Arms Control and Disarmament

Right from when nuclear research began, discovered, developed and deployed, it brought to the fore the destructive capabilities of this latest discovery, while its peaceful means was also sought years later. Many countries of the world, including the then apartheid South Africa, either began to develop their own nuclear weapon program or invested heavily into research for the development or acquisition of nuclear technology. Some developed countries, notably the United States, Union of Soviet Socialist Republic {USSR} and Britain went into more research, others such as France, China and Japan, though got their nuclear breakthrough late between the 60s and 80s, eventually joined the nuclear club. A few African Countries, notably, South Africa, had experiences and took positions with respect to nuclear weapons technology, while other countries such as Egypt, Algeria, Libya and Nigeria also made attempt at various times. Therefore, the overall objective of this study is to explain the rationale for African desire at acquiring nuclear technology, whether for military purpose like other countries or for a peaceful means and why the continent has failed to achieved this noble desire.

Right from when nuclear research began, discovered, developed and deployed, it brought to the fore the destructive capabilities of this latest discovery, while its peaceful means was also sought years later. Many countries of the world, including the then apartheid South Africa, either began to develop their own nuclear weapon program or invested heavily into research for the development or acquisition of nuclear technology. Some developed countries, notably the United States, Union of Soviet Socialist Republic {USSR} and Britain went into more research, others such as France, China and Japan, though got their nuclear breakthrough late between the 60s and 80s, eventually joined the nuclear club. A few African Countries, notably, South Africa, had experiences and took positions with respect to nuclear weapons technology, while other countries such as Egypt, Algeria, Libya and Nigeria also made attempt at various times. Therefore, the overall objective of this study is to explain the rationale for African desire at acquiring nuclear technology, whether for military purpose like other countries or for a peaceful means and why the continent has failed to achieved this noble desire.

Аннотация. В статье на основе экспертных записок Института США и Канады АН СССР, направлявшихся в ЦК КПСС, анализируются подходы советских американистов к проблеме ограничения стратегических вооружений в конце 1960-х – начале 1970-х годов. Особое внимание уделяется их аргументации в пользу политики разрядки. Советские эксперты настаивали на необходимости нормализации отношений с Соединенными Штатами, что приобретало особую значимость в условиях неоднозначного восприятия разрядки внутри партийного руководства. В этом контексте их рекомендации могли оказаться востребованными сторонниками деэскалации, в частности Л.И. Брежневым, Ю.В. Андроповым и А.А. Громыко, к которым был близок директор Института США и Канады Г.А. Арбатов. Ученые-американисты обосновывали ограничение вооружений как с экономических, так и с политико-стратегических позиций. Аргументация основывалась на факте, что СССР нес несопоставимо большие расходы в условиях гонки вооружений, что препятствовало проведению внутренних реформ. Кроме того, эксперты указывали на технологическое и экономическое превосходство США, способное обеспечить им количественное и качественное преимущество в случае эскалации. Помимо аналитических оценок, записки содержали конкретные предложения по реализации внешнеполитического курса: от использования внутриполитической повестки в США до расширения каналов публичной дипломатии и развития контактов с американским обществом. По мнению экспертов, такая гибкая политика позволила бы выстроить долгосрочные отношения, менее зависимые от внутриполитической конъюнктуры и взглядов избранного президента США. Таким образом, записки Института США представляют собой ценный источник по истории внешнеполитической экспертизы и отражают попытки выработки альтернативных подходов к советско-американским отношениям в условиях холодной войны.

Abstract. This article examines Soviet perspectives on the limitation of the arms race in the late 1960s and early 1970s, as reflected in expert memoranda produced by the Institute for US Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences and submitted to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). The study highlights the development of arguments in favour of détente within these documents. The memoranda reveal the efforts of Soviet Americanists to promote the normalisation of relations with the United States – an objective of growing significance given the ambivalence within the Party leadership regarding rapprochement. In this context, the Institute’s director, Georgy Arbatov – who maintained close ties with prominent figures such as Brezhnev, Andropov, and Gromyko – sought to position the Institute’s expertise as a resource for those advocating engagement. Soviet experts justified arms control on both economic and strategic grounds. They underscored the disproportionate economic burden of the arms race on the USSR, which impeded much-needed domestic reform, while also highlighting the technological and economic superiority of the United States, which risked shifting the strategic balance. Alongside analytical assessments, the memoranda contained concrete policy recommendations. These included exploiting internal political dynamics in the United States, expanding public diplomacy, and strengthening ties with American society. The experts advocated for a flexible strategy capable of sustaining bilateral relations beyond short-term electoral cycles or presidential administrations. Taken together, the memoranda constitute a significant source for understanding the role of foreign policy expertise in the Soviet Union and reflect broader attempts to conceptualise alternative approaches to US-Soviet relations during the Cold War.

