Angelos Chaniotis
580 California St., Suite 400
San Francisco, CA, 94104
Extra-urban Sanctuaries in Classical and Hellenistic Crete
G. Deligiannakis and Y. Galanakis (eds.), The Aegean and its Cultures. Proceedings of the first Oxford-Athens graduate student workshop organized by the Greek Society and the University of Oxford Taylor Institution, 22-23 April 2005. Oxford: Archaeopress 2009, 59-67
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Abstract
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This research delves into the underexplored realm of extra-urban sanctuaries in Classical and Hellenistic Crete, arguing against the traditionally dominant focus on Minoan sanctuaries. By systematically analyzing the architectural and ritual significances of these sites, the paper emphasizes their socio-political functions, particularly as elite meeting spaces and places for ephebes conducting rites of passage. Additionally, it seeks to reconceptualize the narrative surrounding Cretan sanctuaries, advocating for greater scholarly attention to legal and administrative aspects that contribute to a comprehensive understanding of their historical significance.
FAQs
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What explains the socio-political role of Cretan extra-urban sanctuaries?add
The study finds that these sanctuaries served as venues for elite gatherings and territorial claims, as seen through magistrate dedications in places like Zeus Thenatas and Dera around the 2nd-1st century BC.
How did the legal status of the Zeus Diktaios sanctuary change over time?add
Evidence indicates that, post-145 BC, the sanctuary at Palaikastro was governed as sacred land rather than belonging to any specific city, highlighting its role in the disputes between Hierapytna and Itanos.
What methodologies were applied to investigate Cretan worship practices?add
The research integrates archaeological evidence, including over 150 inscriptions, pottery analysis, and comparative studies of ritual dedications to understand worship dynamics in various sanctuaries from the 10th century BC onward.
How did rituals evolve at Cretan sanctuaries through time?add
Ritual practices at sites like the Idaean Cave shifted from food offerings in the Minoan era to military dedications and initiation rites by the Classical period, underscoring the evolution of cultural and religious significance.
What role did extra-urban sanctuaries play in regional identity?add
The paper reveals that these sanctuaries, such as Hermes Kedrites and Zeus Idaios, fostered a regional identity through collective ephebic rites, allowing worshippers from various communities to assert their communal ties and competitiveness.
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Angelos Chaniotis
Extra-urban Sanctuaries in Classical and Hellenistic Crete
in: G. Deligiannakis and Y. Galanakis (eds.)
The Aegean and its Cultures. Proceedings of the first Oxford-Athens graduate student workshop organized by the Greek Society and the
University of Oxford Taylor Institution, 22-23 April 2005.
Oxford: Archaeopress 2009, 59-67
Extra-urban Sanctuaries in Classical and Hellenistic Crete
Angelos Chaniotis
1. City and Sanctuary in Classical and Hellenistic Crete: an Overview 1
Until very recently, when one referred to Cretan sanctuaries without any further specification, one spontaneously thought of the Minoan sanctuaries: the peak sanctuaries, the cult caves, the sacred spaces and shrines of the Minoan palaces, or the cult building at Anemospilia near Archanes. 2 Post-Minoan sanctuaries, to the extent that they have been systematically excavated and studied, e.g. the temple of Apollo Pythios at Gortyn, the early temples of Dreros and Prinias, the Dikrynnaion in West Crete, the sanctuary of Asklepios in Lebena, the open sanctuary of Zeus Thenatas at Amnisos, or the large complexes at Simi Viannou and Kommos, have been primarily studied as monuments of architecture, and that only partially - it is only recently that they have been systematically studied as organised sacred spaces and as places of ritual actions, by Mieke Prent for the early period (c. 1200-600 BC) 3 and Katja Sporn for the Classical and Hellenistic periods. 4 The administrative, legal, socio-political, and economic aspects of Cretan sanctuaries have hardly been the object of a thorough and systematic discussion, except for the function of some Cretan extra-urban sanctuaries as places where the ephebes performed rites of passage and which also served as meeting places of the elite 5 - paralleled by the analogous function of Greek interregional sanctuaries such as Delphi and Olympia. 6
[1]The lack of studies on legal and socio-political aspects of Cretan sanctuaries in the Classical and Hellenistic Crete can only in part be explained and excused by a lack of sources. Inscriptions abound on Crete, and, with one exception (namely information about priests), we find in Hellenistic and Roman Crete - and to some extent also in Classical Crete all the categories of inscriptions relevant to sanctuaries that we have in other parts of the Greek world: dedications and building inscriptions, inventories and healing miracles, hymns, sacrificial calendars, and other cult regulations. 7 What cannot be explained by a lack of sources may be explained by a lack of fascination. One almost gets the impression that the interest is diminished as the number of documentary sources becomes larger, the information becomes more specific, and the space in which the speculations of creative minds can blossom becomes more limited. The glamour of the Minoan finds and the irresistible attraction of the enigmatic and mysterious can be blamed for a rather one-sided interest. On the other hand, the assumption is tacitly made that Classical and Hellenistic Crete cannot really offer any other sensation with regard to sanctuaries than the observation of continuity in the cultic use of certain places. It has been observed that a few sacred places of the Bronze Age, such as the Idaean Cave, the peak sanctuary of Juktas, and the sanctuary in Simi Viannou, served as places of worship in later periods as well. 8 In the case of Simi even a cultic continuity has been postulated, given the uninterrupted presence of finds. 9
Among the various types of Cretan sanctuaries, extra-urban sanctuaries certainly present the most interesting case, 10 with regard both to their political and to their cultic function. When I first addressed the subject of the status of Cretan extra-urban sanctuaries in the Hellenistic period, 11 I tentatively suggested that the particular legal position of these sanctuaries might
1 For epigraphic publications I use the abbreviations that appear in the Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. For earlier versions of this paper (in German) see Chaniotis 2001 and 2006. The new thorough study by Prent (2005) appeared after this article had been completed and could be taken into consideration only to a limited extent. I am in agreement with Prent’s interpretation of the extra-urban sanctuaries as meeting places of the elite, but I put greater emphasis on the rituals (rituals of the logpeis in the Idaean Cave, ephehic rituals at Simi Viannou and Palaikastro) as a major reason for the development of these extra-urban sanctuaries into supra-local cult places (at least in certain periods of their history). Prent did not use my studies Chaniotis 1996 and 2001 and could not have had access to Chaniotis 2006.
