calls for a national conversation on Australia’s future in a hardening international system.

El desarrollo de las capacidades de las fuerzas armadas es un ideal por alcanzar en el ámbito de la defensa nacional de cada Estado y se va planificando y concretando, gradualmente, con base en los desafíos a la integridad territorial y soberanía, evaluación de los riesgos, protección y preservación de los recursos naturales, política exterior, determinantes geográficos y aspiraciones geopolíticas de cada país.

This study explores the nature of the trade war and tensions
between China and the United States. This paper investigates the
tension that China's rise will create on the existing global order and
further asks why the bipolar pattern of the US hegemonic power
will again persist. In the present study, a qualitative approach is
used, based on the historically rich anecdote and professional
literature, as well as experts' views, to understand the current
issues in the US and China. Summing up, from the perspective of
the realist paradigm, in this article, aiming at the change of power,
while analyzing the nature of power politics, the nature of trade
war and Sino-US strategic relations is discussed. It is contingent on
state behavior, power politics, and national interest and so
provides a more relevant framework in which to understand the
proliferation and attenuation of conflict and cooperation in global
change. This study is significant because it relates to the tension
between the US and China that drastically affects global peace and
stability, as well as policy actions and strategies and, consequently,
issues. These results shed light on the relevance of historical
Thucydides' Trap in the case of U.S.-China relations and raise
questions about intellectual rivalry. They also describe the
strategies and tactics in the campaign to mitigate the risk of
China's ascendency and dominance to global power. This paper
promotes thinking and re affirms multilateralism to offset the
misperception between China and the US.

This paper explores the rapidly evolving nature of modern Warfare, focusing on Asia-Pacific conflicts such as India-Pakistan and regional flashpoints involving China, the United States, and other actors. The paper demonstrates how emerging technologies-including drones, hypersonic missiles, stealth fighters, cyber weapons, and satellite-enabled systems-are fundamentally altering the region's security landscape (Smith, 2023; Johnson, 2022). These advances facilitate more rapid, precise, and remote forms of combat, yet they introduce profound ethical, legal, and strategic dilemmas. An urgent necessity is emphasised for updated international norms, robust legal frameworks, and multilateral diplomacy to address these emergent threats, particularly in the context of the Asia-Pacific's volatile geopolitics. Balancing technological innovation with humanitarian principles is vital for preventing conflict escalation and preserving regional stability (Lee et al., 2021). The future of War will be determined not solely by technological capacity, but also by political choices. Consequently, regional cooperation, ethical governance, and strategic foresight must guide Asia-Pacific states to ensure that military innovation supports Peace rather than perpetual violence.

This chapter, “Military Competition with China: Harder than the Cold War?,” appears in the volume US versus China: Promoting ‘Constructive Competition’ to Avoid ‘Destructive Competition’. The author examines the unique challenges of military competition between the United States and China, arguing that it is, in many ways, more complex and difficult than the U.S.-Soviet rivalry during the Cold War. The analysis highlights differences in geography, economic interdependence, technological diffusion, and the ambiguous nature of modern conflict, including gray zone tactics and hybrid warfare. The chapter contends that China’s integration into the global economy, its use of non-military tools of statecraft, and the absence of clear red lines make deterrence and escalation management more challenging than during the Cold War. The author concludes that U.S. strategy must adapt to these new realities by developing more flexible, integrated approaches to competition and deterrence.

China's rise as a global superpower is one of the defining challenges of the 21st century. This transformation impacts the security and prosperity of its neighboring countries and the future of the international, rulesbased world order and global security. Beijing's rapid economic growth has fueled its defense industry and accelerated its military expansion, encouraging its leadership to pursue assertive foreign policies and "wolfwarrior" diplomacy. China has extended its global influence through establishing Confucius Institutes and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Its funding of infrastructure projects, particularly in economically vulnerable countries, has fostered dependency on Chinese supply chains and markets. Additionally, China's "debt-trap diplomacy" and efforts to forge alliances with authoritarian regimes have positioned it as an alternative to the United States, gaining the attention of authoritarian leaders worldwide. Despite these achievements, China faces significant geopolitical vulnerabilities, including hostile relationships with neighboring great powers, a declining demographic profile, a lack of political reform in its authoritarian system, dependence on global markets, and challenges in securing energy and food supplies. These weaknesses constrain China's ability to project power and outcompete its rivals on the world stage.

