Arabic-Hebrew Translation

In this article I introduce the Hebrew arithmetical treatise Mevo’ ha-Neʻarim (Gateway for the Youths) by Berachia ben Jacob Gallico. The surviving copy was written in North-Italian hand, typical of the beginning of the sixteenth century. Mevo’ ha-Neʻarim is found within the codex Cambridge University Library, Ms. Add. 553, which is devoted entirely to mathematics. After a short introduction to the codex and its mathematical contents, I will focus on the language found in Mevo’ ha-Neʻarim, focussing on vernacular and Arabic lexical and syntactical influence within.

Una promesa utópica de convivencia binacional e interreligiosa anida en la lengua judeo-árabe, milenaria traductora entre dos culturas que la teología política nacional-colonial reduce a enemistad. En traducción (en sentido filosófico), buscando des-esencializar el hebreo y el árabe, considero que la utopía habilita la descolonización de la teología política en aras de una cosmopolítica del lenguaje. Desde hace un milenio las lenguas árabe y hebrea, cuya enemistad hoy se considera inexorable, pudieron pensar, creer y crear —con otros— expresiones diversas del temor al mismo Dios. A partir de algunos fragmentos de textos judeo-árabes de los siglos x y xi, desde una perspectiva heterónoma ética y política, analizo las potencialidades utópicas del acto de traducir.

The article introduces the primary Arabic model underlying
Sefer Marpe la-ʿAṣem, a well-known eleventh-century Byzantine
Hebrew manual on the fundamentals of the Jewish Faith according
to the doctrine of the Baṣran Muʿtazila, which at the time
was a major strand of both Islamic and Jewish thought. It is part
of a comprehensive study of Byzantine Qaraite Hebrew translations
from Arabic and adaptations of Arabic compositions, which
has long been understood to be a major desideratum in the field.

Mahmoud Kayyal's new book is significant, given the limited body of work on translations between Hebrew and Arabic. Scholarly attention to translations from Arabic surged after key events such as Naguib Mahfouz's Nobel Prize win in 1988, the 9/11 attacks, and the Arab uprisings, which renewed Western readers' interest in Arabic literature.1 As a result, research has largely focused on translations from Arabic into European languages, especially English, reflecting a persistent Eurocentric bias in Arabic translation studies. In contrast, translations between Middle Eastern languages, such as Turkish, Persian, and Hebrew, have received far less attention. In recent years, few Englishlanguage studies on Hebrew-Arabic translations have been published,2 aside from Kayyal's works, despite important developments in the translational exchange between these two languages that warrant further documentation 1 Norah Alkharashi, "Modern Arabic Fiction in English: The Yacoubian Building: A Case in Point", clina 2:1 (2016), 43-59, . 2 The composition of the Routledge Handbook of Arabic Translation (2020) underscores this scholarly imbalance. Of its 27 papers, most address translations from Arabic to Western languages, while none address Hebrew-Arabic translations. Similarly, clina's 2016 special issue on "Arabic Literature in Translation: Politics and Poetics" centers exclusively on translations of Arabic literature to European languages. The 2016 volume New Insights into Arabic Translation and Interpreting omits any mention of Arabic-Hebrew translations. Similarly, two special issues of The Translator-a 2015 issue on "Translating in the Arab World" and a 2009 issue on "Nation and Translation in the Middle East"-include no papers on Arabic-Hebrew translations.

Jewish studies researchers usually consider Maimonides as one of the most, if not the most, important Jewish authors of medical texts in the medieval world. But I have found many more quotations from another Jewish author, Isaac Israeli, in the medical literature of the time than I have from Maimonides. I wondered then whether we had exaggerated his importance as a medical author, whether his strong personality as a theologian or philosopher may have caused us to think that he must have stood out in every topic he wrote about. Was Maimonides actually as respected a physician in the Middle Ages as we tend to think nowadays? In order to answer these questions, I am going to approach the matter by following the dissemination of his medical books. I am going to focus on manuscripts preserved in the different languages in which his works were preserved: Arabic, Hebrew and Latin. Since I am quite unfamiliar with Arabic studies, I decided to take the fi rst step cautiously by looking at the classics, 1 searching for references to Arabic manuscripts of Maimonides' medical books. However, it seemed to me that these classical studies of medieval Arabic texts provide quite an incomplete list. Steinschneider's book contains only references to European libraries and almost the same could be said about Brocklemann's book. The absence of any mention of Oriental libraries was, from my point of view, a serious problem, since I was looking for Arabic sources. I presumed that these sources were copied 1

This book focusses on educational and cultural activities and ethics in Medieval Islam affected by political, doctrinal, and intellectual factors that have left their impact on Islamic education, curricula, literature, and various educational approaches. The book deals with specific educational issues in the late Middle Ages, especially after the spread of the “madrasa” institution from the Seljuk to the end of the Mamluk eras, in the regions between Syria (Bilād al-Shām/ the Levant), Egypt and neighboring regions. Therefore, the main issues dealt in this book are: A. Islamic Sciences in Light of Intellectual and Doctrinal Conflicts. B. ʿUlama as Educational Leadership in Medieval Islamic History. C. Behaviors and Ethics among Learners and Learning Methods in Medieval Islamic Education. D. The Ijāza: A Certificate for Teaching in Medieval Islamic Education. E. Praise and Criticism against ʿUlama and Rulers Associated with Education. F. Religious Education in Public and Popular Culture Through Preaching Sessions (majālis waʿẓ).

