"The Basilica of San Salvatore in Spoleto: The Structural History"

References (85)

1. C. Jäggi, San Salvatore in Spoleto, Studien zur spätantiken und frühmittelalterlichen Ar- chitektur Italiens, Wiesbaden, Reichert, 1998, pp. 253-256.
2. J. emerick, The Tempietto del Clitunno near Spoleto, 2 vols., university park, pA, penn press, 1998, I, pp. 347-422.
3. G. Benazzi (ed.), I dipinti murali e l'edicola marmorea del Tempietto sul Clitunno, todi, ediart, 1985.
4. m. Bassetti, l. ermini pani, e. menestò (eds.), La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto, 3 vols., Spoleto, Fondazione Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 2012. Cited hereafter as La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012).
5. G. Benazzi, La facciata e il suo restauro (1992-2000), in La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 923-957; Figs. 1-20.
6. p. Virilli, Il restauro della facciata di San Salvatore: note tecniche, in La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 959-968; drawings A-G; Figs. 1-4.
7. D. manconi, Materiali antichi nella facciata di San Salvatore, in La basilica di San Salva- tore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 969-971; Figs. 1-7.
8. B.G. Brunetti, La datazione dei frammenti ossei animali e dei frammenti ceramici, in La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 977-978; Figs. 1-2.
9. 11 Virilli, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, p. 960.
10. Benazzi, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, p. 927.
11. I report as an eye-witness having seen this work in progress while I was engaged in measuring San Salvatore's façade elevation and longitudinal section in the sum- mers of 1981-84. mentioned briefly by Jäggi, 1998, p. 32.
12. Virilli, too, lamented the weakness of San Salvatore's masonry "a sacco" in La basil- ica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, p. 960. 15 photos of the main west portal before Virilli's restoration, e.g., Jäggi, San Salvatore in Spoleto (1998), Fig. 7, show ominous fractures in its entablature. For the newly reintegrated and conserved portal see now, The basilica of San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, p. 822, Fig. 160. the architrave of the main portal's entablature is mono- lithic, but its frieze and cornice were formed of four separate blocks of marble, two (frieze plus cornice) on the exterior, and two more (frieze plus cornice) on the interior. Virilli first removed the reinforcements installed during the nineteenth and/or twentieth century, namely, two miniature, steel, railroad tracks that sup- ported the portal's architrave from below, plus a steel I-beam let into the top of the architrave at the rear, interior side to support the frieze slab immediately above. He then boldly dismantled and removed the four-block, frieze-and-cornice system, removing the iron cramps that held them together originally, then rein- stalled them with new reinforcements in stainless steel, namely two I-beams run- ning N-and-S on top of the two cornices inside and out, then two more immediately beneath the cornices in question running in the same direction in the (relatively) empty space behind the marble slabs forming the frieze inside and out. At the same time the original iron cramps running e-and-W across the tops of the interior and exterior cornices in question were removed and new ones provided in stainless-steel. See Virilli, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), pp. 959- 962, Disegni A-B and Figs. 1-2; also Benazzi, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), pp. 930-933, 936-939, and Figs. 8-14.
13. B.G. Brunetti, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), pp. 977-980. (Brunetti di- rected attention to his Fig. 2 for summary of his calculations, but alas, the "Fig. 2" as published is simply a repeat of the top diagram in Brunetti's Fig. 1 which is the report from oxford university's professor Bronk Ramsey on the first sample from San Salvatore).
14. l. ermini pani, p. pensabene, Rileggendo San Salvatore, in La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 667-850, and here especially, the conclusions on pp. 678- 687 and 758-765. please note: ermini pani wrote the 21-page structural analysis (pp. 668-689) and pensabene the 69-page study on the sculptural décor; both to- gether provide the seven-page conclusion (pp. 758-765).
15. ermini pani suggested that lombard leaders in Spoleto may well have restored the ruined building to function as the city's new Arian cathedral.