Academic discourse on China and the role it plays in the international system is a field fertile with new ideas and theoretical extrapolations. The capacities and capabilities of this rising power, and the variables through which the extent of its power and reach can be realized are contested issues that constantly require elucidation. In a detailed study, Gerald Chan, Pak K. Lee, and Lai Ha-Chan provide a thought provoking and comprehensive analysis of China's place and need to be part of the processes driving global governance. Global governance per se is a term that does not encourage a single acceptable definition. It does stimulate a diverse range of thoughts and opinions. To Amitav Acharya, there exists a contradiction with Asia's leading states wanting to be recognized as "global powers" and their hesitancy in contributing to making global governance possible (2011, p. 852). China could arguably be labeled an exemplar of this dichotomy. An element of "caution" guides policy makers in China seeing as it has been only slightly more than four decades since it became a member of the United Nations and three decades since it opened itself to forces of the market in determining its economic trajectory . If caution is to be taken as a virtue, the multiplicity of China's interests (economic, strategic, and political) predicates an approach that does not derail overall policy prescriptions in the pursuit of relative gains elsewhere . It ought to be stated that for China global governance as a concept is not something abhorrent, rather a legitimate tool that "conceptually and in practice" will enhance its stature amongst the comity of nations (Karns & Mingst, 2010). For China, the aspiration to be intrinsic to global governance mechanisms and institutions introduces notions of great power status and recognition of its responsibilities towards agenda setting and policy-making "for the stability of the global order" (Chan, Lee, & Ha-Chan, 2012, p. 2). Apropos global governance, the authors provide a working definition of their own: …a dynamic process, global governance is about the making and implementation of global norms and rules by the joint effort of various actors in an anarchical world to provide global public goods…to tackle a host of trans-sovereign problems and create a stable and responsive political order. (p. 21) Divided into ten chapters, a constant feature running through this book are three clusters of questions. The first cluster revolves around global governance and its expressions, composition, and salience. The second cluster of questions examines how China approaches global governance and the challenges encountered in making efforts to emerge as a responsible stakeholder. The third cluster of questions draws out fascinating linkages subsumed within China's rise and global responsibilities and its desire, coupled with caution, in involving itself in the management of global affairs. The existential question that arises is whether China's attempts will succeed or backfire?

China grows a notable rise in the Past few decades, due to its economic developments. The findings speak about China's rise of its image towards its foreign policy through the construction of its identity course in the Film media. This article focuses on the representation of China's soft image concerning foreign policy in Wolf Warrior II film; a Chinese blockbuster movie released in 2017. The study explored the foreign affair and economic development from the perspective of the global south. Moreover, the research also argues that Wolf Warrior II expresses the hegemonic foreign strategies discourse provoked through the international diplomacy of China. The study is theoretically linked with the Representation theory by Hall and discourse theory. By applying the qualitative descriptive analysis of the Film, the research identifies the foreign ties and nationalistic discourse with a patriotic approach. The results of the study indicated that the Wolf Warrior film has raised the soft image of China in terms of foreign policy which is show the cause of China's military power and their love towards their homeland. Meanwhile, the film leads the regional and global governance protocols nationalistically. China builds new international relations with the Global South represented by BRI.

