Ancient Egyptian language

Prefácio de Marcia Severina Vasques: É em boa hora que este livro “(Re)estudando fontes funerárias egípcias: traduções para o Ensino e a Pesquisa de Egiptologia lusófona” chega para o público brasileiro e falantes da língua portuguesa. Fruto do curso de extensão “Curso de Hieróglifos: aprendendo e praticando o Egípcio Médio (Nível I)”, realizado na UFRN no primeiro semestre de 2025, o livro é resultado das atividades práticas do curso. Os verbetes e a organização são de autoria de Pedro Hugo Canto Núñez e as traduções e comentários das fontes são resultado do trabalho prático realizado pelos alunos durante o curso. O egiptólogo Pedro Hugo Canto Núñez é doutorando do Programa de Pós-graduação em História da UFRN e conseguiu, com essa obra, abarcar o tríplice pilar da universidade ao unir extensão, pesquisa e ensino. O livro serve aos professores de História, tanto do Ensino Fundamental e Médio quanto da graduação universitária, por trazer fontes traduzidas e comentadas diretamente do egípcio antigo para o português, além de contemplar verbetes explicativos sobre os temas tratados nos objetos e materiais que contêm as inscrições que foram traduzidas. Ao mesmo tempo, auxilia na formação de pesquisadores, ao mostrar, de forma didática, as fichas catalográficas, meio essencial para a constituição metodológica de um corpus documental, juntamente com a tradução das inscrições e os comentários explicativos. ​Levar as fontes diretamente aos leitores é uma das maneiras de ensinar História que se distancia da forma tradicional de abordagem do passado. Embora estejamos tratando de uma sociedade milenar, como era a egípcia na época dos faraós, o acesso aos documentos nos permite perceber questões comuns à vida cotidiana, mesmo em situações de luto, no caso do culto aos mortos e na prática dos rituais funerários. Por outro lado, podemos também observar a diversidade cultural, outro aspecto primordial para debate em sala de aula, em um mundo cada vez mais avesso a tudo o que é divergente e fora do padrão normativo aceito. Muitas vezes a egiptologia falha em atingir um público mais amplo e mesmo em sair dos muros da universidade. Essa publicação é um avanço para romper esta fronteira.

The study of pBarcelona E-615, whose textual content has been unpublished until now, is the main purpose of this article. The papyrus is kept in the collection of the Museu Egipci of the Catalonian city. It is one of the relative few examples on papyrus of the Book of the Twelve Caverns. This spell is a religious composition belonging to the Books of the Netherworld, previously known as Naville's chapter 168 of the Book of the Dead or Book of Going Forth by Day. The identification of the content allows suggesting several inferences about the composition in general and about the manuscript in particular. El objetivo de este artículo es documentar un papiro, pBarcelona E-615, cuyo contenido textual es hasta ahora inédito. El ejemplar se encuentra en la actualidad en la colección del Museu Egipci de la ciudad catalana. Es uno de los pocos ejemplares papirológicos en los que se ha transmitido el Libro de las Doce Cavernas, una composición religiosa perteneciente a los Libros del Mundo Inferior que fue anteriormente conocida como el capítulo 168 de Naville del Libro de la Salida al Día -más popularmente conocido como Libro de los Muertos-. La identificación del contenido del texto permitirá realizar una serie de inferencias acerca de la obra en general y del documento en particular.

The multiple reading of the Caractors Document glyphs meaning “Gaddianton tribe” (presumably modified and finally engraved by Moroni) also provide the double glyph meaning in Egyptian of “to throw a spear” and “owl” with the translation being “Spearthrower Owl’s tribe.” The Egyptian glyph for owl and it’s cultural meaning of evil, death, and war are completely consistent with the name and motif of this leader of the evil Gaddiantons, who Mormon indicated that at the end of his book, this Gaddianton did provide the overthrow, and “almost the entire destruction of the people of Nephi” (2:13).

The commonly proposed etymology of the letter A-"Ox head > Alpha (Alpu, Alef, Elif) > A"-is irrational. This theory lacks phonetic grounding. The true origin is not bovine but equine: it is linked to the domesticated horse, tamed by the Turks. This is a knowledge tradition dating back 8-10 thousand years.

The topic of this paper deals with a study of one of the phenomena of verbal participation in the ancient Egyptian language. It focuses on the contronyms or auto-antoym, enantiosemy, and its meaning in the language. The study will deal with the word that bears a meaning and its opposite; then, identify the contextual meaning for these words from the different texts. Furthermore, identifying the word, its contronyms and its different written forms. Finally, the researcher will support the examined topic with evidence and inferences from the texts.