This article is dedicated to the lost translation of the Kuzari by Judah ben Isaac ben Qardaniel and discusses previous attempts by scholars to identify remnants of this work. The author aims to identify newly discovered quotations and remnants of the Kuzari using recently discovered manuscript evidence. According to the accumulated evidence, in addition to the well-known translation by Judah ben Saul ibn Tibbon and Samuel ben Judah ben Meshullam of Marseille’s revision of Ibn Tibbon’s work, there are two or three partial or complete medieval translations of the Kuzari. The author sorts and categorizes the different pieces and characterizes each of the translations.

I would like to gratefully thank everyone supported me throughout the journey of preparing this study. Without help from academic institutions, especially Queen Mary Library and the British Library, professors at the School of History at Queen Mary University of London, friends, colleagues, and family, this work could not have been done. I would also like to acknowledge the support offered by my supervisor Yossef Rapoport from the early beginning, and would thank him for his patience, encourage, valuable guidance, and everything he supported me with. A special thanks to Professor James Bolton, who offered me the best of his experience and lightened my thought. I would also like to thank my husband Hany Afify from the core of my heart, without his great support I would not have get this chance to participate in academia. Another precious thank to my little girl Sundus and son Yaḥyá who accompanied me along the journey of preparing this study from their early days in life, and for their understanding of my tight schedule. Last but not least, I owe Professor Abdullah al-Hajri (Kuwait University) a special gratitude for his kind support and the great opportunity he provided me with.

This article discusses the saga of Kalilah and Dimnah which is a fable contains much wisdom and this wisdom although comes from the past, yet it is still relevant till today. The saga Kalilah and Dimnah is originally written by Baidaba. He is a scholar and a wise man who give advice to the king. He created the saga to give lesson to the king who was known to be a cruel king. The story is intended to be a lesson for the king so that the king didn't feel to be lectured. This study uses qualitative content analysis research. This theory will be utilized to answer a research question, it is: what are the past wisdom of the saga Kalilah and Dimnah to face global challenges? The result of this study is the saga of Kalilah and Dimnah consist of 32 wisdoms which spread out in this 22 fable stories by coding that should and should not be done by people who want to live right. The 32 wisdoms found cover all aspects of life, such as: politic, economy, social relation, education, law, culture, and security. This wisdom intended to be an example or parable for those who need it. This wisdom can be used for individual and social life.

Jewish people in the Medieval Arab World, especially those from Al-Andalus, reached an outstanding level in the field of secular sciences. Nevertheless, they didn’t have centres or adequate systems for the learning of these sciences. This paper is an approach to this subject that focuses on two of theses secular sciences, namely Grammar and Medicine, and analyzes the role played by Masters in the transmission of such disciplines.En el ámbito medieval los judíos, especialmente los andalusíes, llevaron a un desarrollo sin precedentes el conocimiento de los saberes seculares. Sin embargo, no había una institución ni un sistema de enseñanza preestablecido donde adquirir estos conocimientos. En este artículo se pretende una aproximación a la cuestión de la formación en ciencias seculares entre los jóvenes judíos. Se toma como referencia dos de estas ciencias, la gramática y el arte de la medicina, y el papel jugado por los maestros en su transmisión

In these pages we expect to offer a follow up on the study of each one of the letters of Mosheh ben Maimon, Maimonides, through their possible translations in their time and subsequent which could have been carried out so as the editions and translations into other languages we find. This information entails special importance because the history of the study of each one of the texts reflects the impact they have had in the academic world.En estas páginas pretendemos ofrecer un seguimiento del estudio de cada una de las cartas de Mosheh ben Maimon, Maimónides, a través de sus posibles traducciones coetáneas y antiguas que hubieran podido llevarse a cabo así como las ediciones y traducciones a otras lenguas que encontramos. Todos estos datos son de especial relevancia ya que la historia del estudio de cada uno de estos textos refleja la repercusión que han tenido en el mundo académico

En la Real Biblioteca de El Escorial existe un manuscrito (G-II-5) que contiene una obra gramatical atribuida a R. Abraham ibn ⁽Ezra⁾ (ca. 1092-1167). La obra desarrolla la morfología del verbo hebreo: generalidades, verbos sanos y verbos defectivos. El autor de este artículo examina algunos puntos característicos de este Sefer Diqdûq y los compara con sus paralelos en obras que pertenecen con seguridad a Abraham ibn ⁽Ezra⁾, llegando a la conclusión de que no se puede atribuir a Ibn ⁽Ezra⁾ el mencionado Sefer Diqdûq. Para ilustración del lector se presentan algunas páginas del manuscrito todavía inédito.