Xi Jinping’s calculus on Taiwan is not guided by mere opportunism but by a structured assessment of strategic, political, and military realities—his metaphorical “dashboard.” This article dissects 13 key indicators shaping Beijing’s decision on whether and when to invade Taiwan, alongside four enduring factors reinforcing China’s long-term objective to acquire Taiwan. The analysis finds that 11 of the 13 indicators favor near-term action, suggesting a closing window of opportunity that could drive Xi toward a military solution sooner rather than later. While China’s military readiness remains a consideration, the dynamics of US commitments, Taiwan’s shifting identity, and China’s economic and demographic pressures weigh heavily on the timeline. Coupled with Xi’s personal ambitions and his directive to the PLA to be ready for action by 2027, the balance tilts toward military escalation. Ignoring these hard truths invites peril; understanding them is imperative for policymakers navigating what may be the most volatile flashpoint in US foreign policy in the coming few years.

India has recently stated an intention to develop an anti-satellite (ASAT) capability. The reasons for this may include the country's growing economic and political clout, alongside the increasing importance of space to this status, the significance of space assets to the military, a perceived threat from China, and fear of being disadvantaged in future treaty negotiations if not 'in the club'. Nevertheless, development and use of an ASAT would have potentially catastrophic debris-related consequences that would also create major political problems for the user. The state of India's ASAT activities is described and recommendations on avoiding hasty development, such as researching methods of protecting satellites, strengthening bilateral relations with China and pushing for a legally binding norm on ASATs, are made.

Il G7 a guida canadese torna ad occuparsi della sicurezza marittima con una visione a largo raggio di tutte le questioni mondiali riguardanti il buon ordine dei mari. In particolare  il G7 lancia con decisione un allarme per l’utilizzo di una “dark fleet” russa di navi non tracciabili e prive di coperture assicurative impiegate in attività illecite. Di qui l’auspicio che vengano
realizzati adeguati sistemi di sorveglianza marittima per tracciare i movimenti di questi mercantil e le loro attività.
Sul piano operativo navale, il documento del G7 canadese adotta un’iniziativa concreta proponendo la
costituzione di una Shadow Fleet Task Force (SFTF) tra i Paesi del gruppo “Nord Baltic 8” (Danimarca, Estonia, Finlandia, Islanda, Lettonia, Lituania, Norvegia e Svezia) e quelli del G7 dedicata appunto alla
sorveglianza della flotta mercantile russa.
L’obiettivo è la deterrenza di tutte le sue attività illegali che minacciano la sicurezza marittima, ed in particolare di quelle di contrabbando di petrolio, violazione delle prescrizioni assicurative e di
navigabilità in aderenza alla Risoluzione IMO A.1192(33) 2023.

The paper focuses on the issue of air pollution in the industrially important Most region in the 1960s. It analyses how society and government responded to increasing environmental degradation in the region within the evolving political and economic context by examining the media and changes in legislation. Inspired by Donald Worster's environmental history framework, the paper aims to illustrate the dynamic interplay between the expansion of industry, environmental concerns and policymaking during this crucial period. By investigating the nuances of media discourse and legislative reforms, it explores how air pollution was perceived and what actions were taken to tackle it in the region, contributing to a deeper understanding of the interconnections between society, state, and ecology in environmental contexts.

This article explores the evolving dynamics of ASEAN–China relations in the context of intensifying geopolitical competition and strategic recalibration in Southeast Asia. It argues that the ASEAN–China relationship is not defined by alignment or antagonism, but by pragmatic balancing rooted in economic interdependence and regional agency. While China remains ASEAN’s top trading partner and investor in connectivity projects, Southeast Asian states continue to diversify partnerships and assert autonomy. Security tensions—especially in Myanmar and the South China Sea—challenge diplomatic coherence, yet multilateralism and symbolic statecraft still provide mechanisms for managed coexistence. The article also highlights the looming impact of a second Trump presidency, underlining ASEAN’s efforts to remain neutral while safeguarding its strategic space. Ultimately, the article suggests that the ASEAN–China partnership may serve as a prototype for multipolar cooperation based on equilibrium rather than dominance.