يتناول الباحث في هذا البحث تقدمة نادرة وفريدة ظهرت في المعابد المصرية في العصرين البطلمي والروماني وهي تقدمة فاكهة التين مع العسل, وقد وردت هذه التقدمة في معبد إري-حمس-نفر في معابد جزيرة فيله, فقد يأتي كل قربان من هذان القربانين في تقدمة منفردة مستقله بذاتها في بعض الاحيان, ولكن لم يظهرا أبداً معاً في اي مثال آخر فيما عدا هذا المثال ومثال اخر في معبد إدفو, وعندما تأتي تقدمة فاكهة التين منفردة تقدم الي المعبودات الأطفال مثل حورباغرد, حورسماتاوي, وحور إيحي, بينما عندما تأتي تقدمة العسل منفردة تقدم الي المعبود مين رب الخصوبة, ويلاحظ الباحث انه عندما يجتمعان معاً التين والعسل في تقدمة واحد فتقدم فقط الي المعبود جحوتي, حيث كان المصريين القدماء لديهم عادة أكل التين مع العسل في احتفال عيد هرمس (جحوتي), ولذلك ارتبطت هذه التقدمة أيضا بالمعبود جحوتي. ويسلط البحث الضوء علي المنظرالذي جاء في معبد ايري-حمس-نفر في فيله والذي لم يحظى بأي دراسات سابقة أو نشر من قبل.

يلقي الباحث الضوء علي مناظر ونصوص تقدمة كرمة (حقل) العنب, وهي واحده من التقدمات الفريدة من نوعها والتي يقوم بها الملك في معبد إدفو, وفي تقدمة كرمة العنب أو حقل العنب يقوم الملك بتقديم العنب كفاكهة طازجة قبل ان يتم عصره وتحويله الي نبيذ, حيث كان الغرض من تقديم العنب في شكل فاكهة طازجة هو غرض زراعي يفيد الخصوبة والوفرة بما تخرجه الحقول من خيرات وتنوع في المحاصيل الزراعية, وهو ما يعني وفره في الغذاء وازدهار وامتلاء مخازن البلاد بالمحاصيل المختلفة والتي كان للمعبودات أوفر النصيب فيها, وفي هذا البحث يعرض الباحث ماهية تقدمة كروم العنب وتخصيصها الي المعبودة حتحور سيدة دندرة والمعبود حورس بحدتي, وتعتبر تقدمة تكعيبة العنب من التقدمات النادرة حيث لم تظهر هذه التقدمة في أي معبد سوي معبد إدفو فقط, حيث ظهرت في منظرين فقط داخل المعبد, المنظر الأول جاء علي بدن العمود السادس عشر من أعمدة الجانب الشرقي للفناء المفتوح بمعبد إدفو, والمنظر الثاني جاء في المستوى الأول من الجدار الخارجي المحيط بمعبد إدفو من الجهة الشرقية.

El Desierto Oriental de Egipto ha sido ampliamente documentado en diversas fuentes literarias desde la Antigüedad. Ya en el siglo I a.C., autores como Plinio el Viejo en su Historia Natural y Estrabón en su Geografía describieron el complejo sistema económico compuesto por redes y rutas comerciales que conectaban el valle del Nilo con los puertos del Mar Rojo. Estas rutas facilitaban el intercambio de productos con Arabia y la India, y
vinculaban las zonas productivas clave, como las canteras y minas de recursos minerales.
A partir del reinado de Augusto, a lo largo de estas rutas se establecieron praesidia, pequeñas fortificaciones militares a lo largo de estas rutas, que servían como puntos de descanso y abastecimiento para caravanas, mercaderes y viajeros. Este fue el caso del Mons Claudianus, una cantera de granodiorita, que fue esencial para garantizar el funcionamiento de la ruta comercial y el control de las actividades productivas.
En este contexto, el uso de ostraca como soporte de escritura fue una práctica común debido a la reutilización de fragmentos de cerámica procedentes de recipientes de transporte, como las ánforas. Estos ostraca eran empleados para registrar transacciones económicas, comunicaciones logísticas y otros asuntos administrativos. Además de la correspondencia militar, la documentación encontrada en estos centros productivos como
el Mons Claudianus, demuestra la disponibilidad y el uso extendido de este material como herramienta de registro. En esta comunicación se analizará el papel fundamental de los ostraca del Mons Claudianus como testimonio material de estas actividades comerciales, administrativas y de producción de la zona.