Ce document s’inscrit dans un moment charnière de l’histoire géopolitique, marqué par :
• L’échec des interventions occidentales (Afghanistan, Irak, Sahel) et la remise en cause de leur légitimité (ex. : "La France dégage !" au Mali).
• La guerre en Ukraine, révélatrice des limites des stratégies purement militaires et de l’incapacité à anticiper les effets systémiques (crises énergétiques, alimentaires, cyber).
• L’ascension de puissances non-occidentales (Chine, Russie, Turquie) qui combinent hard power et soft power avec une cohérence que l’Occident a perdue.
Pourquoi publier maintenant ? Les Global Risks Reports (2022–2024) et les crises récentes (Ukraine, Sahel, tensions Chine-USA) montrent que les démocraties occidentales échouent à penser une stratégie globale, prisonnières de :
• L’hyper-spécialisation (militaires vs. diplomates vs. économistes).
• L’illusion technologique (drones, IA comme solutions miracles).
• L’absence de récits mobilisateurs face aux narratifs autoritaires (Russie, Chine).
Originalité de l’Approche
Ce document se distingue des analyses géopolitiques classiques par :
• Un dialogue entre histoire et contemporain :
o Lyautey comme modèle d’une stratégie holistique (intégrant militaire, culture, économie).
o Les échecs actuels (Sahel, Ukraine) comme symptômes d’une pensée en silos.
• L’intégration des Global Risks Reports :
o Montre comment les crises modernes (climat, cyber, polarisation) sont interconnectées, et pourquoi les réponses occidentales restent fragmentées.
• Un lien avec nos travaux scientifiques :
o Notre réflexion sur un modèle de conscience hybride (espace de Hilbert relationnel) offre une métaphore puissante pour repenser la stratégie :
 Cartographier les interdépendances (comme des nœuds dans un réseau).
 Créer des "passages" entre disciplines (militaire, climat, culture).
 Construire des récits de résilience (inspirés des arts du passage et des cosmologies).
Exemple concret : La section sur les effets systémiques de la guerre en Ukraine (pénuries alimentaires, cyberattaques, polarisation) illustre comment une crise locale déclenche des répercussions globales—un angle rarement traité dans les médias grand public.

This study focuses on important issues in how strategic intelligence is managed within Nigerian law enforcement agencies, with the goal of improving national security. It looks at the current situation of intelligence collection and analysis, looking at the structures, processes, and abilities in place. The study identifies key obstacles to effective sharing and cooperation among security agencies, exploring institutional, operational, and cultural challenges. It also evaluates the quality of training and technology available for intelligence work, looking at the effectiveness of training programs and the state of technological resources. The research also looks at how sociopolitical issues like political influence, corruption, and public attitudes affect the objectivity and success of intelligence agencies. Based on these findings, the study offers practical advice and strategies to close these gaps and improve the security system in Nigeria, ultimately making law enforcement more effective.

After 59 years of independence, and twenty years of uninterrupted civilian rule, Nigerians expected the principles of democracy and sustainable development to have been assimilated, particularly in the Niger Delta, but the optimism has unfortunately been misplaced due to bad governance that has „over consumption‟ of natural resources as its cardinal focus. As a result, this paper examines democracy and sustainable development underscoring the challenges and prospects in the Niger delta, and observing that democracy is at the defining moment in Nigeria. As worrisome as it is, the objectives are to: (i) examine why Nigeria as a country with large deposits of oil and other natural resources cannot maximize her potential for poverty reduction and human development. (ii) authenticate the extent to which democracy in Nigeria can guarantee sustainable development and (iii) recommend ways of making Nigeria‟s democracy, invariably lead to sustainable development. The theoretical framework fo...

Building international climate cooperation: lessons from the weapons and trade regimes for achieving international climate goals / Ruth Greenspan Bell, Micah Ziegler, Barry Blechman, Brian Finlay and Thomas Cottier. World Resources Institute, May 2012, 196 p. http://pdf.wri.org/building_international_climate_cooperation.pdf This report considers lessons from the weapons and trade regimes, noting both their successes and failures. It compares these lessons to what has been tried in the climate...

The 2025 debates in Geneva’s Conference on Disarmament and the third Preparatory Committee (PrepCom) for the 2026 NPT Review Conference revealed both the fragility and resilience of today’s nuclear order. While no new agreements were concluded, discussions highlighted areas of convergence — reaffirmation of the NPT as the cornerstone of the regime, broad support for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), momentum for a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT), and growing recognition of verification, transparency, and risk reduction measures. Yet these were overshadowed by persistent divides over the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), the role of deterrence and nuclear sharing, and regional challenges such as the Middle East WMD-Free Zone. These tensions reflect deeper clashes between humanitarian imperatives and strategic stability, between Global South expectations of disarmament and nuclear-armed states’ reliance on deterrence.
The article argues that the road to 2026 must focus not on negotiating a sweeping new bargain but on delivering balanced, incremental commitments that restore trust in the NPT process. This includes reaffirming Article VI obligations, advancing CTBT entry into force and FMCT negotiations, strengthening accountability and reporting, renewing efforts on negative security assurances, and elevating the peaceful uses pillar by linking it to the Sustainable Development Goals. Absent such steps, the 2026 Review Conference risks repeating the failures of 2015 and 2022, eroding the credibility of the NPT and entrenching a two-tier nuclear order. Ultimately, the debates of 2025 serve as both a warning of entrenched divides and a reminder that multilateral diplomacy, if translated into concrete action, remains essential to bridging the nuclear gap.