This article reinterprets Italy’s 2023 withdrawal from China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) not as a geopolitical rupture, but as a calculated realignment. While Italy was the first G7 country to sign a BRI memorandum in 2019, the initiative failed to deliver meaningful economic benefits and triggered discomfort within Italy’s transatlantic and European alliances. The article argues that the withdrawal represents a strategic reset—one that seeks to rebalance Italy’s China policy within the broader EU framework, recalibrate its investment screening, and shift focus from grand political symbolism to targeted economic cooperation. It emphasizes Italy’s potential role in shaping EU alternatives such as the Global Gateway, strengthening people-to-people diplomacy, and engaging in Indo-Pacific affairs without antagonizing Beijing. Ultimately, the piece frames Italy’s post-BRI diplomacy as a case study in middle power pragmatism, offering a model of selective engagement with great powers in a multipolar world.

We are in a period in which the idea that the rise of China, the second eco
nomic power of the world, has become a threat to the US interests, and claims that
this would lead to a new cold war, have increased as became more apparent during the
Trump’s ruling in the USA. The common point accepted in the political line in the USA
is that China’s strengthening its situation will create a problem for the position of the
USA in the international system. However, this threat is exaggerated and those who do
not want a new cold war like as it was with the Soviet Union, constitute the majority of
people. Just like the USA, the European Union (EU) does not desire this war either as it
would force them to choose either of the sides and bring further economic damage to
the union. In this discussion, the topics on why China is perceived as a threat, whether
it can actually become a global leader and the consequences for the international system
if a cold war emerges, will be discussed.

Maritime security threats have risen in recent years, with some of the most prominent cases occurring in the South China Sea. These developments have raised pressing questions about how best to respond to such challenges, particularly as great-power competition intensifies-primarily between China, the United States, and regional adversaries in Southeast Asia. GREY ZONE OPERATIONS Responding to the escalating threats to maritime security The File

This paper critically analyzes the geopolitical implications of U.S. territorial expansion proposals under the Trump administration. It explores the historical context of American territorial acquisitions and compares past expansionist policies with contemporary proposals, such as the acquisition of Greenland and interests in Pacific and Caribbean territories. The analysis investigates the strategic, economic, political, and military motivations behind these proposals, assessing their potential impacts on U.S. foreign policy, international relations, and global power dynamics. Additionally, the study examines domestic and international reactions, the ethical considerations of such territorial ambitions, and the long-term effects on global norms and sovereignty. This paper provides a comprehensive understanding of how these proposals could reshape the U.S.'s role in the global order and offers recommendations for policymakers navigating the complexities of territorial expansion.

The intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, marked by competition across economic, military, and ideological spheres, is increasingly shaping global geopolitics. This paper explores the evolving dynamics between the two powers, identifying key areas of contention, including trade wars, technological rivalries, military posturing, and ideological differences. It delves into potential flashpoints for confrontation, such as Taiwan and the South China Sea, while analyzing the broader implications of these tensions on regional stability, global economic consequences, and humanitarian risks. Through a comprehensive examination of U.S.-China relations, the paper calls for strategic management, balanced engagement, and innovative policymaking to address these challenges and avoid a direct confrontation. The importance of diplomacy, multilateral frameworks, and economic cooperation is emphasized as critical tools for preventing escalation and fostering global stability.

Origen remoto en un estudio previo auspiciado por la Fundación Telefónica (FT), a cuyo equipo directivo agradezco el apoyo dispensado. Un avance fue presentado en el IV CLADHE (2014, Bogotá) y en el Seminari del Departament d'Història i Institucions Econòmiques (UB, 15/4/2015). La versión actual corresponde al proyecto HAR2013-41453-P del programa nacional, adscrito al Centre A. de Capmany (UB). Debo el acceso a los documentos de Telefónica a su presidente, César Alierta, y a la diligencia de diferentes cargos directivos y personal (Consuelo Barbé y su equipo). Título Innovar en tiempos difíciles. Empresas españolas bajo presión durante la Guerra Fría*.