Com o crescimento e democratização do acesso aos recursos tecnológicos como computadores e programas de Realidade Virtual e o uso desses no campo das Humanidades Digitais, as análises efetuadas por historiadores e arqueólogos ganharam novos avanços e aperfeiçoamentos. Utilizaremos como exemplo de aplicabilidade dessa tecnologia a tumba de Nakht (TT 52), um astrônomo e escriba do deus Âmon que viveu entre 1401-1353 A.E.C., na XVIII Dinastia do Egito Antigo, Reino Novo. Essa tumba está localizada na margem ocidental da região de Tebas, atual Luxor, Egito, e criamos uma projeção tridimensional dessa estrutura funerária egípcia utilizando o aplicativo SketchUp. Nosso objetivo, neste artigo, é demonstrar como o uso da Realidade Virtual auxilia na compreensão do espaço e na análise de seu significado simbólico e religioso, facilitando a interpretação da agência tanto dos objetos quanto das imagens dispostos na tumba.

Gramática Básica de Egípcio Médio, elaborada por Pedro Hugo Canto Núñez para acompanhamento do “Curso de Hieróglifos: aprendendo e praticando o Egípcio Médio (Nível I)”, realizado na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, no ano de 2025, ministrado por Pedro Hugo Canto Núñez. Esse primeiro nível da Gramática está dividido em oito partes: uma introdução aos hieróglifos, explicando os passos da Egiptologia na tradução, quais tipos de escrita temos e como lidamos com as organizações espaciais dos antigos egípcios atualmente; os substantivos; os adjetivos; as preposições; os pronomes, subdivididos em duas partes, pois o conteúdo em sala de aula é maçante e cansativo; os advérbios; e, por fim, os numerais. Além disso, temos dois apêndices nessa gramática: um caderno de caligrafia; e uma Lista de Gardiner. Assim, o que está aqui presente são os elementos básicos para qualquer aspirante a egiptóloga ou egiptólogo e, dessa forma, esperamos que, com a linguagem didática, os exemplos de fontes reais e os exercícios interconectados possam servir como base e estímulo para a pesquisa em Egiptologia no Brasil.

Com o crescimento e democratização do acesso aos recursos tecnológicos como computadores e programas de Realidade Virtual e o uso desses no campo das Humanidades Digitais, as análises efetuadas por historiadores e arqueólogos ganharam novos avanços e aperfeiçoamentos. Utilizaremos como exemplo de aplicabilidade dessa tecnologia a tumba de Nakht (TT 52), um astrônomo e escriba do deus mon que viveu entre 1401–1353 A.E.C., na XVIII Dinastia do Egito Antigo, Reino Novo. Essa tumba está localizada na margem ocidental da região de Tebas, atual Luxor, Egito, e criamos uma projeção tridimensional dessa estrutura funerária egípcia utilizando o aplicativo SketchUp. Nosso objetivo, neste texto foi demonstrar como o uso da Realidade Virtual auxilia na compreensão do espaço e na análise de seu significado simbólico e religioso, facilitando a interpretação da agência tanto dos objetos quanto das imagens dispostos na tumba.

A concepção da morte no Egito Antigo estava intimamente ligada à forma de viver em sociedade e sua análise é uma das maneiras que temos para entender o comportamento e o modo de vida de uma cultura que tinha a morte como uma de suas preocupações principais. Nossa fonte de pesquisa são algumas cenas pintadas na tumba de Nakht e na capela funerária de Nebamun, ambas datadas do Novo Império, XVIII Dinastia, entre os reinados de Tutmés IV e Akhenaton (c. 1401-1335 A.E.C.), originárias da necrópole de Tebas. Essas representações das tumbas estão relacionadas com as cenas do Livro dos Mortos, sobretudo do capítulo 110, que trata dos campos do Além, os Campos de Juncos (Iaru) e os Campos de Oferendas (Hotep). Nosso problema da pesquisa diz respeito à possibilidade de refletirmos sobre a polaridade entre o Egito real e o Egito imaginário, de analisar uma fonte imagética de cunho funerário e poder observar, ao mesmo tempo, dois elementos: a crença na vida após a morte e uma visão de como era a vida cotidiana no Egito Antigo, ambas interpretações possíveis a partir dessas representações imagéticas. Também propomos discutir a presença dos camponeses e trabalhadores nas cenas de agricultura. Existiria um Além para este grupo social, para o qual possuímos poucos vestígios de sepultamento?