Peace for the world is not merely the absence of violence but the presence of justice, cooperation, and human security that enables societies to flourish. This paper develops an integrated approach to world peace by combining theoretical frameworks with practical roadmaps for individuals, communities, and global institutions. Drawing on classical and modern peace theories, including Johan Galtung's concepts of negative and positive peace, Kant's vision of perpetual peace, and contemporary critical perspectives, the study establishes a conceptual foundation for understanding peace as both an idea and a practice. The practical roadmap section highlights actionable strategies across individual, national, and international levels, addressing disarmament, diplomacy, conflict resolution, and responses to shared global challenges such as climate change and digital security. Case studies-including South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the European Union, and peace processes in Colombiademonstrate the interaction between theory and practice. The paper concludes by synthesizing theoretical insights with pragmatic approaches, arguing that sustainable peace requires ongoing engagement, adaptability, and a recognition that peace is a process rather than a final state.

This research work examines Nigeria's counter-terrorism architecture, exploring its historical context, operational frameworks, and the multifaceted challenges impeding progress in the fight against terrorism. Such challenges have been linked to poor intelligence gathering among our security agencies, poor funding, and corruption, amongst others. Looking at the whole scenario, it is noteworthy to say that while notable efforts have been made through military, legal, and international strategies, terrorism remains a potent threat which has not abated following incessant attack of innocent citizens by terrorist groups and the destruction of properties and livelihoods in the Nigerian soil. Exploring the qualitative method of inquiry via the phenomenological and hermeneutic approach, this study critiques prevailing approaches and proposes sustainable opportunities for improving national security, particularly by prioritizing intelligence, human rights, socioeconomic development, and community engagement. The findings reveal that socioeconomic challenges such as poverty, youth unemployment, educational deprivation, political exclusion, etc., are some of the key drivers of terrorism in Nigeria. These factors create fertile ground for radicalization. The authors therefore holds the view that these spotted factors must be addressed through inclusive development and deliberate governance reforms if the fight against terrorism must be won. The study emphasizes the need for a multidimensional, inclusive, and accountable counter-terrorism strategy that aligns with global best practices that are in-tandem with local realities.

In 2025, six European states — Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, and Ukraine — initiated withdrawal from the Ottawa Convention banning anti-personnel landmines (APMs). This post critically assesses the rationale behind such decisions, warning against the framing of landmines as legitimate tools of self-defence. While the Ottawa Convention has produced significant humanitarian and security gains since 1997, APMs offer only marginal tactical utility, are easily countered in conventional warfare, and frequently backfire, causing friendly casualties and long-term risks to civilians. Their deployment imposes high financial, social, and environmental costs while generating devastating humanitarian consequences, including death, disability, and restricted access to land and services. Justifying withdrawal on grounds of deterrence sets a dangerous precedent, eroding international humanitarian commitments. Instead, this moment calls for reinforcing ethical and legal norms, recognising that the purported benefits of APMs pale against their enduring harm to societies, environments, and post-war recovery.

The Ottawa Convention banning anti-personnel landmines is under serious challenge. In 2025, six state parties — Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, and Ukraine — began the procedure to withdraw from the convention. Henrique Garbino and Priscyll Anctil Avoine argue for a critical assessment of the rationale behind this decision, and its consequences

The German article is about survival of nuclear war today, by using experiences of Leo Szilard. Arne Molfenter wrote a German  book about  "Léo Szilárd -Der Mann hinter der Bombe". Philipp Sonntag looks at current problems of avoiding nuclear escalation, as Leo Szilard might see them today.

Numerical simulation was carried out using Autodyn 2D code to study the formation and tandem behavior of multiliner EFPs (Explosively Formed Projectiles). The main aim of multiliner configuration is to develop tandem behavior and to increase the ...

Using a number of small flying drones does not change the fundamentals of swarming tactics. In essence, with the large-scale fielding of small weapon carrying drones, the two altering dynamics are: (1) Humans are physically distanced from the weapons they are using; (2) Small drone use changes Swarming Tactics Geometry, as various attacks are able to fully exploit the 3D space encompassing an opponent. That being said, the phenomenon of a number of tactical entities (in this case small drones) able to buzz an opponent, attacking from multiple vectors complicating the opponent’s ability to counter these varied incoming threats remains a core fundamental of swarming tactics.

Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine droht Putin unverhohlen mit taktischen Nuklearwaffen. Sie sind Teil der russischen Militärstrategie. Führt ihr Einsatz automatisch ins nukleare Armageddon? Das Wissen können Sie auch im Webradio unter swrkultur.de und auf Mobilgeräten in der SWR Kultur App hörenoder als Podcast nachhören: https://www.swr.de/swrkultur/programm/podcast-swr-das-wissen-102.html Bitte beachten Sie: Das Manuskript ist ausschließlich zum persönlichen, privaten Gebrauch bestimmt. Jede weitere Vervielfältigung und Verbreitung bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Urhebers bzw. des SWR.