2 Marinatos 1993, 38-126 and 175-192.
3 Prent 2005.
4 Sporn 2002.
5 Chaniotis 1996, 128-130; 2005B, 187-189; 2006; Prent 2005, 355-366 and 420−424.
6 Snodgrass 1980, 52-58; 1986, 54f.; Morgan 1990. ↩︎7 Inventory: LCret. I xvii 2. Healing miracles: LCret. I xvii 9-21. Hymn: LCret. III ii 2 (Furley and Bremer 2001, I 68-75, II 1-20). Sacrificial calendar: SEG XLI 744: Cult regulations: e.g. LCret. I xxiii 3; II v 9; SEG XXIII 566; XXXV 989.
8 Chaniotis 1988; Sporn 2002, 86-89; Prent 2005, 554-562.
9 Lebessi 1981.
10 Cf. Prent 2005, 154-174, 200-209, 311-353 and 554-610 for the early period.
11 Chaniotis 1988. ↩︎
somehow originate in their Minoan past. This assumption could not be proven then and it cannot be proven now, and I am happy that I have the opportunity to recant, to modify some of my views, and to provide some new evidence. 12 But my paper is far from the discussion of technicalities. The question I shall address is essentially the question of the continuity of rituals, the question whether we may recognize some common features in the function of extra-urban sanctuaries in Crete.
At first sight, one gets the impression that the material (primarily inscriptions) allows only trivial observations with regard to sanctuaries in Classical and Hellenistic Crete: the poleis of Crete, not unlike the poleis in any other part of the Greek world, appointed priests for the performance of rituals 13 and magistrates for the administration of the sanctuaries - e.g. neokoroi at Lebena 14−, made sacrifices and dedications, 15 celebrated festivals, 16 repaired statues, 17 dedicated war booty, 18 erected temples and altars, 19 and set up inscriptions with public documents in sacred space. 20 However, Crete also provides evidence for a far more complex question: how the position of extra-urban sanctuaries reflected complex hierarchical structures, relations of dependence, tensions and conflicts on a politically divided island.
First, extra-urban sanctuaries near the frontier of a polis were exploited to demonstrate and legitimise the possession of territory, 21 according to a pattern which has been observed in early Greece. 22 We may infer this pattern from the great interest shown by boards of magistrates not just in performing rituals, making dedications or taking care of building activities, but also in commemorating these activities in inscriptions. Rituals were undoubtedly performed in the polis of Knossos, but if cult buildings were erected and repaired there in the Hellenistic period, hardly any inscription records it. 23 On the contrary, a dozen of inscriptions from the sanctuary of Zeus Thenatas at Amnisos commemorated year after year, in the late 2nd and early 1st century BC , record the names of boards of magistrates, who performed an unspecified duty there possibly a sacrifice. 24 Similarly, we do not have a single building inscription or dedication from the city of Lato or from its harbour at Kamares; and yet we have a dozen of inscriptions from the sanctuary of Ares and Aphrodite at Dera, on Lato’s border with Olous, immediately after the war during which Lato occupied the sanctuary and the neighbouring land. 25 The same applies to other Cretan cities with sufficient epigraphic material. Dedications of Hierapytnian magistrates have not been found in Hierapytna, but in the border sanctuaries of Athena in Oleros and Zeus in Palaikastro. The assumption that
[1]these activities demonstrated more than piety - and should be interpreted as part of the strategy of Cretan communities to manifest territorial claims - can be confirmed through a study of divine epithets in Cretan oaths, e.g. in the treaty oath between Gortyn, Priansos and Hierapytna. 26 Among the divinities we encounter Zeus Idatas, who was worshipped in the Idaean Cave in the northwest border of Gortyn, in the area where we may assume that the territory of Gortyn bordered that of Sybrita, Rhaukos, and Axos; Zeus Skylios, whose sanctuary on Mt. Kofinas is located near the border between Gortyn and Priansos; Athena Oleria, the goddess of Oleros, near the north frontier of Hierapytna; and Eileithyia Inatia, who was worshipped in Inatos, at the border between Priansos and Gortyn. One almost has the impression that these epithets circumscribe the territories of the three cities and point to their borders. 27
Secondly, powerful Cretan cities expressed their hegemonic position and the domination over other communities by obliging dependent communities to make dedications in their sanctuaries. Whether they knew and copied the model of the Athenians, who obliged their allies to make first-fruit offerings to Eleusis, 28 we do not know. For this purpose, the Cretan cities chose important city and extra-urban sanctuaries as recipients of the dedications. Tylissos, an ally of Knossos in the mid- 5th c. BC, was obliged to dedicate war booty, together with the Knossians, both at Delphi and in a sanctuary at Knossos. 29 The island of Kaudos, a dependent community of Gortyn, had to offer a tithe to the sanctuary of Apollo Pythios at Gortyn. 30 The dependent community of Rhizenia was obliged by Gortyn to make a contribution to the sacrifice offered to Zeus on Mt. Ida. 31