Nakht, um escriba e astrônomo do deus Âmon, teve sua tumba construída em uma colina, chamada atualmente de Sheik el-Qurna, na cidade de Tebas, atual Luxor, entre os anos de 1401 e 1350 A.E.C., que a faz pertencer ao Reino Novo (c. 1550-1070 A.E.C.), mais especificamente à XVIII Dinastia (c. 1550-1307 A.E.C.), entre os reinados de Tutmés IV e Amenhotep III. Nossa intenção nessa dissertação é analisar a tumba de Nakht (TT 52), compreendendo o discurso funerário produzido pela elite tebana na XVIII Dinastia, assim como o período histórico ao qual ela está inserida. Para tanto, este trabalho está dividido em quatro partes, cada uma buscando interpretar esse espaço funerário do macro para o micro, a saber: construir a Paisagem tebana da XVIII Dinastia, na qual a tumba será analisada em conjunto com outras do mesmo tipo e temporalidade; examinar a estrutura da tumba e os objetos encontrados, elucidando os rituais efetuados em seu interior; inserir as imagens dispostas nela em um contexto espacial e analisá-las; e, por fim, compreender os textos em conjunto com as imagens. Para este fim, utilizaremos teorias tanto da própria Egiptologia como da Arqueologia e Antropologia, disciplinas que se relacionam com a História, como a Arqueologia Cognitiva, de Colin Renfrew, e o Ambiente Construído, de Amos Rapoport, com suporte da Teoria do Engajamento Material, de Lambros Malafouris, e da proposta metodológica de Valérie Angenot para análise de imagem e texto, propondo, então, um Sistema de Atividades Ritualísticas para a tumba de Nakht (TT 52).

The geographic dispersal of specific body-parts from the corpse of a slain deity, mythic man-beast or Dreaming Ancestor is a trope common to ancient Egyptian, medieval Irish and present-day Indigenous Australian mythology, respectively. This paper presents examples from each of these three domains, and uses the selected narratives – none of which have hitherto been juxtaposed – to explore the ways in which mythic anatomy can be re-imagined as religious or cultural geography and mapped onto the land. In Egypt, the god Osiris is murdered and dismembered by his brother Seth, who hides the numerous body-parts in different locations throughout the Two Lands. In Ireland, the main epic of the Ulster Cycle – the Táin Bó Cuailnge – ends with the Brown Bull of Cooley killing the White-Horned Bull of Ai and scattering the latter's horns, bones and innards in different locations on his journey homeward. The Djabugandji people of the Barron River region in Northern Queensland have a prominent Dreaming in which the Ancestral carpet-snake Buda-dji is chopped into many pieces by three envious bird-men, who throw the segments in all four directions; they become landforms which range from the coast to the Tablelands. For each culture, such narratives serve to connect and unite disparate settlements and/or sub-populations; indeed, the Queensland songline crosses a language boundary, as does a supplementary example from the Australian Central/Western Desert. The mythic entity's body-parts – which tend to proliferate over time, accompanied by an expansion in the myth's geographic footprint – are often reflected in local toponyms, although sometimes only via belated folk etymologies. The intercultural comparison presented here spans three continents and four millennia, suggesting that the trope enjoys near-ubiquitous distribution; the scattered corporeal relics of Christian saints may constitute a historical extension of the same impulse. Overall, the trope probably represents a local reflex of the widespread cosmogonic paradigm in which a primordial being is sacrificed and its body-parts are used to create the world.

The Amduat underwent a significant, yet largely overlooked, transformation during the Third Intermediate Period. While New Kingdom and Late Period versions have been the subject of extensive scholarly attention, Amduat papyri from the 21st and 22nd Dynasties remain largely unpublished and interpreted through outdated typological frameworks. This paper presents new evidence that reshapes our understanding of Theban Amduat papyri. Drawing on a growing corpus of unpublished material, it identifies multiple production ateliers, reveals the presence of complex scribal practices, and maps the most recurrent iconotextual configurations. The proposed case studies elucidate not only the heterogeneousness of Amduat papyri in form and content, but also the deliberate strategies of transmission and innovation employed by Theban intellectual circles. This process was both conservative and creative, altering the function of Amduat manuscripts and engaging in what might be termed a process of curated continuity in which the cosmographic repertoire was simultaneously preserved and reimagined with specific funerary and ritual character. By tracing the diachronic and synchronic trajectory of these features, the paper exposes continuity and adaptation in Amduat papyri during the Third Intermediate Period. In doing so, it repositions Amduat papyri as critical witnesses to cultural production and vitality of funerary literature in post-New Kingdom Thebes. Far from marking a decline, Amduat papyri emerge as sources of religious innovation and ritual agency, reflecting the construction and display of élite funerary identity.