The paper aims at creating and guiding a discussion that will help protect vulnerable communities, states, and the international community from unprecedented levels of illegal use of force that results into breach of peace, and international protocols of sovereignty, non-use of force, human rights, life among others through bridging loopholes, codifying new set of rules to regulate the use of force at local levels, but also, to regulate Mercenary activities by individuals, companies/organizations and nations.

The paper aims at creating and guiding a discussion that will help protect vulnerable communities, states, and the international community from unprecedented levels of illegal use of force that results into breach of peace, and international protocols of sovereignty, non-use of force, human rights, life among others through bridging loopholes, codifying new set of rules to regulate the use of force at local levels, but also, to regulate Machinery activities by individuals, companies/organizations and nations. The paper defines the meaning of force , gives a background of how the Uganda Peoples Defense Forces (UPDF) (the Ugandan army) crossed borders into South Sudan, discusses who determines the use of force in international relations, establishes why the UPDF deployment in South Sudan remains illegal, explains why the UN and AU needs to prevent a similar movement of troops across any borders in the future, and finally lists action points for the UN and AU that could help regulate a similar incident of use of force in Global Affairs.

The nuclear deterrence rivalry involving India and Pakistan is undoubtedly one of the world's most ferocious regional rivalries. Considering the two countries' common cultural, historical, geographical relationships, the India-Pakistan association has been categorized by abhorrence and suspicion since British India was partitioned in 1947. Nuclear capability has the power to trigger the already existing conflicts between Pakistan and India. The degree of regional security of South Asia is primarily & essentially interdependent due to amity, enmity relationship between Pakistan and India. While nuclear deterrence has perpetuated the rivalry between India and Pakistan, it has also paradoxically contributed to maintaining a fragile peace in the region. The concept of mutually assured destruction has restrained both countries from engaging in full-scale wars, as any nuclear exchange would result in catastrophic consequences for both sides. The deterrent effect of nuclear weapons, therefore, plays a significant role in sustaining a tense but stable peace between India and Pakistan, despite their deep-seated enmities.

Aquest article reflexiona sobre la jerarquització del dolor global i la invisibilització de determinades guerres i sofriments humans en el discurs públic occidental. A través del concepte de “guerra pària”, l'autor argumenta que alguns conflictes —com els del Sudan, el Iemen o la República Democràtica del Congo— són sistemàticament oblidats o relegats, no pas per manca de gravetat, sinó per una combinació de factors polítics, mediàtics i culturals. Inspirant-se en pensadors com Judith Butler, Achille Mbembe i el papa Francesc, l'article proposa una nova gramàtica ètica que reconegui la igual dignitat de tot patiment humà i convida a imaginar una política global de la cura i la solidaritat.

As the United Nations nears its 80th anniversary, disarmament emerges as the decisive test of the organization’s credibility. This paper contends that the UN80 reform initiative cannot be confined to institutional streamlining or cost-saving measures; its success hinges on revitalizing disarmament as a core pillar of global peace and security. Despite its modest budgetary share, disarmament carries disproportionate symbolic and political weight, shaping perceptions of multilateral legitimacy.

The study examines the persistent paralysis of the Conference on Disarmament, strains within the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty regime, and governance gaps created by emerging technologies. It further highlights the contributions of the Global South—through nuclear-weapon-free zones, humanitarian disarmament initiatives, and the linkage of arms control to development—as well as the special responsibility of nuclear-armed states to reduce risks and honor commitments.

The paper concludes that disarmament is not peripheral but essential to UN renewal: without visible progress, UN80 will be remembered as a missed opportunity; with it, the UN can reclaim legitimacy as a guarantor of peace.

As the United Nations nears its 80th anniversary, disarmament emerges as the decisive test of the organization’s credibility. This paper contends that the UN80 reform initiative cannot be confined to institutional streamlining or cost-saving measures; its success hinges on revitalizing disarmament as a core pillar of global peace and security. Despite its modest budgetary share, disarmament carries disproportionate symbolic and political weight, shaping perceptions of multilateral legitimacy.

The study examines the persistent paralysis of the Conference on Disarmament, strains within the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty regime, and governance gaps created by emerging technologies. It further highlights the contributions of the Global South—through nuclear-weapon-free zones, humanitarian disarmament initiatives, and the linkage of arms control to development—as well as the special responsibility of nuclear-armed states to reduce risks and honor commitments.

The paper concludes that disarmament is not peripheral but essential to UN renewal: without visible progress, UN80 will be remembered as a missed opportunity; with it, the UN can reclaim legitimacy as a guarantor of peace.