Il n'y a plus d'une part un « texte » et, de l'autre, disposé autour de lui, un « contexte », dit D. Maingueneau,… le contexte n'est plus placé à l'extérieur de l'oeuvre, mais le texte est la gestion même de son contexte. Les oeuvres parlent effectivement du monde, mais leur énonciation est partie prenante du monde qu'elles sont censées représenter. » 1 A travers cet angle d'approche, liant inextricablement texte et contexte, nous abordons le roman Yâ Maryam 2 , publié en 2012 de l'écrivain irakien Sinân Antûn 3. En effet, le monde arabe, et particulièrement l'Irak, vit depuis deux ou trois décennies des bouleversements majeurs dus aux trois guerres dites « les guerres du Golfe » qui ont conduit aux deux interventions étrangères politiques et militaires 4. Quant à plusieurs autres pays arabes, une vague de révolutions et de soulèvements populaires a forcé leurs dirigeants, installés à la commande depuis plusieurs années, à abandonner le pouvoir. Tous ces mouvements ont eu pour conséquences une déstabilisation institutionnelle et sociale ainsi qu'une montée spectaculaire du communautarisme. Cette mutation sociale sous ses différents aspects, récupérée en grande partie par des fractions religieuses intégristes et extrémistes, a provoqué la marginalisation de différents groupes sociaux. Les minorités, et particulièrement religieuses, se sont trouvées marginalisées, malgré leur enracinement millénaire dans ces sociétés. Notre étude tente d'analyser la représentation de cette marginalisation dans le roman Yâ Maryam en nous interrogeant sur le rapport entre cette thématique et la technique narrative qui l'exprime. Elle abordera également l'esthétique d'une écriture assurant la littérarité du message sociopolitique engagé, véhiculé par le texte. Les paratextes du roman: a-Titre Le titre, inhabituel, installe d'emblée le lecteur dans une ambiance angoissante. En effet, loin d'avoir une fonction descriptive classique, et loin d'appartenir aux deux types de titres : thématique et rhématique, décrits et identifiés par G. Genette, le titre de ce roman exerce un autre type d'effets sémantiques. « Des effets, selon Genette lui-même, que l'on peut qualifier de connotatifs, parce qu'ils tiennent à la manière dont le titre exerce sa dénotation. » 5 Pour donner à ce titre toute sa dimension cognitive, il faut le situer dans le contexte socio-culturel des chrétiens d'Orient et notamment des catholiques. Yâ Maryam que je traduis littéralement par « O Marie ! » est la locution souvent utilisée par ce chrétien à chaque fois qu'il est en danger. Ce dernier va d'une simple épreuve jusqu'au danger de mort. Le titre pourrait être interprété comme un appel au secours. L'auteur annonce d'emblée le ton du roman. Un ton qui s'inscrit dans la problématique de la marginalisation posée ci-dessus. Le roman s'ouvre, à travers le titre, par l'interpellation de la Vierge Marie et s'achève sur la même interpellation. Au dernier paragraphe, le narrateur décrit Youssef, héros du roman, tué par les assaillants en écrivant : « avant que son coeur s'arrête de battre, ses deux lèvres avaient chuchoté yâ Maryam, mais sans pouvoir finir la phrase. Ses deux yeux restèrent ouverts, bien qu'ils soient plongés dans les ténèbres de la mort » (p. 156). Le titre, loin d'être une simple expression tirée de la prière universelle destinée à Sainte Marie 6 , est révélateur d'un contexte, d'une situation. b-Epigraphes Deux épigraphes attirent l'attention dans ce roman. Sur les cinq chapitres composant le pour s'excuser auprès de lui. Mais ce dernier est mort dans le massacre perpétré à la fin de la messe. Maha n'a pas pu se réconcilier avec le passé. Elle espère construire son identité dans un autre territoire. Conclusion Sinân Antûn aborde dans ce roman un sujet d'actualité dont les risques sont irréfutables. La domination d'une pensée unique et d'une religion unique mène à une transformation complète du paysage social et culturel du monde arabe. L'art narratif avec lequel le message est véhiculé donne à l'oeuvre toute sa valeur littéraire et esthétique. En effet, avec beaucoup de subtilité l'auteur fait évoluer les personnages et les événements sur fond religieux, inspiré de la liturgie chrétienne. Tout au long de la fiction, il fait la jonction entre la « Passion » dans le christianisme et la souffrance d'une nouvelle génération chrétienne représentée par Maha. Deux univers dont les frontières sont loin d'être étanches évoluent parallèlement. En décrivant le parcours de Maha, l'auteur installe métaphoriquement en arrière plan le parcours de la Vierge Marie. « La mère triste » al-Umm al-ḥazîna, renvoie à deux signifiés. De même pour al-Dhabîḥa al-Ilâhiyya, expression désignant la « consécration du pain et du vin » dans les églises orientales, elle garde son sens conventionnel dans le texte, mais en acquiert un autre, celui du massacre, dit en arabe madhbaḥa. Les deux sens se présentent conjointement au lecteur. Au moment où les fidèles priaient pour la paix et récitaient le « Notre Père », les assaillants envahissaient l'église. Quand les fidèles arrivèrent à « donnez-nous notre pain », ils reçurent les balles et la mort. Sinân Antûn évoque dans ce roman une question cruciale dans la société arabe moderne. La littérarité du discours et l'ingéniosité de la technique narrative sont savamment mariées à un message, à la fois simple et subtil. A travers cette approche, l'auteur participe fortement à la création d'une nouvelle voie d'engagement social où l'esthétique se substitue à toute idéologie.