The paper presents an attempt at a translation, coupled with transliteration, of
the so-called Great Edict of King Horemheb, found on a stelae near the Xth pylon
of the Karnak Temple. A brief commentary of the content of the text, with regards
to the perceived hostility of Horemheb towards the Amarna herecy, based on the
Edict and other evidence from his reign, is made at the end of the translation
offered.
I.
The so-calle

By using the technique of photogrammetry for the 3D visualization of ancient Egyptian coffins decorated with magical texts and iconography, this project aims at building up a new digital platform for an in-depth study of the ancient Egyptian funerary culture and its media. It has started in August 2015 through the support of a Mellon Fellowship for the Digital Humanities at UC Berkeley and up until now it has focused on ancient Egyptian coffins kept at the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology of UC Berkeley. The main outcome will be a digital platform that allows to display a coffin in 3D and where users will be able to pan, rotate, and zoom in on the coffin, clicking on areas of text to highlight them and view an annotated translation together with other metadata (transcription of the hieroglyphic text, bibliography, textual variants, museological data, provenance, etc.

This short note examines the Hebrew term עֵט (‘ēṭ), considering a recent suggestion of its possible ancient Egyptian etymology, arguing that it specifically refers to the calamus (reed pen) rather than the rush pen. By tracing its origin to the Egyptian ‘t, attested only in the Graeco-Roman Period, the study establishes a terminus post quem for its occurrences in Jer 8,8, 17,1; Ps 45,2; and Job 19,24, suggesting a late redaction or revision of these verses.

The text, "THE ANOMALIES OF THE COPTIC LANGUAGE," argues that Coptic, despite its ancient Egyptian origins, is a poorly structured language  with illogical grammar and a flawed writing system. The author claims Coptic's inconsistencies, such as disordered vowel placement and single characters representing multiple sounds, make fluency questionable. The document also posits that Coptic, as the final stage of ancient Egyptian, should be a Bantu language, not a Mandé language, and provides a comparative analysis to support this theory. It concludes that Coptic's linguistic anomalies and misattributed origins require further examination. The text is not a descriptive overview but a critique of Coptic's structure and its supposed linguistic lineage.

Approaches based on theories of materiality and new animism have proven instrumental for the interpre- tation of archaeological objects. This study will take these approaches a step further and explore their con- sequences for changes in iconographic representation through a case study taken from the evolution of ico- nography on ancient Egyptian coffins. To this end, the article will explore the increased anthropomorphism of the Sycomore Goddess as she is presented on wooden coffins of the second and first millennia BCE in ancient Egypt and posit a materiality-based causation for the iconographic changes.

The article is devoted to the Spell/Chapter 2 of the ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead in its Theban edition (New Kingdom – Third Intermediate Period). As of today, 193 records of this spell are known, however, these are mainly documents of later editions of the collection (Saite and Ptolemaic). Only 12 obejcts date from the New Kingdom. In a number of documents, Spell 2 is combined with Spell 3 as a single utterance. There are 17 records of Spell 2 from the Third Intermediate Period. The text of this spell has a long history and originates in the Coffin Texts (Spells 93 and 152) (CT, II, 64–66; 260–261). The article provides the first translation into Ukrainian and a commentary on Spell 2 of the Book of the Dead according to the papyrus of Nu (pLondon BM EA 10477 (sheet 13), 18th Dynasty, Thebes). The vignettes of this spell, which had several types of illustrations, are specially considered, differing in the New Kingdom and the Third Intermediate Period.

In the early years of the Christian Church, it was difficult to reach a consensus on the relationship between God, the Father, and his Son, Jesus Christ. One focus of the discussions was the pre-established relationship between God and his wisdom, as described in Prov 8:22-25 and Sir 24. An original contribution was the Council of Nicaea's approach to the terms 'creator' and 'creature', both of which were related to the understanding of the Hebrew verb ‫קנה‬ and the Greek verb κτίζω in those passages. This study employs novel linguistic methods to elucidate the meaning of both verbs, providing fresh insights into how the Alexandrian Jewish and Christian communities interpreted the relationship between God and his wisdom, and how this influenced the terminology of the Nicene Creed.