The proliferation of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in military applications has catalyzed the rise of Lethal Autonomous Weapon Systems (LAWS), inevitably mutating the dynamics of contemporary warfare. These systems, capable of executing lethal activities with minimal or no human intervention, raise ethical, legal, and strategic impasses. This study critically reviews the degrees of autonomy in LAWS, interrogating their inferences for agency, culpability, and the technologization of warfare. Drawing on Actor-Network Theory (ANT) and Necropolitics, this study reconnoitres the dissolution of human oversight in combat situations, where decision-making is increasingly subsumed by algorithmic logic. ANT divulges how obligation is subtle across a network of human and non-human actors, with AI, sensors, and algorithms exercising agency in ways that complicate traditional accountability structures. Necropolitics, as theorized by Mbembe (2003) affords a lens for how AI-driven warfare proposes a sovereign technology of death, determining who may live and who must die through impersonal, data-driven processes. Unlike careful warfare, where human combatants make ethical and strategic decisions, LAWS operates within a pre-programmed logic of annihilation, emulating the historical structures of biopolitical control and state-sanctioned violence. By employing qualitative research, the paper scrutinizes international humanitarian law (IHL) and the "responsibility vacuum" incipient from the designation of lethal force to machines. Through an analysis of real-world case studies-including drone warfare, autonomous loitering munitions, and AI-driven targeting systems-this paper divulges the multipart embroglio between military efficiency, ethical concern, and the erosion of human control in conflict. Ultimately, this work accentuates the need for vigorous regulatory mechanisms to oversee the deployment of autonomous weapons and safeguard the primacy of human judgment in warfare.

In  the  fifth  century  BCE,  the  young  Roman
Republic  was  locked  in  a  struggle  for  survival.  The
Aequi,  Rome’s  eastern  neighbors,  threatened  to
invade  and  take  the  city.  Rome  dispatched  an  army,
but  the  Aequi  surrounded  and  massacred  it.  In
panic,  the  Senate  endowed  Cincinnatus,  a  retired
patrician,  with  emergency  executive  powers  to
salvage the situation...

In the wake of the end of the Cold War, new regimes of arms control on conventional weapons emerged alongside the regimes on weapons of mass destruction, parallel to the rise of liberal and humanitarian ideas about the international system. The new arms control regimes prohibit the use, production, transfer, or stockpiling of certain conventional weapons as well as anti-personnel mines, as outlined in the Ottawa Convention (1997) and cluster munitions per the Oslo Convention (2008). Even though major powers and manufacturers of these weapons/munitions, namely the United States, Russia, and China, have declined to agree to such restrictions, many countries worldwide, especially in Europe, have opted to join these new regimes. Despite their popularity, after the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the future of these regimes remains uncertain in Europe, as some countries have signaled their willingness to withdraw or have withdrawn already. This paper will evaluate the emergence and rise of these arms control regimes and identify the reasons that have led some countries to consider withdrawal. It will be argued that in the new era of the return of conventional warfare in Europe, countries facing a power asymmetry with a potential aggressor choose to balance internally through withdrawal.

Space colonization, the establishment of permanent human habitats beyond Earth, once thought to be the realm of science fiction and fantasy has now become the work of scientists and engineers. Although the Apollo mission was able to land some people on the moon successfully, we still need great advancements in science for space colonization. However, if our earth is the cradle and we cannot be in the cradle forever" as viewed by Tsiolkovsky and realize the concept of space colonization then it evokes and poses key questions: Who benefits? What inequalities arise? Can good governance be globalized? Hence, space colonization should be approached ethically, equitably, and scientifically to balance disparities that may

UKRAINE: L'IMPASSE DU RÉALISME GÉOPOLITIQUE Réflexions sur les zones d'influence et le droit international À propos de l'article de Joël Léon (Boukan News, 16 août 2025) Par Yves Pierre, politologue Au-delà du pragmatisme immédiat L'article visionnaire de Joël Léon interroge avec justesse l'échec des stratégies occidentales en Ukraine. Pourtant, sa proposition, un pragmatisme fondé sur la reconnaissance des rapports de force, mérite un examen approfondi. Par cette analyse, je souhaite prolonger son questionnement en convoquant les théories des relations internationales, non pour invalider son approche, mais pour en révéler les impensés structurels. I. Le mirage des zones d'influence: une grille de lecture dépassée L'argument réaliste, défendu par des penseurs comme John Mearsheimer ou Henry Kissinger, postule que les grandes puissances exigeraient naturellement des sphères d'influence exclusives. La Russie, blessée par l'élargissement continu de l'OTAN, agirait ainsi selon une logique défensive compréhensible. Cette perspective souffre cependant de quatre limites fondamentales. Historiquement d'abord, le

This paper examines the existential risks and opportunities presented by Artificial Intelligence (AI), highlighting threats greater than the atomic bomb: lethal autonomous weapons, mass manipulation, biological and chemical risks, and global geopolitical chaos. It proposes the establishment of a binding New Geneva Convention on AI Ethics under the United Nations, banning lethal autonomous weapons, enforcing transparency, and prioritizing AI applications that advance human rights, health, education, and environmental sustainability. The responsibility to prevent misuse and promote civilization-oriented use of AI lies not only with governments but also with academia, civil society, faith groups, and individuals. This work calls for collective global awareness and ethical governance to ensure AI becomes a force for peace and civilization rather than chaos and destruction.