This study is dedicated to the lost translation of the Kuzari written by Judah ben Isaac Ben Kardaniel, and to previous attempts by various scholars to identify remnants of this work. Using new manuscript evidence, the author proposes identifying newly discovered quotations and remnants from the Kuzari coming from Ben Kardaniel’s translation, and thus reevaluates the attributions of other “non-Tibbonide” translations to Ben Kardaniel.
The accumulated evidence points to three or even four partial or whole medieval translations of the Kuzari beside the famous one by Ibn Tibbon: (1) The translation of Ben Kardaniel, of which remains only the introduction, the opening sentence, three passages from Part II, a short passage from Part V, and a handful of other sentences or sentence fragments from other places in the Kuzari. (2) Samuel ben Judah ben Meshullam of Marseilles’s revision of Ibn Tibbon; (3) An anonymous translation that is paraphrastic, poetic, and inexhaustive, from which approximately three fragments remain: one from Part II and two from Part IV; and (4)[?] Fragments of an anonymous translation that is mostly literal but occasionally paraphrastic, including a few elaborations and other interpolations, from which five brief passages from across the entire work are known (attributed to Ben Kardaniel by past scholars).
Complete editions of all the fragments are presented in the article’s appendix.

This book is the editio princeps, together with a French translation and introduction, of the oldest known Arabic manuscript of a hydrostatic treatise by Menelaus (first century CE), who was an important figure in the astronomy and mechanics of the Hellenistic Greek world. Menelaus is mentioned by Ptolemy, Pappus of Alexandria, Proclus, and others. None of Menelaus' works survive in their original Greek, but some do survive in Arabic translations. The editor/translator Comments BMCR provides the opportunity to comment on reviews in order to enhance scholarly communication. Comments are moderated. We ask that comments be substantive in content and civil in tone and those that do not adhere to these guidelines will not be published. Expressions of thanks or praise should be sent directly to the reviewer, using the email address in the review.

This essay examines a few models of literary translation in the late Middle Ages, taking as its point of departure the comparative analysis of four different versions of the same gnomic excursus about poverty from a Kalilah wa-Dimnahfable: Ibn Muqaffa's Arabic text, its Alfonsine Castilian (romanceamiento,' the Hebrew translation by rabbi Joel and the Latin Directorium by Johannes of Capua.

This article presents the editio princeps and annotated English translation of the extant fragments of Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī’s (died 339AH/950-1CE) Commentary on the Eighth Book of Aristotle’s Topics. These fragments are preserved in a Hebrew anthology of philosophical texts composed by the translator and commentator Ṭodros ben Meshullam ben David Ṭodrosi (born 1313) around the year 1333 in Trinquetaille (Arles). Aside from presenting these fragments and reconstructing their original context, the article also aims at contributing to a better understanding of the 14th-century Arabic-into-Hebrew translation movement. The edition and translation are accompanied by an introduction and a glossary of technical terms.

Estudio del campo semántico de "recipientes" en el diccionario judeodrabe de S¿ 'adyah Jbn Danán MILAGROS JIMÉNEZ SÁNCHEZ Sé'adyah ibn Danán fue un rabino de Granada de la segunda mitad del siglo XV'. Probablemente naciera en esta ciudad, donde su abuelo, Mok b. Maimon, era rabino en 14382. Lo que si es cierto es que en Granada redactó la mayoría de sus trabajos fechados antes de 1492, fecha en la que tuvo lugar la expulsión de los judíos por los Reyes Católicos cuando conquistan el Reino de Granada. En 1492 emigraría al Norte de África, según parece, dirigiéndose a Orán. Sobre la fecha de su muerte hay distintas opiniones. Para G. Vajda muere en Fez en 1493'. Según el propietario del manuscrito de .A¡-darflr(fEl-luga al-'ibraniyya, Saúl ben Ya'aqob 4, muere en Orán también en el año 1493. Para Sáenz-Badillos y J. Targarona probablemente muriera en esta última ciudad en la primera década del siglo XVI>. Con una sólida formación en la tradición judía, fue educado dentro del ámbito de la cultura árabe, y en esta lengua escribirá la mayor parte de sus obras. Autor polifacético, es conocido como cronista, especialista en derecho judío, poeta, filósofo, exegeta y filólogo. Hemos tomado como base para realizar este estudio la obra que escribiera Sé'adyali ibn Danán en el campo de la filología Al-darart'ftl-¡uga al-'ibraniyya ("Lo necesario de la lengua hebrea"). Esta obra está considerada como la más importante de las que se nos han conservado de Sé'adyah ibn Danán. Se encuentra en el Muy poco se sabe de la vida de este autor, Los dos trabajos que recogen mejor las noticias de la