In this paper, we introduce the notion of positional differential argument marking, a pattern in which the use of argument-coding devices, such as flags or indexes, is contingent upon the linear position of arguments in the clause. Compared to factors such as animacy and referentiality, the impact of word order on differential argument marking is understudied. In order to fill this gap, we compiled and annotated a dataset of 93 PDAM patterns, identified in a genealogically and areally diverse convenience sample of 70 languages. Most patterns involve a competition between a default, or zero, form and a non-zero form, but word order was found to affect argument indexing and argument flagging in a non-identical way. Non-zero indexing is more likely in the case of preverbal arguments. Non-zero flagging is favored in verb-edge orders and also when the argument is used in a non-default position. We hypothesize that this distinction reflects avoiding higher costs in processing referents in the discourse in the case of indexing, but more efficient comprehension of the clause in the case of flagging.

Ideological Considerations (Expanded with Examples).
The Greek adaptation of Egyptian deity names reflects more than phonetics; it embodies strategies of cultural assimilation and legitimization. Hellenistic scribes selectively reinterpreted deities to align with Greek categories, forging hybrid nomenclatures that persist in modern reference works. The same Greco‑centric tendency, observable from Etruria to Phoenicia, systematically altered local religious lexicons, producing long‑term losses for historical reconstruction. Recognizing these losses is prerequisite to any attempt at semantic recovery.
The conventional pronunciations of key Egyptian deities—PTAH, THOTH, ATUM, RA, AMUN, OSIRIS, ISIS, HORUS, GEB, NUT—are best understood as Greek‑mediated exonyms. We argue that some of these forms may mask earlier speech‑titles, especially in domains where Egyptian theology centers the creative power of the spoken word. Replacing uncritical reliance on Greek labels with temporally layered, indigenous analyses promises a more accurate account of Egypt’s religious and linguistic heritage.

The modern settlements of El-Matariya and Ain Shams are located to the north-east of Cairo, now covering the cemetery of Heliopolis. This necropolis contained many tombs from the Old Kingdom, or even before, which continued to be in use through the Late Period (7th-4th centuries BC). Heliopolis is considered one of the oldest religious cities in the history of ancient Egypt, which has not been systematically and fully excavated. During the rescue excavations of Ard Neqabet El-Muhamin in Ain-Shams East (Heliopolis) in 1987-8, many objects were found. They come from different periods, have different shapes and have been made from different materials. The aim of this research is to study in detail the objects, which stem from the excavations of Ard Neqabet El-Muhamin at Heliopolis which they are kept in El-Matariya's storerooms and Grand Egyptian Museum, which have not been published completely. These objects have a lot of archaeological information, which need to be published in scientific research, to help date these artifacts and cast light on them.

ما الداعي نحو مساءلة الرموز التعبيرية في سجل تواصلاتنا الافتراضية؟ إلى أي حد تستطيع  الايقونات التقنية على تحقيق تواصل انساني؟ و هل هي وسائط  تختصر الكلام  أم  تمارس إكراها بنيويا بحيث تعطل التواصل وتغتال المعنى بين الذوات؟ وهل بالفعل نؤسس لثقافة جديدة تنكتب بين آل القارة السابعة  أوجدت لنفسها لغة تداولية وإشارية تواصلية تتأسس على التلاعب باللفظ والمعنى، والابحار والايجاز والاستعارة ؟

This article contributes to discussions of literacy in Old Kingdom Egypt (2700-2200 BCE) by offering a new perspective on "reading" that challenges alphabet-centric approaches and emphasizes the semiotic functionality of hieroglyphs. Through an analysis of publicly displayed royal decrees in temples, it argues that these texts, composed primarily of ideograms, nouns, and specific visual arrangements rather than phonograms or grammatical constructs, were designed to communicate effectively with nonscribal audiences. Local Egyptians, familiar with the visual layouts and ideograms, could grasp key messages, enabling the state to disseminate practical information about work-related regulations and discourage unauthorized labor. This pictorial and visual grammar-based system, which avoided the use of phonetic complements, facilitated comprehension across dialects, functioning as lexical "reminders" reinforced by oral transmission.