This paper examines defence-sector security reform in South Sudan from independence to the
present (2011-2025), with emphasis on the post 2018 Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (RARCSS) and subsequent security arrangements. It synthesizes primary United Nations reporting, Resolutions of the UN Security Council, oversight by the Reconstituted Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (RJMEC), and recent policy and human-rights analyses. The study maps the institutional landscape (South Sudan People Defence Forces SPDF, Ministry of Defence and Veterans Affairs, National Security Service NSS, and other organized forces), diagnoses structural and operational challenges (fragmented command, fiscal stress and payroll opacity, political-military entanglement, human-rights abuses, arms flows and community violence), evaluates progress and setbacks on unification of forces, Disarmament Demobilization Reintegration (DDR), and civilian oversight, and proposes a sequenced, politically feasible reform roadmap.

Coordinator, editor, and co-author of the ATT Monitor Report 2025:
https://attmonitor.org/en/the-2025-report/

State of the Arms Trade Treaty: A Year in Review, June 2024 - May 2025
Chapter 1 - Parts and Components Under the ATT: Treaty Requirements National Practices and Implementation Challenges
Chapter 2 - Arms Exports and Imports: 2023 Annual Reports Analysis
Chapter 3 - Preliminary Review of 2024 ATT Annual Reports and New Initial Reports
Annex - Country Profiles

Strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention: Between Consensus and Division The Origins and Geopolitical Background The Biological Weapons Convention (BWC), which entered into force in 1975, was the world's first multilateral disarmament treaty banning an entire category of weapons of mass destruction (1). While hailed as a landmark, the BWC has long struggled with structural weaknesses: it lacks a verification mechanism, has a small Implementation Support Unit (ISU), and depends on limited assessed contributions supplemented by voluntary funding (2). Since the 1990s, efforts to negotiate a legally binding verification protocol have failed, most notably in 2001 when talks collapsed amid geopolitical mistrust (3). In the decades that followed, new challenges-synthetic biology, genome editing, dualuse research, artificial intelligence in biotechnology, and the COVID-19 pandemicunderscored the urgent need to modernize the treaty. Against this backdrop, the Ninth Review Conference (2022) established a Working Group on the Strengthening of the BWC (WG), tasked with negotiating concrete measures across five clusters: international cooperation and assistance (Article X), science and technology review, confidence-building measures (CBMs), compliance and verification, and national implementation, alongside organizational and financial arrangements. Its mandate runs until the Tenth Review Conference in 2026, where recommendations are expected to be adopted (4). The WG is therefore not just a technical body-it is a geopolitical forum where North-South divides on technology transfer, financing, and security governance play out, reflecting broader tensions in international politics.

"Gemeinsame europäische Nuklearwaffen wären einer der letzten Schritte einer vertieften europäischen Integration, die im Rahmen der neoliberalen Integrationsweise aber kaum leistbar ist. Ein geopolitischer Push von außen durch Trump und Putin allein ist dafür nicht hinreichend. Etwaige Abkürzungen durch den nationalstaatlichen Kauf von Nuklearwaffen wären friedenspolitisch verheerend, würden aber den Käufer*innen nicht jenen Grad an strategischer Autonomie geben, der mit ihnen gemeinhin verbunden wird. Eine solche autonome strategische Position hätte in der EU mit Blick auf Atombewaffnung und deren Einsatz weiterhin nur Frankreich."

Malinalco, Estado de México, una vez declarado Pueblo Mágico enfrentó conflictos por el agua; en específico, el Comité de Agua del Barrio de San Juan. Martínez busca ilustrar que el conflicto aparece incluso dentro de prácticas de gestión comunitaria que muchas veces son idealizadas. Martínez desarrolla un contexto sobre la normativa nacional y el lugar desarticulado que en esta tienen las diversas formas de gobernanza local del agua, mientras teje, al analizar el caso, cómo no basta con tener un comité de agua, pues se requiere agregar a esto acción e interés organizado, así como habilidades administrativas y jurídicas para negociar solidariamente en un conflicto.

Amid escalating tensions between Israel and Iran, Israel’s undeclared nuclear arsenal has come under renewed scrutiny following its targeted strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities. Drawing on estimates from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), this article reveals Israel’s possession of approximately 90 nuclear warheads and advanced delivery systems, including aircraft and missiles with a 4,450 km range. It explores the international community’s muted response to Israel’s nuclear program, contrasted with its stance on Iran, and highlights ongoing global nuclear modernization trends. This analysis contributes to understanding the geopolitical dynamics and non-proliferation challenges in the Middle East.