The problem of future generations is a growing ethical issue. There are ongoing discussions about what kind of earth we are leaving and what we should leave to future generations as a result of the delayed awareness – if not ignorance – of the fact that this World does not belong to us exclusively. When we look at the example of Turkey, we can see that there is a huge conflict between environmental utilization and environmental education. On the one hand, we have classes on the environment and its health; on the other hand, it is a reality that we have a not-so-eco-friendly government policy, which takes no notice of any kind of environmental issues or requirements. To mention but few, governmental insistence on real estate investments in green spaces, even by covering grade 1 natural site areas, a decline in the extent of agricultural land due to uncontrollable urbanization, and hydroelectric power plant projects are among recent events. These are the instances of conflicts between inscriptive and operative environmental policies in Turkey. The purpose of this article is to call attention to this dilemma and to assert that ecocide might be just another kind of genocide for Turkey, i.e., the genocide-yet-to-come.

Es un hecho aceptado denominar judea-arabe a la lengua arabe utilizada por los judios asentados en territorios dominados por el Islam desde el primer siglo de la hegira. Esta denominacion puede extenderse en el tiempo hasta el presente, puesto que son muchos los judios que han permanecido en territorios de mayoria musulmana y cuyos habitantes poseen como lengua vernacula el arabe . No obstante, la mayor parte de los estudios se 2 centran en tres epocas: 1.— Los inicios de la conquista musulmana 2—la Edad Media hasta el siglo XIII, epoca de esplendor del Islam 3. la situacion actual, en la que se estudia el arabe usado por comunidades judias en vias de desaparicion4. Este planteamiento supone el estudio del judea-arabe como una lengua practicamente extinguida, lo que podria ser objeto de discusion y, por otra parte, excluye el estudio del arabe empleado por las tribus judias de la Peninsula Arabiga, antes de la aparicion del Islam5

This article discusses the saga of Kalilah and Dimnah which is a fable contains much wisdom and this wisdom although comes from the past, yet it is still relevant till today. The saga Kalilah and Dimnah is originally written by Baidaba. He is a scholar and a wise man who give advice to the king. He created the saga to give lesson to the king who was known to be a cruel king. The story is intended to be a lesson for the king so that the king didn't feel to be lectured. This study uses qualitative content analysis research. This theory will be utilized to answer a research question, it is: what are the past wisdom of the saga Kalilah and Dimnah to face global challenges? The result of this study is the saga of Kalilah and Dimnah consist of 32 wisdoms which spread out in this 22 fable stories by coding that should and should not be done by people who want to live right. The 32 wisdoms found cover all aspects of life, such as: politic, economy, social relation, education, law, culture, and security. This wisdom intended to be an example or parable for those who need it. This wisdom can be used for individual and social life.

El presente artículo estudia la circulación de las obras escritas por traductores y autores judíos que se basaron en Averrores durante el s. XIII, con el fin de determinar los rasgos generales del Averroismo hebraico y su desarrollo en el contexto socio-cultural de este periodo. Los resultados sugirieron lo siguiente; primero utilizaron el aristotelismo para luchar contra los ataques del otro, el cual amenazaba la identidad de la comunidad judía, así como para enfrentar los anti-racionalistas judíos. A partir del último tercio de este siglo, con la gravedad de la situación y la gran división social en la sociedad judía, los averroistas judíos dieron la prioridad a la búsqueda de una salida que garantiza la unidad de la comunidad, es decir, cómo hacer que la religión (judía) y filosofía (aristotélica) convivan en paz.