Thirdly, we encounter in Crete a small group of dependent communities which derive their names from the name of a divinity or a sanctuary. Amyklaion (i.e. bieron) derives its name from Apollo Amyklaios. The Amyklaioi, a population in some form of subordination from Gortyn, must have been a population living near this extra-urban sanctuary. 32 Latosion, another site in Gortynian territory, probably takes its name from Lato; 33 an early law of Gortyn designates it as the site where manumitted slaves had to settle. Artemitai (“those of Artemis”) is the name of a dependent community of Eleutherna. The Artemitai were free, but did not possess citizenship in Eleutherna. Their treaty with Eleutherna gave them certain rights only as long as they stayed within this site. I have expressed the hypothesis that the Artemitai were freedmen or foreigners, who were settled near a sanctuary of Artemis at the border of Eleutherna with the obligation to offer military service and defend this site. 34 Amphimarion (or
12 Cf. Chaniotis 1996, 126-130; 2001.
13 E.g. SEG XXVIII 746.
14 LCret. I vii 2 and 5.
15 E.g. Chaniotis 1992, 295-296.
16 Willetts 1962; Sporn 2002, 368-370.
17 E.g. LCret. III ii 1.
18 E.g. LCret. I viii 4 A 4-11.
19 van Effenterre 1943; Bowsky 1989, 338-341.
20 Chaniotis 1996, 80-81; cf. Whitley 1998.
21 Nixon 1990, 65.
22 De Polignac 1996², 52-60; Cole 2004, 66-91.
23 Possibly SEG XLIV 728.
24 Chaniotis 1992, 288-296.
25 van Effenterre 1943; Bowsky 1989, 338-341. ↩︎26 LCret. IV 174 = Chaniotis 1996, no. 27.
27 Chaniotis 1996, 74.
28 Smarczyk 1990, 167-298.
29 Staatsverträge 148 A 9-11.
30 Chaniotis 1996, no. 69 A 18-19.
31 Staatsverträge 216; van Effenterre 1993.
32 Chaniotis 1996, 394-399. On the unsolved problem of the location of Amyklaion and the cult of Apollo Amyklaios see Sporn 1996; 2002, 183; Cocuzza 1997; Press 2005, 330 and 474.
33 LCret. IV 178; Koerner 1993, no. 153; Cf. SEG XLVI 1217.
34 Chaniotis 1996, 402-406; cf. Perlman 1996, 252-254. ↩︎
Pantomatrien), another dependent community of Eleutherna, probably a harbour, means the sanctuary of the Two Materes (ampho + materes), whose cult is attested in Eleutherna through a lex sacra. 35 Finally, Herakleion, the harbour of Knossos (and later an independent polis), may be added to this group. Many cities derive their name from Herakles; 28 of them have the name Herakleia (i.e. polis), and only one is called Herakleion (hieron, rather than oros or phrourion). 36 All these communities with theophoric names were communities subordinate to a polis. In two cases (Latosion and Artemitai) we have reasons to suspect that a population of a lower legal standing was settled near extra-urban sanctuaries.
These examples show that in Crete, as elsewhere, sanctuaries not only fulfilled a cultic function in the communication between mortals and gods and in the construction of an identity, but that they were also exploited by the communities which administered them in their effort to demonstrate territorial claims, subordination, and hierarchical structures. The choice of extra-urban sanctuaries for these purposes can be explained by a variety of factors and specific historical developments which cannot and should not lead to any generalisations. There is, however, a common feature of extraurban sanctuaries, not only in Crete and not only in antiquity, which possibly explains a more general pattern: extra-urban sanctuaries are often located on or near the frontier. This makes them meeting places, places of a complex exchange and interaction with the “others”, and this sometimes makes them places where a regional identity is shaped, and sometimes places of competition, conflict, or separation. It is to this pattern that I now turn.
In an article which I published in 1988 I claimed that one may identify a group of sanctuaries in Hellenistic Crete which were not located on the territory of a particular city, but on sacred land (hiera chora). 37 What is certain is that a few sanctuaries on the border of two or more communities, usually on the mountains, attracted worshippers from more than one city, judging by their dedications, but we have no sources about the administration of these sanctuaries. Were they administered by local amphictyonies? Or, did one particular polis have the responsibility for the cult and for the administration of the sanctuary, allowing foreign worshippers to attend the cult? After briefly reviewing the relevant evidence ( $2-4), I will turn to the question of why these cult places acquired a superlocal importance ( $5 ).