This paper presents a comparative analysis of intelligence failures in three major powers: the United States, China, and Russia. By examining significant case studies, such as the 9/11 attacks and WMD assessments in Iraq for the U.S., the COVID-19 outbreak for China, and the 2014 Crimea annexation and 2016 U.S. election interference for Russia, the study explores the causes, impacts, and responses to intelligence breakdowns. Through a detailed theoretical framework, this research identifies the common organizational challenges, political pressures, and strategic miscalculations that contribute to intelligence failures in different governance structures. Key findings highlight both similarities-such as bureaucratic inertia and the influence of political biases-and differences, including the role of transparency in democracies versus the centralized control in authoritarian systems. The paper also emphasizes the long-term effects of intelligence failures on national security, public trust, international diplomacy, and the subsequent reforms implemented in intelligence practices. This study offers important contributions to the field of intelligence studies by enhancing the understanding of intelligence failures and providing policy recommendations to prevent future occurrences, especially through the use of emerging technologies and cross-national comparisons.

This paper examines the evolving relationship between the United States and China, focusing on its historical development, current dynamics, and future trajectories. It begins by tracing the origins of U.S.-China interactions from the late 18th century through the Cold War era, highlighting key events such as Nixon's visit to China and the subsequent normalization of diplomatic relations. The paper then delves into the contemporary state of affairs, analyzing economic interdependence, political tensions, and military competition, while also exploring areas of cooperation, including climate change and public health. Looking ahead, the paper considers emerging trends such as technological competition and shifts in global power dynamics and proposes policy recommendations to navigate the complex bilateral relationship. By integrating historical context with present realities and future possibilities, this paper provides a comprehensive overview of the strategic, economic, and diplomatic dimensions of U.S.-China relations, offering insights into how these two major powers might shape the future of global politics.

Despite the existence of quite serious military-political differences between Assyria and Hittite Kingdom for many centuries, BC. In the second half of the 13th century, interstate relations between the two countries were regulated. Neighborly relations were established between the two countries. The Hittite king Tudhaliya IV tried to keep the new, young and ambitious king of Assyria, Tukulti-Ninurta I, away from his borders and domains of control with his "friendly" advice and diplomacy. However, the conquest of the same territories came from Assyria's economic and political interests, as a result of which these territories soon came under Assyria's control, albeit not permanently.

Established in 1927 and reconstituted in 1949 after the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC), the People's Liberation Army (PLA) is the armed wing of China's ruling party, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCP controls all levers of power in China, and its control of the military is absolute. As a "party army", the PLA serves the party rather than the state, making the PLA unique among modern advanced militaries. As a Party-Army, the PLA is a political actor.

In this paper, we examine discourses about border and scale in the
context of Hong Kong’s relationship with mainland China. We argue that, as the physical and political borders between Hong Kong and the mainland are eroding, other forms of bordering practices – such as linguistic borders – become more salient and contested. We draw on selected thematic analyses of a corpus of 70 articles from Hong Kong English media, as well as socio-historical analyses that have widely circulated since Hong Kong’s handover from Britain to China, in order to examine how the construction of “Cantonese” and “Mandarin” is managed against anxieties about Hong Kong’s potential loss of distinction and fears of becoming “just another
Chinese city”. In this process, both borders and scales become key terrains of negotiation and function themselves as ideological resources in debates about Hong Kong’s identity and future, as certain distinctions take on reduced or pronounced meaning from particular scalar perspectives. Amid an ongoing reframing of what it means to be “Chinese”, examining language ideologies in Hong Kong contributes to our understanding of how national and linguistic categories achieve or reframe their social meanings.

Azerbaijan has published an atlas entitled "National atlas of Azerbaijan".
The atlas contains a section entitled Historic Maps of Azerbaijan.
Since Azerbaijan was established in 1918, there there could be no historic maps mentioning their name north of the Arax river.
To correct the shortcoming various western well known maps have been doctored and presented as "original" maps.
These falsifications are shown and discussed in the related article.