There are few books currently available on the prevention of illness in medieval medicine that are as substantial and informative as this one. Its authors are long-established and respected authorities in this field. They have the added advantage that one is an Arabist and the other a medical doctor, which allows them a wider vision, given that they approach their objectives from complementary perspectives. The work in question is very thorough and clearly the result of years of dedication. It combines sources of diverse origins, with texts that often present a complex interpretation but are treated with scientific rigour and, most importantly, touch on aspects that are under-represented in current historiography The reason for this under-representation is that the prevention of illness, in antiquity and the medieval world, did not receive the same attention from doctors as actual illnesses, their causes, progression and treatment. However, the great medical writers always reserved a chapter of their work, even in small treatises dedicated to their patrons, for discussion of the factors that affected patients on a daily basis and exerted a significant influence on their health. The book takes three groups of sources as references. The first constitutes contributions by classical authors, mainly Hippocrates and Galen. The second refers to Arabic authors-or Jews who wrote in Arabic-with contributions by Avicenna, al-Razi and al-Mayusi from the East and by Avenzoar, Averroes, Maimónides and Ibn al-Jatib from Andalusia Andalusians. The third group acknowledges the debt owed to the Christian and Jewish doctors who inherited this knowledge and translated it into Latin or Castilian for the benefit of the Christian world. Pedro Hispano, Arnau de Vilanova, Juan de Aviñón, Alonso Chirino and the anonymous author of the Medicina castellana regia are included among these sources. The book also cites other authors of equal standing but who made a lesser contribution to this study, such as the Andalusians al-Zahrawi, 'Arib ibn Sa'id and al-Arbuli. Peña and Girón do not limit themselves to the task of gathering information but rather subject it to a detailed analysis, raising various thought-provoking questions that lead to specific hypotheses. The book is, in summary, a combination of contributions from different writers, their analysis by the authors and their conclusions. The work itself is divided into three parts, subdivided in turn into chapters. They are preceded by a useful «Note to the Reader» in which the authors set out the reasons that inspired them to develop this study. They go on to cite their sources and their corresponding geographical areas, as well as their individual contribution to and influence on the object of study. In Part One, they address the preventative tradition, dating back to antiquity, which has been crystallised in writings on health at different times and in different cultures,

Kalila and Dimna's ancient parables on power delight as much as they instruct. But their moral maxims are ethically murky. There is not an animal that lives on the earth, nor a being that flies on its wings, but they form communities like you.' So states the Quran in 'The Cattle', one of many chapters where God praises and even personifies nonhumans. No purer nor worthier than people, animals are also no less precious. Hence why the scholar Sarra Tlili argues that the Quran is theocentric and not anthropocentric; it makes God the core of existence, and not humans, since, as Tlili writes in Animals in the Qu'ran (2012): 'Any being that worships and obeys God obtains God's pleasure and is rewarded in the hereafter.'

Book review: José Martínez Delgado - Amir Ashur (2021) La vida cotidiana de los judíos de Alandalús (Siglos X-XII). Antología de manuscritos de la Guenizá de El Cairo (University of Cambridge). Córdoba: UCOPress. Editorial Universidad de Córdoba. 288 pp. ISBN: 978-84-9927-630-4

Cet ouvrage examine les romans écrits en hébreu par les écrivains palestiniens en Israël (1966-2017), avec un aperçu sur leur investissement dans une production culturelle qui inclut non seulement la littérature, mais aussi la traduction, le théâtre et les médias. Cette analyse est posée dans le contexte littéraire et culturel arabe minoritaire auquel appartiennent ces écrivains et le champ culturel hébraïque auquel ils sont supposés appartenir. Ces textes littéraires sont l'expression manifeste, au sein de la littérature hébraïque, d'une virtualité latente : celle d'une langue arabe qui circulerait sous l'effort pour faire exister l'identité palestinienne et son paysage historique marqué par la Nakba dans l'espace linguistique hébréophone.

Cet ouvrage examine les romans écrits en hébreu par les écrivains palestiniens en Israël (1966-2017), avec un aperçu sur leur investissement dans une production culturelle qui inclut non seulement la littérature, mais aussi la traduction, le théâtre et les médias. Cette analyse est posée dans le contexte littéraire et culturel arabe minoritaire auquel appartiennent ces écrivains et le champ culturel hébraïque auquel ils sont supposés appartenir. Ces textes littéraires sont l'expression manifeste, au sein de la littérature hébraïque, d'une virtualité latente : celle d'une langue arabe qui circulerait sous l'effort pour faire exister l'identité palestinienne et son paysage historique marqué par la Nakba dans l'espace linguistique hébréophone.

The present article studies a fascinating manuscript, a unicum, housed in the British Library, Heb MS Add 27559. This manuscript of works by Ṭodros Ṭodrosi of Arles features a lengthy Hebrew anthology of logical and scientific texts, written by Greek and Arabic philosophers, some of which were translated by him into Hebrew for the first time. In a previous study that appeared in 2021, we examined the section from the book on natural science of this anthology that Ṭodros devoted to the study and explanation of Aristotle’s Physics and which he completed in Trinquetaille in 1333 at the age of twenty. In that paper, we uncovered Ṭodros’s aims and his own unique methodology in this section and sketched a picture of
the ways in which Ṭodros intended to assist his contemporary readers in the study of natural science. In the present paper, we shed new light on this manuscript through an examination of the book on logic that Ṭodros dedicated to the study and explanation of Aristotle’s Organon. We describe Ṭodros’s modus operandi and examine the nature of his discussions in each of the sections of his book on logic, with special attention to the section on the Posterior Analytics, and we show to what extent they correspond to what we uncovered in his treatment of the Physics. The paper analyzes Ṭodros’s use of Averroes’ Long Commentary on the Posterior Analytics in order to explain Averroes’ Middle Commentary on the Posterior Analytics, and it illustrates Ṭodros’s use of al-Fārābī’s Long Commentary on the Topics in order to explain Averroes’ Middle Commentary on that book. The paper, just as our 2021 study that it complements, contributes to our knowledge of the fundamental status of Averroes’ middle commentaries on the Corpus Aristotelicum among medieval Jewish scholars, as well as to our growing awareness and appreciation of the achievements of this fourteenth-century Provençal Jewish scholar, Ṭodros Ṭodrosi.