2. The Sanctuary of Hermes Kedrites in Simi Viannou
The first case is the sanctuary of Hermes Kedrites and Aphrodite in Kato Simi, on the Hieron Oros, the “Sacred Mountain”. 38 The
[1]excavations of Angeliki Lebessi have shown that this sanctuary was the place where ephebes performed, from the 10th to the 5th c. BC (possibly also somewhat earlier and somewhat later), a transitory ritual described by Ephoros. 39 A young man was abducted according to strict regulations by a mature man of the same social rank. This ritual reflected and confirmed social hierarchies. After two months of joint life in the mountains, spent by hunting together, the ephebe was introduced to the citizen body and received presents with a symbolic significance: a cup, a warrior’s dress and a sacrificial animal, which was sacrificed during a festival of Zeus. Although these rituals could (and probably did) take place also in urban sanctuaries, it was the mountain, a liminal place, that was predestined to be the preferred locus of the transition from youth to the life of the citizen. The sanctuary of Hermes Kedrites, a sanctuary dedicated to a god who in many ways symbolised the young person, a sanctuary on a mountain, was more than suitable for this ritual. Today the districts of Ierapetra and Vianno have a common frontier close to this place, and it is quite likely that in antiquity the sanctuary was at the common border of the neighbouring poleis, Hierapytna, Lyttos, Viannos, Priansos, and Arkades. 40 The analysis of the pottery of the 6th and 5th centuries 41 reveals a strong connection with the community at Aphrati (ancient Datala?).
The most impressive find of the Archaic and early Classical period is a group of bronze plaques with representations closely related to the specific ritual of this sanctuary. These plaques were dedicated by worshippers, presumably by the ephebes after the performance of the rite of passage. Lebessi recognized in this iconography the ephebic rituals described by Ephoros. 42 The representations are those of young, naked, beardless, long-haired men, certainly ephebes. The bow shows that they were hunters. They hunted wild goats, which were not killed, but brought wounded to the precinct, where they were sacrificed. The ephebe burned part of the animal on the altar and distributed the rest among his companions. On a few plaques the ephebe is represented in precious garments, 43 possibly the garment which according to Ephoros was given by the older man to his lover, the young citizen. A plaque in the Louvre, which may be attributed to Simi on the basis of stylistic similarities, shows the pair of the older man and his young lover. An older bearded man with bow - a hunter stands in front of a young, beardless man with long hair, who carries a wild goat. The older man affectionately holds his lover’s arm. 44
More information about this rite of passage is provided by a few statuettes of the 10th and 9th centuries BC . In one case
35 The sources on Pantomatrien/ Amphimartion: Faure 1993, 72. For the cult of Materes at Eleutherna see Stavrianopoulou 1991, 43-49; 1993; SEG XLI 744 A.
36 Realencyclopädie VIII, 423-439 and 499-501 (cev. Herakleia und Herakleion).
37 Cf. now Prent 2005, 566 for the Idaean Cave and the sanctuary of Zeus Diktaios at Palaikastro. Marietta Horster, who has recently studied the land ownership of sanctuaries in the Archaic and Classical periods (Horster 2004), does not discuss the sacred land of supra-local sanctuaries.
38 Overviews: Sporn 2002, 85-89; Prent 2005, 170-174, 342-348, 560 and 572-591. ↩︎39 Ephoros apud Steabo 10.4.21 = EpHis 70 F 149. Recent discussions of the passage of Ephoros in connection with the finds at Simi: Lebessi 1985, 188198; 2002, 269-282; Gehrke 1997, 31-35; Scanlon 2002, 74-77; Chaniotis 2004B, 53-55; 2006; Prent 2005, 481-484, 557f. and 577-582. Discussions without consideration of these finds: Vattuone 1998; Waldner 2000, 236242; Chankowski 2002, 10-12. On other sources for the rites of passage of young men in Crete see Capdeville 1995, 202-214 and Leitao 1995.