It is indisputable that the United States and China relations are one of the most complicated relations in the 21 st century-the one that is filled with cooperation, communication, confrontation, and competition at the same time. Their rivalry was seen in many parts of the world and has now extended into the Pacific Island Countries (PICs), one of the regions in the world that has been overlooked by many analysts. This paper aims to understand the idea behind Washington and Beijing's approach to the PICs, their intentions, and end-goal. While the United States has strong traditional and historical ties with the PICs, China is also trying to catch up with the US influence in the region. With both major powers employing charm strategy to engage their presence the US appeared to be defensive while China is more assertive. With the qualitative method as the tool, this paper focuses on the high-level diplomatic visits and multilateral cooperation between the US and China in the Pacific Island region. Through that, it is revealed that the PICs stood as a strategy area for Washington and Beijing and it is revealed that the US still stood a stronger foothold in the region compared to China. Despite that, it doesn't mean the PICs have disengaged China from its spectrum; in fact, the PICs will continue to engage with China but on a mutual understanding basis and this paper will reiterate the importance of comprehending the PICs' relations with both China and the US.

Una de las consecuencias de la digitalización y la inteligencia artificial en la sociedad fue la creación del Big Data, la minería de datos, que sentó nuevas bases para investigaciones estadísticas y sociológicas anteriores. Los grandes modelos de lenguaje, como ChatGPT, en las últimas versiones pueden presentar de forma fiable una cantidad tan grande de conocimiento acumulado en segundos que las etapas preliminares anteriores de una investigación verdaderamente original -la recopilación de hechos empíricos y los aspectos teóricos relevantes- pueden acortarse radicalmente. El conocimiento casi total de que la versión de ChatGPT4o ya se está acercando, pero la 5ª versión que se lanzará en un futuro próximo ya puede realizarse, permite cambiar a una nueva forma de adquirir conocimiento, la minería de conocimientos. Esta nueva forma de obtener conocimiento lleva al investigador a los límites del conocimiento, y además de los trabajos fundamentales del tema investigado y en parte en lugar de ellos, esta minería de conocimiento a la velocidad del rayo acorta el tiempo para iniciar descubrimientos verdaderamente originales. Aunque no podemos esperar la creación de un nuevo conocimiento a partir de grandes modelos de lenguaje, podemos esperar que el conocimiento acumulado se reciba a la velocidad del rayo. Y dado que un gran número de profesores universitarios en realidad trabajan solo en los límites del conocimiento mientras escriben la enseñanza universitaria y los materiales didácticos, pero no crean nada originalmente, sus actividades de escritura de estudio ya se pueden realizar en gran medida con la ayuda de ChatGPT4o. Pero no en meses y años, sino en horas, días y semanas.   
      Aquí, el simple hecho de hacer preguntas es un aditivo intelectual humano para ChatGPT4o, pero, por supuesto, una serie de preguntas consecutivas sobre un tema determinado es fundamental para lo que será el resultado de la minería de conocimiento a partir del conocimiento total de la inteligencia artificial sobre el tema. Yo mismo he escrito estudios en ciencias jurídicas en general (teoría del derecho, dogmática del derecho, historia del derecho), teoría sociológica, sociología del derecho, sociología política, sociología de la ciencia y ciencia política en los últimos 45 años, y ya he realizado estudios preliminares para una multitud de cuestiones en la minería del conocimiento. Pero incluso en una base de conocimientos intelectuales generales, prácticamente todo el campo de las ciencias sociales e históricas puede ser utilizado por cualquiera para hacer una serie de preguntas más profundas e interconectadas sobre un tema determinado y, por lo tanto, extraer el conocimiento a nivel de estudio del conocimiento total de ChatGPT4o. Debe señalarse, por supuesto, que ya he leído estudios para algunas de las investigaciones mentales aquí, aunque solo tenían la intención de ayudarme a comprender otros contextos, pero no podría haberme comprometido a emprender un estudio independiente en este campo, ni siquiera a nivel de resumen del conocimiento. Pero ahora para que ChatGPT4o hiciera preguntas, eran útiles, por lo que estaba un poco más allá del nivel de conocimiento intelectual general en esta área.

