India and China: Building bridges amidst rivalries

IPCS Issue Brief, No. 162, 2011

European Modern Studies Journal, 2020

Foreign trade and economic policy have become one of the most important strategies to promote commerce and investment activities and promote socio-economic and political relationships in the ever-competitive global arena. Bilateral and multilateral business treaties and free economic zone among states are very common fashion for the purpose throughout the world. Two economic powerhouses of Asia, China and India, are not lagging behind the trade and applying various strategies to improve trade relations and bring socio-economic and political development most in recent decades. The main purpose of the study is to analyze the initiatives and policies the countries pursue to smooth and promote trade relations. The study is based on basically secondary sources of data and information which includes scientific and academic journals, scholars, articles, research papers, books and other relevant sources pertaining to the subject. The study recommended a wide range of factors including bilateral treaties, free economic zones, joint ventures, settling border disputes, improving microeconomic policy, reducing bureaucracy and corruption, pursuing competitive advantage policy and working jointly to solve regional and global problems to promote Sino-Indian trade relation.

The growing strength of India-ASEAN relations has created unease for China with the improvement of India-US relations. China's main concern is that the new focus of US foreign policy toward the Asia-Pacific region - the so-called "pivot" - is aimed at containing China's rise. This paper is oriented towards assessing as to why India needs to involve China in shaping the future of Asia as the powerhouse of the world so much so that the world is redrawing its focus in Asia. India and China need to acknowledge each other’s strengths and weaknesses and contribute to shaping regional economic and security architecture. It is also in India’s interest to develop a strategy and build a peaceful environment conducive to both India and China’s aspirations rather than to be perceived by China to have any kind of a role in the so-called US led containment of China.

Survival, 52:1, 2010

Zedong, speaking in 1951 in honour of the first anniversary of India's constitution, declared that 'excellent friendship' had existed between the two countries 'for thousands of years'. 1 Yet few of the lofty proclamations made by Indian and Chinese leaders over the years truly reflect the reality of relations between the neighbours. It is surprising that two states with such a rich and sometimes fractious history, including a border conflict in 1962, should have what appears to be a largely reactive relationship. But neither has developed a grand strategy with regard to the other. An unshakeable and largely unprofitable preoccupation with the past on the Indian side, and an equally intense preoccupation with domestic consolidation on the Chinese side, have left the relationship under-tended. It might best be seen as one of geostrategic competition qualified by growing commercial cooperation. And there is some asymmetry: China is a more fraught subject in Indian national debates than India is for China. China does not appear to feel threatened in any serious way by India, while India at times displays tremendous insecurity in the face of Chinese economic success and military expansion. To outsiders, India and China show some striking similarities. Both are ancient civilisations reincarnated as modern republics in the mid twentieth

There is a prevailing consensus that the center of global politics has shifted from Europe to the Asia-Pacific area in recent years. The move can be ascribed to various factors, such as the rise of China and India as influential actors, Japan's progressive assertion of its military capabilities, and a significant realignment of the United States' worldwide military posture in favor of the Asia-Pacific area. China and India are widely recognized as two of the largest developing countries worldwide, characterized by their quickly growing economy, substantial populations, and ancient and prosperous cultures. Nevertheless, it is crucial to recognize that they occupy a major position as developing powers in the Asian area. In the past twenty five years, China and India have made substantial progress in their ability to produce goods and services and in their overall national capabilities. Furthermore, both countries have developed strategic methods to reduce the effects of each other's influence within their own geographical regions. Consequently, the mutual trade between these groups has not succeeded in promoting the expected increased collaboration and mitigating the security risk that arises from power politics. However, the relationship between China and India has had a varying path since then, and achieving a complete resolution of bilateral disagreements and fostering mutual confidence still necessitates substantial advancement.

Northeast India, India China Relations and the New Security Dynamics ABSTRACT There are often reports about Chinese expansionist moves and incursions in the border areas of India and particularly in the north eastern part of India and consequently the vulnerable situations that the region is witnessing , from the perspective of security of borders and also human lives. It is being said that the pursuit of Act East Policy, for its success hence calls for reassessment of the security situation prevailing in the region as also measures for maintaing friendly relations with our neighbours, particularly the bigger neighbour, China. My paper aims at a critical analysis of the existing security scenario in the region vis-à-vis the policy intervention and examines if there is any necessity for a required new security doctrine for the region.

China Report, 2008

Given the generally troubled history of China–India relations, is there any sense in speculating about a future partnership between the two countries? In order to counter the scepticism inherent in this question, it is worth recalling that China–India relations have spanned the security spectrum—war at one end, alliance at the other—through much of the twentieth century. That the two countries fought a war—brief and limited, but war nonetheless—against each other in 1962 is a part of Indian popular memory. There is, however, a tendency to forget that the two countries were allies during the Second World War, before Indian Independence and the Chinese Revolution. If the two countries were once allies in the global struggle against fascism, perhaps their future relations could over time evolve in the direction of a partnership. The challenge lies in identifying issues and defining an agenda for cooperation, which is what this brief article proposes to do. In our search for an agenda for cooperation, we will begin by asking a conceptual question: what makes countries come together? Three possible answers, each flowing out of a distinct strand of international relations theory, could be advanced to answer this question. Realists argue that states make alliances to aggregate power. Liberals suggest that states cooperate to solve problems and thereby enhance their opportunities. Constructivists hold that states come together to build community. Theoretical disputes aside, each of these answers rings true. We will, therefore, use each of them in turn as an analytical frame to analyse the future of China–India relations.

Human Affairs, 2020

The relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of India has traditionally been seen in terms of the interaction of two different trends-cooperation and competition. At the same time, the positive or negative dynamics of China-Indian contacts have mostly been shaped by the extent to which the political leadership of China and India have been prepared at various times to be guided by pragmatic interests and the desire to overcome the legacy of the past. This set of problems includes long-standing territorial disputes, New Delhi's suspicions of the "all-weather strategic partnership" between Beijing and Islamabad, as well as the sensitive issues of Tibet and the Dalai Lama. Although the idea of Chindia, as a condominium of the global interests of the two Asian giants and a manifestation of their growing interdependence, is no longer relevant, this article argues that cooperation or confrontation between China and India should not be linked solely to historical matters, but should be viewed from a broader regional and international perspective.