40 Chaniotis 1996, 129.
41 Erickson 2002.
42 Lebessi 1985; 1991; 2002.
43 Lebessi 1985, e.g. nos. A 23, 35, 44, 45, 51, G 5.
44 Lebessi 1985, 52-53, no. G 5. ↩︎
we see two naked men with helmets, i.e., two warriors. The taller man - according to the conventions of ancient art the older man - holds the arm of the younger person, giving the impression that he is leading him. 45 Another bronze statuette of the 9th c. BC shows a naked ephebe holding a cup, 46 which we may identify as the cup that according to Ephoros was received by the ephebe on the day he became a citizen. It may be a symbol of the ceremonial introduction of the new citizen to the andreion, the men’s house, the place of the common meals. 47
Another statuette of the 8th c. BC shows the ritual of flagellation. 48 A beardless man - characterized by the quiver as a hunter - is flagellating himself with a whip, possibly of leather. This ritual was practiced in Sparta in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia until the Imperial period. Lebessi recognized representations of the same ritual in statuettes from Haghia Triada. 49
The standardized iconography of the dedications at Simi does not reveal the origin of the ephebes. Did they come from the same community or from different communities? If we could locate the workshops in which the statuettes and the bronze plaques were made, this might give us a hint about the possible origin of the worshippers, but unfortunately the exact location of the workshops is not known. 50 For the late Archaic and Classical period ( 6th −5th c.BC ) the pottery suggests a connection with Aphrati (until c. 400 BC ), and then a strong connection with Lyttos. 51 It would not be surprising if these metal votives were not only made for this particular sanctuary and sold to its visitors there, but were also produced near the sanctuary by itinerant artists who came there for the festival. 52
What the images do not tell us is revealed by the inscriptions, but only for the post-Archaic period. More than 150 inscriptions have been found, and most of them are still unpublished. The most significant among them are graffiti on roof tiles and vases, which give us the names and sometimes also the ethnic names of the worshippers and sponsors of buildings. Among them we find Lyttians, Priansians, Hierapytnians, and Arkadians, i.e. men from the neighbouring communities. We are dealing with a sanctuary which attracted worshippers from a certain region, not from a single community. 53 This is certain. The only thing that can be subject to speculation is its legal status.
[1]Was one community responsible for the administration of the sanctuary (electing the priest, organising the sacrifice and the festival, taking care of the buildings, and protecting the dedications) or was this sanctuary the centre of a regional amphictyony? The finds which have been published so far do not allow an answer, and things become more complex if one takes into consideration the possibility that the status of the sanctuary may have changed in the course of time, especially in this area of Crete that was anything but peaceful. Indeed, the analysis of the early votives suggests a change in the organisation of the cult around 700BC,54 and the pottery analysis by Erickson 55 suggests further changes, shifts of influence, and phases of more or less intensive activity in the Archaic and Classical period. It is plausible to assume that the ephebes of more than one community attended the festival, but this does not exclude the possibility that a single polis was responsible for the cult. An inscription of the 2nd c. BC shows that the kosmoi, i.e. the magistrates, of Lyttos were responsible for some building activity. 56 We can identify them as Lyttians from the name of their tribe. But the ethnic name Lyttios is not used. In ancient Greece the ethnic name is used in inscriptions which refer to persons who are outside the territory of their city. The fact that the Lyttian magistrates did not find it necessary to mention their ethnic name indicates (but does not necessarily prove) that at this point the sanctuary was under the control of Lyttos - or that Lyttos had a claim to the sanctuary. The control or the claim may well be a temporary development, an incident in the long history of the sanctuary. But even if in the late Hellenistic period the sanctuary was part of the territory of Lyttos, this does not mean that that had always been the case. The name “the sacred mountain” suggests that the whole area of the Hieron Oros had a specific status.
3. The Cave of Zeus Idaios
The participation of worshippers from many different communities is also attested in another extra-urban sanctuary on Crete: the Cave of Zeus on Mt. Ida. 57 A treaty between Gortyn and the dependent polis of Rhizenia (around 500 BC ) stipulates that the Rhizenians would retain their laws and their courts under the condition of every two years providing sacrificial animals worth 350 stateres for the sacrifice to Zeus on Ida. 58 On the basis of this clause it is generally assumed that at this time Gortyn controlled (or administered?) the cult place where the sacrifice was offered. But also Axos, a neighbouring city, must have been associated with the cult, since fines for certain crimes were to be paid to Zeus Idatas. 59 Two other distant cities, Apollonia and Kydonia, set up a stele with a treaty in this place, 60 and the finds of the excavations indicate the participation of worshippers from east and west Crete. 61 Zeus Idatas is invoked in the oaths of many cities (Arkades, Eleutherna, Gortyn, Hierapytna, Knossos, Lyttos,
45 Lebessi 2002, 18-19, no. 15, and 214-219.
46 Lebessi 2002, 19, no. 17, and 219-222.
47 On the andreia see Lavrencic 1988 and now Prent 2005, 450-476 (with particular focus on the significance of ritual dinning). For the possible identification of a building as an andreion at Azoitia see Haggis et al. 2004.
48 Lebessi 1991; 2002, 18, no. 14, and 228-229.
49 Lebessi 1991, 109; 2002, 109-110.
50 Lebessi 1985, 199-209; 2002, 185-192.
51 Erickson 2002.
52 Lebessi 1992; 2002, 185-192.
53 For this material see Chaniotis 1988, 33 (Sporn 2002, 88-89); there, I did not claim that these graffiti are “evidence for the formal involvement of the above mentioned cities in HL building activities at the site” (so Prent 2005, 573), but simply that the worshippers and dedicators came from different cities. Since on Crete we do not have dedications of buildings in polis sanctuaries by citizens of other Cretan cities or by other Cretan communities, it follows that in the period(s), in which the buildings were constructed, the sanctuary at Simi was not the sanctuary of a single polis. ↩︎54 Prent 2005, 573f.
55 Erickson 2002.
56 Kritzas 2000, 88-96; SEG I, 937.
57 Chaniotis 1988, 34-35; Sporn 2002, 218-223; Prent 2005, 158-160, 314318, 560, 565-571 and 591-604.
58 Staatsverträge 216, lines 1-3.
59 LCorl. II +35.
60 Polyb. 28.14; Chaniotis 1996, 285-287, no. 41.
61 Chaniotis 1988, 34-35. ↩︎
Olous, Priansos, and Sybrita). 62 Diodorus (5.70.4) mentions meadows (leimones) on Mt. Ida which were dedicated to Zeus, i.e. sacred land. Even though we cannot determine the exact legal status of this sanctuary, we may at least observe that it also served as a supra-local sanctuary.