At the National People's Congress on March 5, Premier Li Qiang presented China's government work report, which trumpets the country's achievements over the past year and sets an ambitious agenda for 2024. However, implementing this agenda may prove difficult, especially as China grapples with a range of economic, social, and geopolitical challenges.

Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti'nin kurulduğu 1949'dan günümüze Çin'in dış politika hedefleri önemli bir dönüşüme uğramıştır. Mao Zedong liderliğindeki (1949-1976) Çin, dış politikada, yeni kurulan devletin güvenliğini sağlamayı hedeflerken, Deng Xiaoping (1978-1992) dış politikada ülkenin ekonomik kalkınmasını gerçekleştirmeye yönelik ilişkilerin kurulmasını öncelik haline getirmiş ve "gücünüzü gizleyin, asla liderlik etmeyin ve zamanınızı bekleyin" şeklinde düşük profilli bir yaklaşımı takip etmiştir. Jiang Zemin (1992-2002) büyük ölçüde ve Hu Jintao (2002-2012) ise 2008 ekonomik krizine kadar olan dönemde Deng'in düşük profilli politikasını sürdürmüştür.
2008 krizi sonrası süreçte Hu, Deng'in düşük profilli dış politika yaklaşımını "aktif olarak bir şeyleri başarmak" olarak değiştirmiş ve Çin'in bölgesel ile uluslararası ilişkilerde nüfuz kazanması için daha iddialı bir dış politika izlemesi gerektiğini belirtmiştir. Bu noktadan hareketle, çalışmanın temel argümanı Deng'in ortaya koyduğu düşük profilli dış politika yaklaşımının Çin dış politikasında uzun süre geçerliliğini koruduğu ve düşük profilli yaklaşımdan farklı iddialı eylemler geliştirilmeye başlanmasının ilk defa Hu döneminde başladığıdır. Çalışmaya göre, Hu döneminde başlayan bu değişimin temel belirleyicisi 2008 krizi sonrası süreçte uluslararası sistemde güç dengesi ve çok kutupluluk açısından Çin lehine olumlu bir dönüşüm yaşanmasıdır.
Hu sonrası dönemde, Xi liderliğindeki (2012-) Çin, dış politikada, proaktif bir rol üstlenmiş, ikili ve bölgesel iş birliğini daha güçlü bir şekilde teşvik etmiş ve bölgesel siyasette etkin bir aktör olmaya yönelik bir yaklaşım ortaya koymuştur. Bu noktadan hareketle, çalışmanın bir diğer argümanı, Xi liderliğindeki Çin'in dış politikada Deng'in düşük profilli yaklaşımını tamamen terk ettiğidir. Xi, Hu'nun ileri sürdüğü birçok girişimi/kavramı daha da geliştirerek Hu'nun başlattığı dış politika açılımını sürdürmüştür. Bunun temel nedeni, 2008 krizi sonrası uluslararası sistemde başlayan dönüşümün derinleştiği/genişlediği bir konjonktürde, Çinli karar alıcıların geçmişte zayıf olan ve bugün büyük güç haline gelen Çin'in yeni koşullara uygun bir dış politika izlemesi gerektiğini savunmalarıdır.
Çalışma, Mao'dan Xi'e Çin dış politikasının gelişmelere yönelik düşük profilli ve temkinli bir yaklaşımdan olayları değiştirmeyi ve süreci tamamen kendi lehine şekillendirmeyi amaçlayan dinamik bir vizyona evrildiği sonucuna ulaşmıştır. Ayrıca çalışma, dış politikada kuruluş dönemindeki Komünizm vurgusu hariç pragmatizmin önemli bir belirleyici olduğunu, her dönemde büyük güçlerin eylemlerinin Çin dış politikasının şekillenmesinde kayda değer bir dinamik olduğunu ve Tayvan ile Hong Kong olmak üzere egemenliği güçlendirmeye yönelik milliyetçi girişimler ile söylemlerin her zaman dış politikada kritik bir yer tuttuğunu göstermiştir.
Bu çalışmanın temel amacı, Çin'in kurucu devlet başkanı Mao Zedong'dan mevcut lider Xi Jinping'e Çin dış politikasının geçirdiği dönüşümü analiz etmektir. Bu çerçevede, çalışmada Çin dış politikasını şekillendiren temel dinamikler, politikanın genel niteliği ve uygulamaya yansımaları incelenmiştir. Çalışma yöntem olarak eleştirel literatür değerlendirmesine başvurmuş ve Çin dış politikasındaki devamlılık ile değişim unsurlarını açığa çıkarmayı hedeflemiştir.