16. W. Hoppenstedt, Die Basilika di S. Salvatore bei Spoleto und der Clitumnustempel, Halle, 1912; F.W. Deichmann, Die Entstehungszeit von Salvatorkirche und Clitumnu- stempel bei Spoleto, in "mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, rö- mische Abteilung", 58, 1943, pp. 106-148; m. Salmi, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto, Florence, 1951; C. Jäggi, San Salvatore in Spoleto, Wiesbaden, 1998; J. eme- rick, The Tempietto del Clitunno near Spoleto, State College, pA, 1998. 20 ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), p. 692. pensabene observed here that Jäggi, 1998, p. 111, had come to virtually the oppo- site view.
17. Also known as the Colle luciano; see A. m. Giuntella, Il suburbio di Spoleto. Note per una topografia nell'alto medioevo, in Il ducato di Spoleto, Atti del IX congresso in- ternazionale di studi sull'alto medioevo (Spoleto, 27 September -2 october 1982), Spoleto, Centro Internazionale di Studi sull'Alto medioevo, 1983, II, pp. 869-883, esp. 872-873 and 879.
18. For reliable and scholarly maps of Spoleto's ancient Roman walls see, still, Giun- tella (as above), pl. 1; and B. toscano, Per uno studio dell'ambiente diocesano, in Il ducato di Spoleto (as above), I, pp. 319-333, esp. pl. I. the basilica of S. Salvatore once lay near or alongside the ancient via Nursina that linked Spoleto and Norcia; for an excellent map of the ancient viae publicae romanae in umbria, that is, the an- cient roads that remained in use right on down into the early middle Ages, see l. Quilici, La rete stradale del ducato di Spoleto nell'alto medioevo, in Il Ducato di Spoleto (as above), I, pp. 399-420, esp. pl. VII. Did the via Nursina once climb the steep hill behind San Salvatore? Did the road in question rise to the old sanctuary dedicated to San michele Arcangelo at its summit? See S. Ceccaroni, San Michele Arcangelo 'de colle Ciciano' di Spoleto, in "Spoletium", 34-35, 1990, pp. 172-180.
19. Soprintendente Domenico Valentino in the Soprintendenza ai Beni Ambientali, Ar- chitettonici, Storici e Artistici dell'umbria (in perugia) gave me permission for the work; loris Cittadoni, the contractor in Spoleto, built scaffolding so that I could survey the façade and the interior, north elevation of the presbytery. 24 montiroli (1817-1888), a soldier, architect, and prominent Risorgimento intellectual -see www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/giovanni-montiroli_%28Dizionario_Biogra- fico%29/ -provided a site plan, two longitudinal sections, and a facade elevation; see Jäggi, 1998, Figs. 53-56 (Spoleto, Archivio di stato, Archivio Sordini, cartella 1, fasc. 1).
20. Guido Fondelli from Arezzo became professore straordinario and director of the Scuola d'Architettura at the university of Cagliari (Sardegna) in 1907; see the An- nuario della Regia Università di Cagliari, Anno Scolastico 1907-1908, Cagliari, 1908, pp. 75 and 120, where he is credited with, inter alia, "studi e disegni sulla Basilica di San Salvatore presso Spoleto". I thank Annie Cottrau from the Archivio della Soprintendenza ai Beni Ambientali, Architettonici, Storici e Artistici per l'umbria in perugia for providing me (in 1984) copies of the following by G. Fondelli: 1. West facade (Jäggi, 1998, Fig. 58)
21. South elevation (Salmi, 1951, pl. VIII b, and Jäggi, 1998, Fig. 47) 3. east gable 4. longitudinal section looking north (Salmi, 1951, pl. VIII a) 5. Cross section in the transept looking east (Salmi, 1951, pl. VI a)