ABSTRACT:Our paper studies one of the most interesting manuscripts of medieval Jewish philosophy, a unicum that is housed in the British Library, Heb MS Add 27559. This fascinating manuscript, in part a version of a work compiled by Ṭodros Ṭodrosi, in Trinquetaille in the 1330s, is a Hebrew anthology of logical and scientific texts, written by Greek and Arabic philosophers, some of which are translated into Hebrew for the first time by Ṭodros. The paper sheds new light on this manuscript through an examination of the section on natural science that Ṭodros devoted to the study and explanation of Aristotle’s Physics and which comprises more than a third of the entire manuscript. We uncover Ṭodros’s aims and methodology in this section on physics (and, to some extent, in other sections as well), and sketch a clear picture of the ways in which Ṭodros intended to assist his contemporary readers in the study of natural science. The paper contributes to our knowledge of the fundamental sta...

Contents: Preface. Astronomy and Optics: Egidius of Baisiu's theory of pinhole images Astronomical use of pinhole images in William of Saint-Cloud's Almanach planetarum (1292). The astronomy of Levi Ben Gerson: The Latin translation of Levi ben Gerson's astronomy Levi ben Gerson's astronomical work: chronology and Christian context Heuristic reasoning: approximation procedures in Levi ben Gerson's astronomy The ProvenA al version of Levi ben Gerson's table for eclipses Right ascensions and hippopedes: homocentric models in Levi ben Gerson's astronomy, I: first anomaly. Arabic Astronomy in Western Texts: Ibn al-Haytham's homocentric epicycles in Latin astronomical texts of the 14th and 15th centuries On Ibn al-Kammad's table for trepidation A note on Copernicus' 'correction' of Ptolemy's mean synodic month Al-Bitruji's theory of the motions of the fixed stars. Addenda et corrigenda Index.

This article examines the circulation of works produced by Jewish translators and authors whose ideas were based on Averroes’ philosophy during the 13th century. The objective is to determine the general features of Hebraic Averroism and its development in the socio-cultural context of this period. Aristotelianism was initially used to combat and defend against criticisms of «other beliefs» threatening the identity of the Jewish community, and to combat Jewish anti-rationalists. Because of a worsening situation and great social division in Jewish society at the end of the 13th century, Jewish Averroists prioritized the search for a solution that could guarantee unity of the community, that is, making religion (Judaism) and philosophy (Aristotelianism) live together in peace.

El presente artículo estudia la circulación de las obras escritas por traductores y autores judíos que se basaron en Averrores durante el s. XIII, con el fin de determinar los rasgos generales del Averroismo hebraico y su desarrollo en el contexto socio-cultural de este periodo. Los resultados sugirieron lo siguiente; primero utilizaron el aristotelismo para luchar contra los ataques del otro, el cual amenazaba la identidad de la comunidad judía, así como para enfrentar los anti-racionalistas judíos. A partir del último tercio de este siglo, con la gravedad de la situación y la gran división social en la sociedad judía, los averroistas judíos dieron la prioridad a la búsqueda de una salida que garantiza la unidad de la comunidad, es decir, cómo hacer que la religión (judía) y filosofía (aristotélica) convivan en paz.

يتناول هذا البحث دراسة دلالية، وتحليلًا لخمسة نماذج لاستعارات لغوية مختارة من القرآن الكريم، ومناقشة، وتقويم ترجمتها في خمس ترجمات مختلفة، منشورة باللغة العبرية، وأثناء الدراسة، يقوم الباحث أولاً بدراسة وتحليل بنية، ومعنى كل صورة مجازية لكل تعبير استعاري في لغته المصدر (العربية). ثانيًا، يناقش الباحث، ويحلل الترجمة المقابلة للتعبير الاستعاري، وكيفية تعامل المترجم مع الصعوبات اللغوية والثقافية في التعبير الأصل، أثناء ترجمته للغة الهدف (العبرية) ، وهذه الدراسة مهمة جدًا للدراسين في مجالات ترجمة المجاز اللغوي بشكل عام، وللمتخصصين في مجالات الترجمة بين اللغتين العبرية والعربية على وجه التحديد، كونها تساعد في فهم آلية عمل الاستعارات القرآنية لغويًا، وكيفية التعامل معها أثناء الترجمة؛ وبالأخص عندما يكون الإعجاز البلاغي في القرآن الكريم غير قابل للترجمة، الدراسة تساعد أيضاً في معرفة كيفية تقويم فهم المترجم للمعنى المجازي، والاستراتيجيات التي استخدمها في معالجة إشكالية بنية الصورة المجازية التي يصعب نقل معناها من لغة لأخرى، ومن بين النتائج الأخرى التي تم التوصل إليها في هذا البحث، أن الترجمات العبرية للاستعارة القرآنية كانت غير ناجحة، أو ضعيفة في أغلب الأحيان بسبب أن المترجمين اعتمدوا على ثقافتهم الدينية الخاصة؛ للتغلب على عدم فهمهم للآلية اللغوية المكونة لدلالة الصورة الاستعارية الأصلية، ومعناها.