Los principales debates relativos a las relaciones entre Rusia y China versan bien en torno a su naturaleza, en particular si la profundización de su asociación estratégica alcanza o puede alcanzar un status formal o informal de alianza; bien sobre aquellos elementos que estimulan o dificultan el progreso y sostenibilidad de esa relación. Estos últimos son de tres tipos: intereses en el estricto ámbito bilateral o sobre proyectos de integración regional liderados por Rusia y China; el diseño del futuro orden internacional; y, por último, la creciente asimetría entre China y Rusia en términos económicos, extensible, salvo en el terreno militar, al resto de capacidades estructurales. La guerra en Ucrania, como sucedió ya con su predecesora, la crisis abierta en 2014, supone un test de estrés para las relaciones ruso-chinas tanto en términos de cooperación política y económica como respecto a cómo es proyectada y percibida esa relación. La posición china, en ocasiones errática, ha procurado equilibrar su neutralidad, rechazando ser un aliado militar de Rusia, con un apoyo a las narrativas rusas acorde con lo esperado de un socio especial. En este capítulo se analiza el impacto de la guerra y sus consecuencias en la profundización material de la asociación estratégica ruso-china; pero también en la proyección de un alineamiento en la competición estratégica llamada a definir el futuro orden internacional.

Textual analysis of the discourse of language for specific purposes on the example of French language of international relations [Analyse textuelle du discours de la langue de specialité sur l'exemple de la langue francaise des relations internationales]

This paper distinguishes four types of public policies that seek to encourage growth-inducing technological advance: technology, R&D, industrial, and science policies. The first three are typically treated under the single heading ‘industrial policy’, which is a source of confusion since each is administered by different agents and often with different objectives. Evidence of successes and failures of any one of the policies defined here is often incorrectly taken to apply to the other policies. Evidence for the symbiotic relation between the public and the private sectors is outlined, although typically ignored by in formal growth theories. The massive influence of science policy on economic growth, also typically ignored by in growth theories, is a largely unintended byproduct of scientific advance. A policy implication of the approach in this paper is to stress science, technology, and R&D policies, putting much less stress on industrial policy as defined here.

Key Words: Industrial policy, science policy, technology, economic growth, R&D. 

JEL Classifications: 023, 025, 035, 043.

Lord Krishna is a well-known character from Hindu mythology who is loved and worshipped in every Indian household. But, aside from his heavenly position, Lord Krishna can also be seen as an example of an HR executive who had some unique qualities that are relevant in today's human resource profession. This abstract examines the advantages that HR can derive from Lord Krishna's managerial abilities and philosophies. Lord Krishna is an authoritative leader who also uses participatory techniques. He was an example in his time for managing people and getting the desired task done by them with utmost ownership and honesty and ensuring that everyone in the team must be aware of their roles & responsibilities which is crucial for a successful HR manager. Everybody was aware of his problem-solving & strategic skills which became prominent in the Mahabharata War. The compromise lessons of Lord Krishna are also important for human resources. He encourages people to keep a healthy work environment in place. His emphasis on communication and empathy is also in keeping with the value of establishing an accepting workplace. This study is trying to highlight the qualities of Lord Krishna that HR executives can study and implement in their work field.