22. Cross section in the nave and south aisle looking west (Salmi, 1951, pl. VI b; Jäggi, 1998, Fig. 59).
23. For this and what follows, Jäggi, 1998, pp. 17-25. 27 the city apparently began by digging up the pavement in San Salvatore. mon- tiroli's site plan (Jäggi, 1998, Fig. 53) shows such excavation in the presbytery, along the north flank of the nave, and in the nave's southeast corner. 28 the survey drawings prepared by Giuliana Nasoni and Roberto De Sio in 1986, published by Jäggi, 1998, Figs. 48 (east gable) and 61(longitudinal section looking north) exploit Fondelli's survey. So do plates I-IX in elena Rapetti's Rapporti armonici e culto dei martiri nel S. Salvatore di Spoleto, in Umbria cristiana. Dalla diffusione del culto al culto dei santi (secc. IV-X), Atti del XV Congresso internazionale di studi sull'alto medioevo (Spoleto, 23-28 october 2000), Spoleto, 2001, pp. 891-903, a survey desi- gned to reveal the original basilica's proportional system. But since Fondelli's sur- vey lacked a ground plan of San Salvatore, Rapetti fell back on the one provided by G. montiroli (see n. 24 above). Nota bene: Rapetti's study was reprinted in La basil- ica di San Salvatore in Spoleto (2012), II, pp. 535-547, but not her pls. I-IX. Finally, Be- nazzi and Virilli used Fondelli's elevation of the west façade as a basis for their studies published in La basilica di San Salvatore (2012), III, see Fig. 7 on p. 948 and Disegni C-F on pp. 964-966.
24. Salmi, 1951, Fig. VIII a.
25. Jäggi, 1998, Fig. 58.
26. I did not locate points by triangulating -to increase accuracy. I adopted the scale of 1:50 for the survey overall. 32 the site plan prepared by G. Nasoni and R. De Sio in 1986, published by Jäggi, 1998, Fig. 51, shows the remains of the now abandoned monastery built up against the historic church. Nota bene: my plan does not indicate the narthex-like portico that we know once stood in front of San Salvatore's west façade.
27. I marked this section in Fig. 4, the longitudinal section looking north. the pave- ment throughout consists of an opus sectile in unglazed terracotta tiles installed in the early 20 th century; I did not take the time to measure it and it does not appear in the plan. Nor did I measure and draw the bit of pavement in opus sectile (in col- ored marble) that survives in the transept's central bay -in the presbytery. this pavement does not belong to phase-one. It lies at the same level as the present apse floor framed by a box made of travertine slabs that projects from the chord of the apse out into the presbytery on the central longitudinal axis of the building; the floor of the apse now rises some 39 cm. above that of the presbytery.
28. Jäggi, n. 73 on p. 21. 35 In phase-one the fancy cross vaults in the rooms flanking the central apse would have contrasted sharply with the plain wood-and-tile roofs covering the nave, aisles, and transept arms.
29. As far as I could tell at the site the cornice in the eight-sided dome (now white- washed) has no fancy relief-work like the cornices in the east end's lateral rooms. 37 the issue has great historic interest; see Jäggi, 1998, pp. 61-65. though today we take for granted that churches might have multiple foci, a high altar, say, and many side chapels with altars, that kind of church had to be invented. In the latin West the type arose with the cult of relics and the invention of the reliquary altar, that is, the grave-like memorial made of masonry containing the remains of a holy per- son, fixed architecturally in the space of a sanctuary, and topped with a mensa for celebrating the mass. today we can best chart the development of churches with such altars at St. peter's in Rome, the West's first, or first truly memorable church with multiple altars. thus between the early sixth century and the eighth, but mainly in the eighth, the popes in Rome exploited reliquary altars to transform Constantine's cemetery basilica at the Vatican into a vast martyrial shrine and pil- grimage site that featured a high altar over the grave of peter and many side chapels focused by grave-like reliquary altars to other saints; see J. emerick, Altars Personified: The Cult of the Saints and the Chapel System in Pope Paschal I's S. Prassede (817-819), in Archaeology in Architecture: Studies in Honor of Cecil L. Striker, ed. J. emerick and D. Delyiannis, mainz-am-Rhein, philipp von Zabern, 2005, pp. 43- 63 (available online at //pomona.academia.edu/Judsonemerick).
30. No one can miss, in the plan, how the south room's south wall butts up against the transept and creates a reentrant right angle, while the north room's north wall "fades" into the corner of the transept. originally the north room met the transept just like the south room did, but at some later moment, the transept's northeast exterior corner was summarily hacked away, then faced with rubble. the upper portion of the exterior southeast corner of the transept starting at a point just under 2.00 m. above present ground level has been extensively restored, or better refaced (probably in modern times). But under that point (at the southeast corner of the transept) I find the facing that I identify as typical of phase-one construction (an opus vittatum; discussed further below in the text).
