Xi-Modi: Building geocultural connectivities

Transstellar journals, 2022

India and China are neighbors and have been seen as competitors since the 1950s. China spectacular economic growth is speckled ahead of India in all elements of wide-ranging national power. Though Trade between the two countries is creating new records, still both continue to interface at multilateral forums, including those associated with security such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the Association of SouthEast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum. Border issues are an ongoing woe and it is the generally irritable drift between their relations; while mutual relations are stabilized in other areas. China has made significant inroads into Nepal, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bangladesh, and expanded significantly across the Indian Ocean which was regarded by India as its backyard. The border dispute between India and China has been used as an instrument by China for keeping India off balance. The two countries are stationed at a junction, and this might be the final chance to take the path to coexistence, cooperation and competition or else it will give rise to a new phase of aggressive rivalry, where both the countries will be in confrontation as the calculated border of China collides with the strategic backyard of India in the Indian Ocean region. In the present paper, the researcher has adopted a non-empirical research methodology to analyze the puzzling Sino-Indian relations in recent times where on one hand both countries are escalating their trade ties and on another India has banned several Chinese Apps in India. At a certain point of time, the leaders engage in reaching consensus on strategic issues and on the country both start a military faceoff. Even in regional cooperation both the countries have divergent perspectives.

China Report, 2008

Given the generally troubled history of China–India relations, is there any sense in speculating about a future partnership between the two countries? In order to counter the scepticism inherent in this question, it is worth recalling that China–India relations have spanned the security spectrum—war at one end, alliance at the other—through much of the twentieth century. That the two countries fought a war—brief and limited, but war nonetheless—against each other in 1962 is a part of Indian popular memory. There is, however, a tendency to forget that the two countries were allies during the Second World War, before Indian Independence and the Chinese Revolution. If the two countries were once allies in the global struggle against fascism, perhaps their future relations could over time evolve in the direction of a partnership. The challenge lies in identifying issues and defining an agenda for cooperation, which is what this brief article proposes to do. In our search for an agenda for cooperation, we will begin by asking a conceptual question: what makes countries come together? Three possible answers, each flowing out of a distinct strand of international relations theory, could be advanced to answer this question. Realists argue that states make alliances to aggregate power. Liberals suggest that states cooperate to solve problems and thereby enhance their opportunities. Constructivists hold that states come together to build community. Theoretical disputes aside, each of these answers rings true. We will, therefore, use each of them in turn as an analytical frame to analyse the future of China–India relations.

Chennai Centre for China Studies, 2016

China’s Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflow, during three successive stages in 1979-1999, helped it to elevate the country’s GDP (Gross Domestic Product). The methods of reformations and initiatives by the Chinese government in these periods adopted new broader FDI policies in various fields. China stabilised its GDP growth and utilised its natural resources to modernise its region. Its political diplomacy and soft loans won the hearts and minds of many nations from Asia to Africa. This power projection gifted China with a leveraged sphere of influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The industrialisation and foreign policy initiatives of China focused its economy and boosted its GDP graph. This resulted in the higher influence of geopolitics in various fields. While India propounded its ‘Look East policy’ China focussed on the West and concentrated on foreign investments all around Asia. Beijing then further extended its focus to the African continent. Major Chinese initiatives such as ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) helped it establish stronger meta-geopolitics in Asia and beyond. Meanwhile, Narendra Modi sought to change the phase of India’s geopolitical strategy by inviting SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) leaders to his swearing-in ceremony on 26 May 2014. The process initiated to address Chinese meta-geopolitics in the South Asian region marked the first move of his game in of grand chess played across the Asian landscape. India’s 15th Prime Minister Narendra Modi is carrying forward the seven key dimensions of meta-geopolitics to counter the game of checks and balances in the geopolitical map of Asia. Modi’s timely major initiatives such as ‘Make in India’[i] to draw more FDI to the nation, ‘Digital India’,[ii] ‘MoUD Smart Cities’,[iii] ‘Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojana’[iv] and ‘Mudra Bank’[v] addressed dimensions of economics, science and human capital. ‘Swachh Bharat’,[vi] ‘Clean Ganga’[vii] and ‘Green India’[viii] highlight environmental, social and health dimensions. India’s Project Mausaum[ix] to strengthen current ties between the countries across the ocean though was a slow starter. Chabahar port connectivity, on the other hand, can be seen as a part of India’s balancing act to counter China’s meta-geopolitical moves in the Central Asian region. Modi’s foreign policy thrust and economic cooperation agenda have effectively impacted Chinese footprints in the region over the past two and half years. Furthermore, by promoting defence exports via ‘Make in India’,[x] an attempt has been made to balance against Chinese defence exports in the region. These initiatives will have a strong impact on exporting arms and ammunition at a low price and in assured quality over the coming decades. As a result, small nations are inclined towards defence imports from India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s power projection is taking its shape to challenge Chinese diplomacy and economic activities in Asia. In two and half years of Modi’s era, many checks and balances have been conceived to counter Chinese activity in Asia and IOR. The success of these measures can only be gauged in the coming years. This paper will address these issues against the backdrop of China’s meta-geopolitical moves in the international arena. Furthermore, it will aim to analyse the changing meta-geopolitical strategies under Narendra Modi and Xi Jinping. This paper will seek to answer the following questions.

Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS)

The development of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is one of the causes of worsening Sino-Indian relations in recent years. The Economic Corridor runs through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, which India has claimed as its territory for decades. India sees thie Project as a violation of its sovereignty, but China defends the Project, saying that it is purely an economic connectivity project without strategic purposes. Seeing the possible worsening relations, India initiated to invite Xi Jinping for an Informal Summit with Narendra Modi. With a longstanding historical relationship with China, and his personal style diplomacy, Modi manages to fix some misconception with Xi Jinping on several issues. While trying to fix Sino-Indian relations, Narendra Modi is at the same time still firm on its opposition towards the Project. The authors observe that Narendra Modi’s personality plays a big role in India’s response towards China-Pakis...

Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola

At the changing geopolitical landscape with the Covid-19 pandemic scenario, the China-India tussle and scale of regional and global exposition has begun to display with certain consequences, which seems to shake the existing regional balance of power. A mounting political and military confrontation between these two powers as experts suggested could create a hurdle on regional-global stability and can strike on the path of globalization. With historical and existing context analysis, this paper explores that putting genuine differences aside, China and India being responsible stakeholders of the global community, can cooperate and contribute to regional and global peace and prosperity. This paper is based on qualitative research and explorative form in a pattern. This paper concludes that to reduce protracted political and border-related tensions, continuous institutional dialogue, regular communication, and formal-informal exchanges could be effective tools for a peaceful resolution. At this juncture, the competition and cooperation approach could be useful for fostering China-India bilateral relations, and this situation will help to address common challenges of the global community, restructure the global order, and readjust regional and global scenarios crippled by the Covid-19 pandemic.

Himachal Pradesh University Journal: Humanities and Social Sceinces, 2024

Indian foreign policy has registered a significant shift in its role and character in the twenty-first century. Unlike the principles of NAM, the five principles of peaceful coexistence and disarmament have been guided more by factors like Indian national strategic interests, proactive diplomatic policy, regional dynamics, and global aspirations. The 'Look East policy' has transitioned into 'The Act East policy', which prioritises the expansion of economic relations, the promotion of cross-cultural interactions, the consolidation of security cooperation, and the strengthening of engagement with East and Southeast Asia.

2015

Much attention has been given to the dramatic rise of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a statesman in the regional and international political theaters since his electoral victory in May 2014. U.S. President Barack H. Obama's latest visit to India in late January was significant because it affirmed Washington's determination to forge an alliance with India against a rising China. After a decade of antiterrorism efforts concentrated on Central Asia and the Middle East, the U.S. has become an active player in shaping the balance of power between China and India.

China Quarterly, 2017

Artha, 2019

This essay examines three approaches in Chinese foreign and security policies at work in India"s neighbourhood with the help of three brief case studies involving Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Lanka. The first looks at how China has engaged with Nepal through connectivity projects as part of the Belt and Road Initiative. The second case study looks at Chinese attention to Bhutan especially in the context of the Doklam conflict with Indian in mid-2017. The third and final case study describes Beijing"s military diplomacy with Sri Lanka. These case studies provide an overview of the range of Chinese activities, approaches and interests in South Asia that New Delhi often has trouble appreciating or accepting. This article argues that accepting the reality of these Chinese approaches and understanding them are essential for India to rethink and reinvigorate its own neighbourhood policy.