Labeling in Ancient Egyptian Netherworld Books is a useful resource for the study of these compositions since they give us the proper name or a little description in form of an epithet of beings of occasional mysterious identity. Given the large number of individuals depicted in the Netherworld Books and the importance of names to the Ancient Egyptians it is understandable that this resource was often used to identify them. The Sungod on his barque and inside his shrine is depicted in several Netherworld Books and it seems that several signs are used to label his name, iwf-ra ("The flesh of Re"). However, this name is labeled with different signs in the Amduat or Book of the Hidden Chapter and it shows an evolution in post-amarnic versions and later Netherworld Books, such as the Book of Gates, which not only changes the sings, but also includes a standing snake depicted swallowing the sing of "flesh". The aim of this paper is to analyze the elements inside this shrine, both the labeling system of Sungod and the mentioned serpent, to find a possible interpretation.

يهدف هذا الكتاب، "مبادئ الخط الهيروغليفي"، إلى تقديم مدخل منهجي ومُبسط لدراسة اللغة المصرية القديمة. يتدرج الكتاب مع القارئ من الأساسيات، حيث يشرح أنواع العلامات ووظائفها ، ثم ينتقل إلى القواعد النحوية التي تحكم بناء الجملة الاسمية والفعلية. كما يتناول الكتاب تطبيقات عملية عبر تحليل بنية نصوص محددة، مثل الألقاب الملكية وصيغ تقديم القرابين، وذلك بدون إسهاب في السرد التاريخي، مع التركيز على دراسة اللغة المصرية القديمة أكثر.

Acknowledgements 1. Invention and Borrowing in the Development and Dispersal of Writing Systems Alex de Voogt 2. 27-30-22-26 - How Many Letters Needs an Alphabet? The Case of Semitic Reinhard G. Lehmann 3. Nubian Grafffijiti Messages and the History of Writing in the Sudanese Nile Basin Alex de Voogt & Hans-Jorg Dohla 4. About "Short" Names of Letters Konstantin Pozdniakov 5. Early Adaptations of the Korean Script to Render Foreign Languages Sven Osterkamp 6. Han'gul Reform Movement in the Twentieth Century: Roman Pressure on Korean Writing Thorsten Traulsen 7. The Character of the Indian Kharosthi Script and the "Sanskrit Revolution": A Writing System Between Identity and Assimilation Ingo Strauch 8. Symmetry and Asymmetry, Chinese Writing in Japan: The Case of Kojiki (712) Aldo Tollini 9. Writing Semitic with Cuneiform Script. The Interaction of Sumerian and Akkadian Orthography in the Second Half of the Third Millennium BC Theo J.H. Krispijn 10. Old Wine i...

Innerhalb der für die ägyptische Kultur so typischen Gattung der Le­ benslehren dürfte die Lehre des Ptahhotep eine besondere Stellung ein­ nehmen, sowohl hinsichtlich ihrer vergleichsweise frühen Entstehung, als auch nach dem Rang, der ihr in der Ägyptologie eingeräumt wird, ebenso wie nach dem Bekanntheitsgrad, den sie selbst außerhalb der Fachgren­ zen gewonnen hat. Wenngleich es nicht an Studien zu Einzelabschnitten oder speziellen Aspekten mangelt, und auch Übersetzungen insbesondere im Rahmen größerer Anthologien zahlreich sind1), dürfte eine umfas­ sende Bearbeitung auf der Basis aller derzeit bekannter Handschriften mit umfassender sprachlicher und inhaltlicher Kommentierung ein dringen­ des Desiderat darstellen. Das vorliegende Buch verfolgt allerdings gerade nicht dieses Ziel, sondern will vielmehr eher grundlegende Fragen der in­ haltlichen Bewertung klären. Dabei geht es ihm insbesondere darum, den ägyptischen Text von der Einstufung als „Vulgärethik" zu befreien un...