Interestingly enough we have here too, exactly as in the sanctuary of Simi, characteristic finds which suggest a military context. 63 In addition to the famous bronze shields found in 1886 and the bronze fibulae with mythological battle-scenes, 64 the recent excavations have brought to light a small number of weapons, arrow-heads (which of course may be the result of hunting activities and not dedications), and gold sheets with representations of warriors. 65
The most important find in this context is a closed group of seven ivory seals of the late 8th c.BC with a unique iconography, so far attested only in this sanctuary. The representation follows the same pattern: a man with a helmet and a horse, accompanied by a dog or a bird. 66 The helmet characterizes the man as a warrior, while the horse alludes to his high social position. Ephoros refers to a board of hippeis (riders) in the Cretan cities 67 - a piece of information which cannot be confirmed by the documentary sources, but which is paralleled by the representation of riders in early Cretan art68 and by the popularity of names composed with the word -hippos in Cretan onomastics. 69 The standardized iconography suggests that we are dealing with a standardized type of dedication, in other words, with a ritual. If we do not assume that these seven seals coincidentally fell out of the pockets of some aristocrats in the late 8th c.BC, a plausible scenario is that they were dedicated during a ceremony reserved for the members of a particular class. This ceremony was not necessarily a life-cycle ritual, although the military overtones of the dedications strengthen this suspicion. The finds also include a knuckle-bone, an astragalus, covered with a silver sheet, perhaps the dedication of a boy when he reached puberty. 70 It has often been observed that transitory rituals of young men can be conceived as ritual death and rebirth; it is perhaps not a coincidence that the Idaean Cave seems to have been the place where the ritual death and rebirth of Cretan Zeus were celebrated and initiatory rites were performed. 71 The initiatory rites of the local mystery cult should, however, be distinguished from aristocratic or ephetic rites of passage.
Admittedly, none of all this proves that in the Archaic period the Idaean Cave was the place where a ritual of the military elite of Cretan communities took place; but such an assumption is reasonable. What is more than a reasonable assumption is
[1]that the Idaean Cave was a meeting place of worshippers from various communities.
4. The Sanctuary of Zeus Diktaios at Palaikastro
I finally come to the last and best documented example, the extra-urban sanctuary of Zeus Diktaios at Palaikastro. 72 The textual evidence concerning the legal status of this sanctuary and its land dates to the Hellenistic period, after the destruction of Praisos in 145 BC and the occupation of its territory by Hierapytna. For this reason we should start by determining the position of the sanctuary in this late phase of its history. A few inscriptions of the late 2nd c. BC give us information about the situation in the period, in which Hierapytna and Itanos fought two wars for the control of a disputed territory.
The cause of the conflict can be reconstructed from the verdict of judges from Magnesia on the Maeander, who arbitrated in this dispute ( 112 BC ). 73 The judges summarize the arguments of the two parties. Both parties agreed that the sanctuary of Zeus was outside the disputed land. 74 The object of the dispute was not the land of the sanctuary, but the neighbouring land. 75 The Itanians claimed that this land was theirs, 76 whereas the Hierapytnians claimed that this land was also sacred land of Zeus, biera chora. 77 We observe that the Hierapytnians did not designate this land as theirs ( ε ounov). This opposition between ( ε ounov χωρα= civic territory of Itanos and isp αχωρα= sacred land of Zeus) unavoidably leads to the conclusion that there existed a sacred land of Zeus which cannot possibly have been civic territory of either Itanos or Hierapytna. The issue was not whether Zeus had sacred land or not, but whether the disputed land was sacred land or not. This assumption is confirmed by the way the Itanians made a sharp distinction between the sanctuary and the disputed land: according to their opinion the disputed land was only adjacent to the sanctuary. 78 The Itanians were able to prove that they were right when they demonstrated that the disputed land could not have been part of the sacred precinct since it was cultivated. 79 The sacred land of Zeus Diktaios was not allowed
62 Chaniotis 1996, 70 with note 371.
63 Chaniotis 2006; cf. Prent 2005, 368-377 and 569.
64 Kunze 1931; Canciani 1970; Sakellarakis 1985, 40, fig. 25.
65 Sakellarakis 1985, 27, fig. 6; 1988B, 177-181.
66 Sakellarakis 1987, 251-252, fig. 11; cf. Sakellarakis 1985, 30, fig. 10; 1988B, 174, note 17.
67 Fxp/Hist 70 F 145; apud Strabon 10.4.18; Willetts 1955, 155.
68 D’Acunto 1995.
69 Chaniotis 1991, 100 with note 41.
70 Sakellarakis 1988B, 188.
71 Sakellarakis 1988B, 187-189; cf. Verbruggen 1981, 71-99; Chaniotis 1990; Prent 2005, 598-599. ↩︎72 Chaniotis 1988, 26-28; Perlman 1995; Sporn 2002, 45-49; Prent 2005, 350-353 and 532-550.