en vindran més, perquè compartim objectius i propostes. Des del món del treball i el de la cultura, pensem que els conflictes segueixen existint també quan no hi son les càmeres de TV ni els grans medias. Volem sortir de la visió anecdòtica de les confrontacions armades obertes o en standby, per aprofundir en el debat i donar arguments per a la necessària mobilització social en contra de la guerra i per la pau. Compartim les polítiques que aprofundeixin en la recerca dels elements imprescindibles per construir cultura de pau, i volem propiciar, en els centres d'estudi i de treball l'exercici de cercar preguntes i respostes. Ens hem centrat en quatre països que conformen avui una de les regions més convulses del món: l'Iraq, l'Iran, l'Afganistan i el Pakistan. Tenen coses en comú aquests països? Els conflictes armats en aquesta regió responen a causes semblants, o bé són temes que no tenen cap relació? Des d'Europa es pot contribuir a la pau en la regió? Quin paper han de tenir els organismes internacionals? I sobretot, què hi podem fer les Universitats, els sindicats i la resta de la societat a casa nostra? No oferim solucions màgiques, només llencem el debat i la discussió, però sobre la base i el compromís d'arribar a les aules i als centres de treball, perquè tenim clara una cosa: O el conjunt de la ciutadania fem nostra la cultura de pau, i per tant, prenem posició contra les guerres, o els de sempre justificaran les agressions, avui en nom de l'anomenada "lluita global contra el terrorisme" i demà… bé, demà ja s'inventaran alguna altra excusa per seguir invertint en forces destructives, en aparells militars i en nous armaments, suposadament intel•ligents, que faran la guerra "neta". La lluita per la pau ens necessita a tots i totes.

The concept of irreversibility in nuclear disarmament is gaining increasing attention in multilateral diplomacy, policy analysis, and scholarly research. Yet, continuous monitoring and verification of future disarmed nuclear states is insufficient for ensuring irreversibility. A nuclear-weapon-free world also will require careful attention to advanced civilian nuclear energy programmes. This report therefore lays out a framework called layered verification that is intended to eliminate pathways to weaponisation among highly latent nuclear states. The framework uses multiple interlocking international and country-specific non-proliferation approaches to reveal attempts to cross the nuclear threshold. Implementing layered verification will require considerable political will and financial costs. Nevertheless, it offers promise for detecting and deterring militarily significant non-compliance with disarmament commitments.

This paper explores the dynamics of proxy warfare in the 21st century through the lens of political economy, emphasizing the intersection between local conflicts and global strategic interests. As major powers increasingly avoid direct military confrontation, they turn to indirect engagement by supporting local actors/militias, insurgents, and governments in various conflict zones. Using case studies from Syria, Yemen, Libya, Ukraine, and the Sahel region, the study critically examines the motivations behind proxy warfare, including geopolitical rivalry, access to natural resources, ideological influence, and strategic deterrence. It further analyses the economic mechanisms that sustain these conflicts, such as arms trading, illicit financing, and war economies. By revealing the often-hidden global stakes in local conflicts, the paper underscores the urgent need for stronger international accountability, regional peacebuilding frameworks, and citizen awareness. Understanding the political economy of proxy warfare is vital not only for policymakers and scholars but for all global citizens committed to peace, justice, and responsible international engagement.

laubt denn jemand, dass bei 225 Mrd für Rüstung noch Geld für Soziales da ist?" fragte Ralf Stegner auf der Gewerkschaftlichen Friedenskonferenz im Juli in Salzgitter in Anspielung auf geplante Rüstungsausgaben in Höhe von 5% des Bruttoinlandsprodukts (BIP). Für Stegner, Mitinitiator des "Friedensmanifests" von SPD-Mitgliedern, eine rhetorische Frage. Für Clemens Fuest, Präsident des Wirtschaftsinstituts IFO, war ebenfalls schon in einer Talkshow im Februar 2024 klar: "Kanonen und Butter, es wäre schön, wenn das ginge, aber das ist Schlaraffenland, das geht nicht." -dabei war damals das Ziel noch nicht 5%, sondern "nur" 2% vom BIP! Um harte Verteilungskämpfe zu vermeiden und damit die Gewerkschaften zu beruhigen, soll ein Großteil der Summe nicht aus dem laufenden Haushalt (wie es die AfD fordert), sondern über Kredite finanziert werden. Allerdings geht diese Rechnung höchstens kurzfristig auf. Schließlich werden darauf Zinsen fällig -laut Finanzministerium summieren sie sich für aufgenommene Kredite (nicht nur für Rüstung) bis 2029 auf 215 Mrd. Euro. Spätestens bei Rückzahlungen stellt sich die Verteilungsfrage in aller Schärfe! Aber auch jetzt schon führt der Aufrüstungskurs zu Einsparungen in vielen Bereichen: 2026 soll für Bafög 250 Mio. Euro weniger ausgegeben werden -das entspricht in etwa dem Preis von zwei F35-Kampfjets, von denen 35 Stück angeschafft werden sollen. Nachdem das "Bürgergeld" schon dieses Jahr trotz Inflation nicht erhöht wurde, soll es auch 2026 auf dem -ohnehin völlig unzureichenden -Stand von 2024 bleiben. Gleichzeitig aber steigt der Druck auf die Bezieher, denn es sollen 2026 1,5 Mrd., 2027 schon 2,5 Mrd. eingespart werden. Für Asylsuchende wurde der Satz schon in diesem Jahr gekürzt, nicht nur bei Erwachsenen, sondern auch bei Kindern. Im "Sommerloch" sorgte der CSU-Vorsitzende Söder für Gerold König ist Bundesvorsitzender von pax christi (internationale kath. Friedensbewegung) Nein zur Kriegs-tüchtigkeit www.friedensdemo0310.org