Egyptian writing is traditionally a system which renders only consonants. As long as it uses words known to the readers and has enough mechanisms to avoid ambiguities, this is not likely to cause serious problems for the reader. Problems tend to arise, however, when new and unknown words appear. One area in which this is particularly likely to happen is foreign words, be they lexical items borrowed or, even more frequently, names of places and persons. Such items did not have a fixed traditional orthography. Since they appeared normally after the fixation of the Egyptian orthography, we would expect them to make use predominantly of one-consonantal signs in order make them easiest to recognize. Actually, this is the case only to some extent, whereas other factors additionally come into play. It is useful to separate the evidence chronologically, since during different times, quite different solutions were adopted. For the earlier periods, lexical loanwords are not distinguishable by their orthography from original Egyptian vocabulary -so much so that it is indeed disputed whether to consider some items as early loans or not. This is due to an actual debate raging about the phonetic correspondences between Egyptian and the Afro-Asiatic languages in general. Some crucial sounds are evaluated completely differently in the "traditional" school (e.g., Takács 1999) and the "Rößlerian" school (e.g., Quack 2002a, Schneider 2003b). The last one supposes, among other things, that Egyptian corresponds etymologically to the voiced dentals of the Semitic languages and only developed its quality as a laryngeal shortly before or in the Middle Kingdom. If one accepts this, word pairs showing a correspondence between Egyptian and Semitic ʿ and having a high-quality semantic fit could be picked up as Middle Kingdom loans (e.g., Schneider 2003: 194), whereas the traditional school would consider them to be genuinely Egyptian and proof against Rößlers ideas. Apart from those disputed cases, there is one fairly plausible loanword singled out recently. The word ı̓ ḳ .t "leek" corresponds to Semitic

The focus of this study is on one of the many limestone ostraca that originated from the community of Deir el-Medina and are currently housed in the Cairo Egyptian Museum. Specifically, the ostracon under examination is preserved under the number JE 96564 (SR 1849). It measures 18 x 13.5 cm. The database of the Cairo Egyptian Museum does not provide detailed information about its provenance; however, a note on the right side of the ostracon indicates that it was discovered during the Th. Davis excavation season of 1905-1906 in the Valley of the Kings. A preliminary examination suggests that the content of the ostracon is a letter from Scribe Khonsu to the Chief Workman Nekhemmut. However, it should be noted that this ostracon is likely an epistolary exercise, as evidenced by the repetition of several lines and the presence of numerical trials on the reverse side, which in a stereotypical formula without spelling difficulties, reinforces the impression that we are dealing with the work of a student. Additionally, there is an unparalleled superimposed text written in bold, such as" Scribe Khonsu the Child". The purpose of this superimposed text is unclear, as it could have been written either by Nekhemmut to clarify which Khonsu was intended or by Khonsu the Child himself as a demonstration of his writing abilities. Without further information, it is impossible to determine the true purpose of this text. Based on the content, names, and paleography of the text, it is most likely that the ostracon is from the mid-20th dynasty.

Abstract: In this study, we will address the main narratives about the
changes that occurred in the high priesthood of Ptah from Memphis, in
the Early Roman Period. The enigmatic death of the young Memphite
high priest Imhotep/Padibastet IV, the last of his lineage, two days before
Augustus’s entry into Alexandria, is commonly interpreted as a deed of
the latter, even though recently this view has been challenged, attributing
its responsibility to quarrels internal to the family of Memphite pontiff s
themselves. Firstly, we will seek to understand the strategies employed
by Rome, in general, and by Octavian in particular, in the search for the
suppression/ control/reduction of the political-social-economic prestige
of the clergy. Soon after, we will show the likely infl uence of the clerical
family on these events.

Keywords: Roman Egypt; Ptolemaic Egypt; High Priests of Ptah at Memphis; Augustus.

Resumo: Neste estudo, abordaremos as principais narrativas sobre as mudanças ocorridas no sacerdócio menfi ta de Ptah, no Egito de inícios do Período Romano. A morte enigmática do jovem sumo-sacerdote menfi ta Imhotep/Padibastet IV, o último de sua linhagem, dois dias antes da entrada de Augusto em Alexandria, é comumente interpretada como consequência da atitude deste último, embora recentemente essa visão tenha sido contestada, atribuindo sua responsabilidade a querelas internas das próprias famílias de pontífi ces menfi tas. Primeiramente, buscaremos compreender as estratégias empregadas por Roma, de modo geral, e por Otaviano, em particular, na busca pela contenção/controle/diminuição de prestígio político-social-econômico do clero. Logo após, mostraremos a provável infl uência da família clerical nestes acontecimentos.

Palavras-chave: Egito romano; Egito Ptolomaico; sumo sacerdotes de Ptah; Augusto.

This article presents two previously unpublished Old Babylonian tablets on which are inscribed similar bilingual vocabularies. The language in their right-hand columns is Old Babylonian Akkadian. The language in their left-hand columns is mostly North-West Semitic, with some admixture of Akkadian. Editions of the two tablets are accompanied by a commentary which finds parallels for this language in the grammar and vocabulary of other Semitic languages. Evaluation of the results of this
enquiry lead to the conclusion that the language of the left-hand columns is a variety of Amorite.