73 LCrct. III iv 9; Chaniotis 1988, 26-28; 1996, 307-311 and 333-337; 2004A, 185-186 and 188; 2006, 202-203; Ager 1996, 431-446; Guizzi 1997; 2001, 373-382; Sporn 2002, 48-49. For a more detailed discussion of the written evidence see Chaniotis 1988, 26-28.
74 LCrct. 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to be cultivated 80 and consequently the cultivated land was not part of the sacred land. That the claim of the Itanians to the disputed land was acknowledged does not mean that they also were awarded control over the sanctuary. The sanctuary continued to be on sacred land.
My interpretation of this document and my view that the land of Zeus was sacred land that did not belong to the territory of a particular city is confirmed by a testimony which has been overlooked. It is a treaty between Hierapytna and Knossos found in this very sanctuary. 81 The significant clause concerns the setting up of a stele with the text of the treaty: “They should inscribe the treaty on stone stelae and set them up, the Knossians in the sanctuary of Apollo Delphinios, the Hierapytnians one stele in the sanctuary in Oleros and a second one in the Dodekatheon. And both Hierapytnians and Knossians should jointly set up a stele in (a lacuna) the sanctuary.” From this clause we may infer that the Knossians set up a copy in a sanctuary in their territory (in the city of Knossos); the Hierapytnians had the treaty inscribed in two sanctuaries of their territory; in the settlement at Oleros and in the city of Hierapytna; finally, the clause mentions separately a fourth stele, which was jointly set up in the sanctuary of Zeus; this clear distinction between the stelae separately set up in civic sanctuaries and the stele set up in the sanctuary at Palaikastro leaves no doubt that the sanctuary of Zeus Diktaios was not conceived by either party as a civic sanctuary. At least in the Hellenistic period it was an extra-territorial sanctuary.
Is this particular status the result of a late development or does it originate in an earlier period? The famous hymn of the Kouretes - a hymn for Zeus - known from a copy of the Imperial period but going back at least to the Classical period, 82 was sung during a festival by young men. The dedication of weapons from the 8th or 7th c. BC onwards 83 would be consonant with the role of this sanctuary for rituals connected with the military elite of neighbouring communities. The hymn invokes Zeus and invites him to leap into the ephebes, the citizens, the ships, and the other property not of a single city but of several cities (poleas). The composer of the hymn expected that the text would be sung by representatives of more than one city. Paula Perlman, who observed similarities between this hymn and a civic oath in Itanos, has argued that the hymn was composed there and that, consequently, the sanctuary was controlled by Itanos. 84 The first assumption may be correct; the second certainly is not. One can argue about many things, but not about the meaning of a plural form. If the hymn explicitly refers to the ephebes of “our poleis” (poleas hamon) it cannot possibly refer to the ephebes of Itanos alone. 85
[1]In the case of Palaikastro and in view of this evidence, there are strong arguments for the assumption that the sanctuary of Zeus was an extra-territorial sanctuary, the centre of an amphictyony of some kind. That a single city (Praisos, Hierapytna, or Itanos) may have been responsible for the administration and for the cult does not change anything in this conclusion.
5. Extra-urban Sanctuaries as Meeting Places
I have argued that at least three extra-urban sanctuaries in Crete had a special status. Two of them were located in the mountains (Hermes Kedrites, Zeus Idaios); all three of them were located on or near the border of two or more communities. Two of them were already cult places in the Bronze Age (Simi Viannou, Idaean Cave). At least one of them was an extra-territorial sanctuary, a sanctuary on its own sacred land (Palaikastro). The worshippers in all three cases came from different communities. In two cases (Simi and Palaikastro) a particular group of worshippers consisted of ephebes, the representatives of an age-class, and this may have been the case in Ida as well. Possibly only one polis was responsible for the administration of the cult place and the rituals, but it is also possible that several poleis alternated with one another in handling this duty.
How can we explain the extraordinary position of these cult places? The archaeological evidence for the early period (c. 1200-600 BC), which has most recently been collected and discussed by Mieke Prent, 86 suggests that they served as elite sanctuaries and meeting places of the aristocracy. This role, which may well have co-existed with other functions, needs to be specified. Do they, as meeting places, perpetuate Minoan traditions? There is absolutely no evidence for this. It is not even certain that we can speak of cult continuity. Did they become meeting places and places of joint worship because they were located in frontier areas, whither the inhabitants of different settlements came, some of them as hunters, others as transhumant shepherds 87 ? This function of sanctuaries has been suggested for the peak sanctuaries of Minoan Crete, 88 and it may explain the development of the sanctuaries at Delphi and Olympia as meeting places in early times. 89 In the case of Ida this is plausible. The plateau of Nida is today such a meeting place, and this area was until the 19th c. disputed as pasture land between the shepherds of Anogeia and Vorizia. Hermes, the god in Simi, is the god of shepherds. Perhaps further exploration of the finds in these sanctuaries will bring some clarity to this mater.
