Culminativity, stress and tone accent in Central SwedishLingua, 2012
Swedish stress and tone accent exhibits an interesting mixture of properties. I argue that the stress system is arranged in a largely morphological fashion, with clear similarities to dominance systems of Japanese, Basque and Greek, where there is a distinction between accented and unaccented stems, and where prefixes and, in particular, suffixes influence stress/accent placement. A major difference is that none of the lexical specifications for stress in Swedish is pre-or post-accenting, but rather post-and pretonic. Thus, no stress is assigned by affixes, but affixes impose adjacency conditions on stress placement in stems, or else the structure is either inhibited, or becomes noticeably marked. Beside the morphological specifications of stress information, there is a phonological default stress assignment, similar to what we find in Greek. The phonological default of Swedish applies blindly when prosodic specification is lacking at the right edge of prosodic words. An accentual default occurs also in Basque, but it applies at a phrasal level rather than at the word level. Beside stress, Swedish also exhibits a lexical tone ('accent 2', 'grave'), which occurs only in primary stressed syllables, and which (in the analysis assumed here) is mostly assigned from posttonic suffixes to an immediately preceding primary stress. So-called 'accent 1' (acute) is lexically unmarked, but both tonal contours signal prominence in a similar fashion, that is, in a way that is independent of the lexical distinction as such. Stress and tonal accent both instantiate culminativity. Building on the theory of projecting words and phrases (Itô and Mester 2007), I argue that stress instantiates culminativity within the minimal prosodic word, and tonal accent instantiates culminativity in the maximal prosodic word. do exhibit culminativity at the word level. However, culminativity is not obligatory at that level . In the interest of the comparison with Central Swedish, which is the main focus of this article, I will assume that it is relevant to ask at what level (word, phrase) culminativity and obligatoriness apply. This relativization is a slight departure from conception, but in line with the fundamental assumptions of metrical theory. The variety of Central Swedish (roughly the standard language) exhibits both stress and tone accent in a particular mixture that sets it apart from most other Germanic languages. The main argument here is that both stress and tonal accents are involved in expressing culminativity in Swedish, at different levels of the prosodic structure. Stress expresses culminativity within the prosodic word, much as in the other Germanic languages, but the stress system as such will here be described in rather different terms from what is commonly the case. Intonational prominence is instantiated as tonal configurations, often called 'pitch accents', which are superimposed, typically on stressed syllables. While prominence lending pitch accents occur in all Germanic languages, Swedish and Norwegian add a lexical distinction to the prominence function of these tonal configurations. The melodic output of this distinction is often referred to as 'accent 1' and 'accent 2', or 'acute' and 'grave' (or, in the Norwegian tradition, 'toneme 1' and 'toneme 2'). The lexical distinction allows us to see clearly two levels of prominence in the tonal structure, referred to as 'word accent' and 'sentence accent' by , as 'accent' and 'focus accent' in later work by Bruce (e.g. 1998), and as 'prominence level 1' and prominence level 2' by Myrberg (2010). The two levels might well have corresponding levels in some of the other Germanic languages, but this is not obvious at the present state of the art. The categorical nature of the two prominence levels, and the methodological advantage of having access to a lexical distinction (between the tonal accents 1 and 2) at each level, makes Swedish a good case for a discussion of culminativity and levels. 1 Central Swedish also exhibits a compound rule, instantiated as a particular association pattern of the tonal configuration of accent 2, which provides further insight into the tonal structure. The tonal accents, then, exhibit prominence lending properties, beside instantiating a lexical distinction in the tonal domain. These facts about Swedish, further described below, raise the question of the domains at which obligatoriness and culminativity hold, an issue that does not come up for discussion in , where the lexical word is the point of departure. Itô and Mester (2006, 2007) have recently shown that the prosodic word, presumably a universal category 1 The levels and distinctions are charted in (38) below.