"The problem of meaning and the aesthetic of the metaphorical image in translation: Semantic approach of selected models of Koranic metaphor in Hebrew translations"

Abstract
This paper is a semantic approach to investigates and evaluates the translation of five selected Metaphors from the Holy Quran into five different published Hebrew Translations from. During the study, the researcher will first, study and analyze both meaning and structure of each metaphorical image in its' source language (Arabic). Second, He will explore and describe how those five translators handled linguistic and culture barriers during translation into the target language (Hebrew). This study is vital for students of metaphoric translation in general, and for those who are involved in translation between Arabic and Hebrew in particular. It teaches how to understand mechanism of Qur'anic metaphors and how they should be treated during translation, especially when figurative inimitability of the Qur'anic metaphors is untranslatable. This paper also teaches how to evaluate translators' comprehension to the underline representation of the original metaphor, and their strategies for tackling its' structural components into another language.  Among other findings, the research shows that translators relied on their religious cultural specific basis to overcome their mistaken for the linguistic mechanism of the original metaphorical picture and its' meaning, and therefore their translations were mostly unsuccessful.

This research deals with the hypothesis that William Shakespeare was influenced by an Arab source in Hamlet, specifically in the scene of murdering Hamlet the King by dripping poison in his ear while sleeping in the orchard by his uncle Claudius (Act I, v: 59-79). The supposed Arab source that influenced Shakespeare is in one of the oldest Arabic books in prose containing tales on the tongue of animals, i.e., The Book Kalilah and Damnah by Abdullah Ibn al-Muqaffa, which he translated from Palhevi into Arabic in 750, i.e., 851 years before Shakespeare wrote his play in 1601.

The focus of our study is on Gersonides as a supercommentator-in particular, as a commentator on Averroes's epitomes of Aristotle's writings on natural science-and on two other contemporary authors of such supercommentaries. We will examine sections of Gersonides' supercommentaries, completed in 1321, on Moses Ibn Tibbon's Hebrew translation of Averroes's Epitome of the Physics and on his Epitome of the Meteorology, and compare these two works with undated supercommentaries by two members of his school or circle: Sh. Ha-Levi's commentary on Averroes's Epitome of the Physics and Solomon of Urgul's commentary on Averroes's Epitome of the Meteorology.1 Why did these students of Gersonides write commentaries on the same epitomes their master had already explicated? What is the nature and purpose of these commentaries? And how do they differ from the nature and purpose of Gersonides' commentaries? Most scholars today recognize the importance of Gersonides' supercommentaries, although until rather recently they were mostly ignored.2

Un glosario de términos hebreos y sus equivalentes en romance, recopilados de un tratado sobre la lógica y la filosofía compuesto por Maimónides (al-Maqālah fi-ṣināʻat al-manṭiq), circulaba en hebreo aljamiado entre judíos y/o conversos empapados en el humanismo castellano del siglo XV. Este glosario se incluye en una colección de textos que también contiene varias obras literarias de autores conversos, entre ellas, la Visión deleytable de Alfonso de la Torre, extractos de la traducción de las sentenciae de Séneca realizada por Alfonso de Cartagena, y otros tres glosarios de términos de índole aristotélica. La existencia de esta colección en el MS Parma 2666 en la Biblioteca Palatina, Parma, Italia, es testimonio de que lectores judíos y/o conversos del siglo XV (los que podían leer el hebreo aljamiado) leían e interpretaban la Visión deleytable en el contexto de la tradición filosófica árabehebrea que se conocía en la España del siglo XV en traducciones hebreas y latinas. En este a...

Contacts between Arabic and Israeli Hebrew cultures have taken place in the shadow of a prolonged and violent political conflict between Arabs and Jews in the Middle East. The intercultural dialogue between them has, therefore, been antagonistic, polemical, and fraught with stereotypes and prejudices. This antagonistic dialogue is also reflected in Hebrew–Arabic translation activity, since the elements involved in this activity and the considerations which guided them both before and in the course of the translation were, first and foremost, political. The translations themselves were not accepted as literary creations, but rather as documents reflecting the culture of the other. Neither the presence of an ethnic Arab minority in Israel nor the peace agreements between Israel and certain Arab states brought about any significant change in the nature of translation activity. Clearly, therefore, in a state of violent national conflict translation activity will produce translations whose purpose is ideological rather than literary.