China's rise as an emerging power challenges the US-led international order through the counter-institutionalisation approach. Eventually, the existing global governance is fragmented by China's counter-institutional approach. Global governance and international order are closely related and interconnected concepts that play a crucial role in addressing global challenges by establishing global norms and maintaining stability in the international system. China's approach to global governance is twopronged: one is active engagement in existing global governance institutions and the second is establishing new institutions such as the New Development Bank formerly referred to as the BRICS Development Bank, the proposed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership trade agreement and most prominently the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). This research utilises Michael Zurn's Global Governance Theory to trace China's response to existing global governance institutions and its implications on global governance. This theory explains that the existing global institutions' lack of legitimacy by not representing the interest of all states has created space for states to open new counter-institutions. This response involves states seeking alternative institutions that better serve

Technological growth and advancement, coupled with the advent and expansion of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, has brought about the invention of products that facilitate and enhance human life. Artificial intelligence and Machine Learning have permeated virtually all sectors of the world and have received both positive and negative feedbacks. Undoubtedly, the human race is yet to keep up with the accelerating expansion of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Artificial Intelligence being a subset of the Fourth Industrial Revolution is packed with enormous benefits which shall be accrued to participating states, and one of these benefits is the Lethal Autonomous Weapons (LAWs) otherwise known as Autonomous Weapons Systems (AWS) or “killer robots”. Since the inception of LAWs, researchers, lawyers, IT experts, and scientists have opposed its adoption, urging the international community to impose strict laws on states utilising it. The invention of AI programmed weapons is not the subj...

This paper examines the evolving discourse within the United Nations Open-Ended Working Group on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space (OEWG on PAROS), highlighting its implications for the future governance of the space domain. While the 1967 Outer Space Treaty and the UN Charter remain foundational, they were not designed to address contemporary challenges such as cyber operations, dual-use platforms, kinetic anti-satellite (ASAT) tests, and the increasing role of commercial mega-constellations. Drawing on thematic debates during the OEWG’s second session, the analysis underscores four intersecting dimensions: the urgent need to close legal and normative gaps; the humanitarian stakes of space militarization, particularly for civilian infrastructure dependent on satellite systems; the call from developing countries for equitable access, technology transfer, and inclusive rulemaking; and the emerging consensus on pragmatic pathways that balance legally binding instruments with non-binding confidence-building measures. By framing outer space as both a security and development concern, the paper argues that achieving a “common orbit” will require not only legal innovation, but also sustained multilateral cooperation that is inclusive, equitable, and enforceable. The conclusion reflects on the OEWG’s role as both a forum for legal deliberation and a laboratory for building the political will to preserve space as a peaceful, sustainable, and just global commons.

1 Dans deux textes désormais fameux 1 , Joan Scott défend l'idée que l'histoire féministe doit rompre avec deux tendances problématiques. Sur le plan épistémologique, elle doit en finir avec l'empirisme, la tendance à supposer que la vérité de l'histoire se dévoile à travers l'expérience vécue des gens du passé, et que l'historien•ne peut accéder à cette expérience perdue en faisant, dans son présent, l'expérience des archives 2 au sens le plus large du terme 3 , à savoir tout ensemble constitué de traces. Il s'agit en somme de renoncer à ce « sentiment naïf, mais profond, de déchirer un voile, de traverser l'opacité du savoir et d'accéder, comme après un long voyage incertain, à l'essentiel des êtres et des choses 4 ». Cette épistémologie naïve, puisqu'elle pose une vérité ultime à laquelle donnerait directement accès une forme d'expérience, s'articulerait aisément à une seconde tendance problématique, un essentialisme qui caractériserait tant le marxisme que le féminisme radical. Ceux-ci auraient tendance à poser, comme vérité ultime de l'ensemble des phénomènes historiques, l'antagonisme entre deux groupes bourgeois et prolétaires, hommes et femmesdotés d'une réalité objective (d'une essence) : les positions occupées dans les rapports de production, les attributs biologiques. C'est pourquoi Scott invite l'histoire féministe à s'emparer d'autres ressources théoriques et méthodologiques : celles de la déconstruction 5 . Il s'agit, contre l'essentialisme, d'envisager les groupes comme des constructions discursives plutôt qu'inscrites dans l'économie ou la biologie ; et contre l'empirisme, d'adopter un rapport critique aux archives, désormais envisagées comme des fragments d'opérations de L'expérience collective des archives GLAD!, 11 | 2021