Did these sanctuaries owe their extraordinary position to their geographical location, as places of liminality, which are often important for the ephebic rites of passage? This seems to me at the moment the most plausible explanation, 90 not only because the ephebic rituals are attested in two sanctuaries (Simi and Palaikastro) and may be suspected for the third
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80 Ibid. lines 81-82; πσπα˙ pà ρας y γγωργημε˙τηςτεκααγ˙τηβητωε˙της, ε˙τηϱ è τεηαε˙ρα˙αα кò ε˙ταε˙λας ̇̇ στεεαα кai $\sigma \tau \dot{\varepsilon} \pi \varepsilon \tau \alpha \varepsilon \alpha \tau \varepsilon \varepsilon \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha 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\dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \dot{\varepsilon} \tau \alpha \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon \varepsilon ↩︎
(Idaean Cave), but also because in Crete, unlike other places, these rituals were often jointly performed by ephebes of several allied communities. The Hellenistic treaties often stipulate that the ephebes of a partner city should be present during the ceremony in which the ephebes took the citizen oath. 91 The meeting of young citizens, the future warriors, of more than one city in a sacred space allowed them to experience more intensely their own identity, to feel more strongly the enmity to and the competition with other communities, but also sometimes to establish supra-local, regional alliances.
6. Extra-urban Sanctuaries and the Dynamics of Rituals
I come to my closing remarks. The Cretan paradigm presented in this paper is instructive with regard to the function of rituals. I have tried to demonstrate that the Cretan extraurban sanctuaries owe their extraordinary position not to their geographical position alone - and probably not to old traditions -, but to the rituals which were performed there: to the ephebic rites, to the rituals of dedication, and to the sacrifices performed by dependent communities. Rituals determine and express hierarchical relations both in the internal organisation of a community and in its relations with other communities, they reflect tensions, they stop conflicts, or they create new ones. Rituals may under certain conditions create solidarity and unity, under different conditions they may separate or may even generate aggression. If the study of Cretan extra-urban sanctuaries can be instructive in questions of method, it is exactly because it shows the interdependence between a static element (location) and a dynamic element (the performance of rituals).
Ancient rituals are elusive phenomena, rarely described and hardly ever explained by those who perform them. Whereas religious activity at a site can be established by various means (e.g. through the existence of a cult building, ex-votos, or dedicatory inscriptions), we often lack any knowledge of the rituals involved. The cult of a divinity may be practiced continually, even though the rituals of the worship change, and similarly, a site may continually be used as a sacred place, but for the performance of very different religious rites. 92 The
[1]sanctuary at Simi Viannou or the Idaean Cave were places of worship already in the Minoan period, and they may even have been continually used from the Bronze to the Iron Age, but this in no way proves that the religious ideas connected with these cult places remained unchanged. As a matter of fact, it is these two Cretan sanctuaries, with the longest record of a possibly uninterrupted use as sacred places, which demonstrate that changes in ritual practice mark significant breaks in the tradition; they mark discontinuities rather than continuities. At Symi Viannou one has observed the growing importance of dedications with military overtones from the 11th c. BC onwards and the prominence of the initiatory rituals of ephebes in the Archaic period. 93 In the Idaean Cave the offering of food items in the Minoan period is replaced by blood sacrifices, the dedication of weapons - again, possibly in connection with military rites of passage - in the early Iron Age, and by the celebration of a cult of death and rebirth. 94
Despite our perception of rituals as something static, rituals do in fact change and contribute to changes. The ephebic rituals of Simi and Palaikastro were interrupted with the coming of the Romans (at the latest) and the interruption of this ritual meant the end of these sanctuaries a supra-local cult places. If the Idean Cave continued to function as a supralocal sanctuary, it was because the focus of the rituals shifted to initiation in a mystery cult of death and revival and, as the birth place of Zeus Kretagenes, to the celebration of Cretan ethnic identity, 95 possibly also in connection with the emperor cult. 96
This conference was dedicated to the koine and to the necessity of a diachronic approach to the Aegean world and its cultures. A diachronic approach is indeed a desideratum, but not so much because it allows us to observe continuities - in the way the 19th c. historian Konstantinos Pararrigopoulos postulated an undisrupted history of the Greek nation -, but because it allows us, by means of comparisons, to study historical phenomena in context 97 and to discern the parameters which determine changes, beyond the continuity of the place, in the language or in the culture.
91 Chaniotis 1996, 123-128.
92 Chaniotis 2005A, 149-160; cf. Watrous 1996, esp. 106-111; Horden and Purcell 2000, 404-411. ↩︎93 Lebessi and Muhly 1990; Sporn 2002, 85-89, Prent 2005, 170 and 581f.
94 Sakellarakis 1988, 207-214; cf. Sporn 2002, 218-223; Prent 2005, 597599 .
95 Verbruggen 1988, 99; Chaniotis 1990; cf. Alcock 2002, 123-130.
96 I. Cret. I xii 2 may be an honorary inscription for an emperor. A connection with the emperor cult may be inferred from the fact that several coin issues of the Cretan Koinon allude to the myths connected with the Idaean Cave; Svoronos 1890, 344.
97 Nixon 1990, 67. ↩︎
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Whitley, J. 1998: ‘Literacy and lawmaking: the case of archaic Crete’, in Fisher, N. and van Wees, H. (eds.), Archaic Greece: New Approaches and New Evidence, London, 311331.
Willetts, R.F. 1955: Aristocratic Society in Ancient Crete, London.
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