31. thus the east gable's northeast corner lies some 0.80 m further to the east than the southeast corner, that is, if one were to imagine that the rear east gable "ought" be parallel to the west façade.
32. Rapetti, 2001 (as in n. 28 above), pp. 892-895.
33. In Fig. 2, I marked out the basilica's main longitudinal axis with "crosses" and for convenience, I also set out the line at the bottom of my plan with the scale as par- allel. A square set on the lower parallel quickly reveals San Salvatore's trapezoidal footprint.
34. J.B. Ward-perkins, The church of San Salvatore at Spoleto: Some structural notes, in "papers of the British School at Rome", 17, 1949, pp. 72-91, esp. 74-75.
35. Rapetti, 2001 (as in n. 28 above), p. 895, and citing her, ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 676, hypothesized plausibly that San Salvatore rose upon one of Spoleto's extra-urban, early Christian cemeteries.
36. Rapetti, 2001, pl. IV. In my Fig. 2, the plan, the width of the nave-and-aisles varies between 18.45 and 18.73 meters; the length of the building measures 37.23 meters. 37.23 divided by 2 = 18.62. Close enough!
37. Rapetti, 2001, pl. II.
38. Jäggi, 1998, Fig. 64.
39. Nasoni and De Sio rely on triangulation to develop their plan; compare their site plan reproduced in Jäggi, 1998, Fig. 51.
40. ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 682- 683 and Fig. 26 on p. 783 (captioned simply as "plan of the basilica").
41. ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), p. 695 and Fig. 41 on p. 790.
42. ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, followed mario Salmi in this instance and reproduced his schematic plan of the early Chris- tian basilica (see p. 671 and Fig. 1 on p. 767 = Salmi, 1951, Fig. 3 on p. 11). Salmi's Fig. 3 has a curious arc (a semi-circle in a dotted line) inside San Salvatore's pres- bytery where, Salmi suggested, a synthronon once rose.
43. ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 678- 687 and 758-765.
44. 52 tall cupola? the present cupola + lantern soars 23 meters above the presbytery floor. the topmost course of pietra sponga in the phase-one eight-sided dome vis- ible in the long section [Fig. 4] rises some 18 meters above the present-day floor of the presbytery.
45. Sometimes also called opus listatum, opera listata, or opus mixtum. Walls in concrete faced by alternating courses of limestone and brick were apparently in wide use in umbria during late antiquity and early middle Ages, for example, in the drum of the famous centrally-planned church of Sant'Angelo in perugia, now dated plausibly to the mid sixth century by ylva meyer in S. Angelo in Perugia, Ein frühchristlicher Zentralbau zwischen Rom und Ravenna, marburg, tectum, 2013, pp. 105-108 and Fig. 41 (with a sustained discussion of opus vittatum in late antique and early medieval central Italy).
46. Reading bottom to top, the porous travertine facing begins immediately above the series of corbels that look to have carried the wooden beams for the shed roof of the porch that originally stood in front of the basilica [compare Figs. 3 and 9]. Jäggi 1998, pp. 29-30, describes pietra sponga as "tuff". Did she mean "tufa"? In english anyway tuff is a volcanic, igneous rock, tufa a sedimentary limestone or travertine. I find the sponga at San Salvatore to be a kind of travertine.
47. Benazzi, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, Fig. 7 on p. 948 showing, inter alia, the change in wall facings in a color-coded drawing.
48. Salmi, 1951, Fig. 9 on p. 16 plausibly reconstructed the original façade with its porch. 57 the cornice now running across what survives of the uppermost courses of phase- one masonry in the façade breaks to accommodate the wider-and-narrower pi- lasters rising through it.
49. Jäggi, 1998, p. 27.
50. Salmi reconstructs one for San Salvatore's west façade; see above, n. 56.
51. I examined the upper courses of masonry from a scaffolding closely in 1982.
52. See again Benazzi, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, Fig. 7 on p. 948 where the various marbles were color coded. See also ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 731-745 (description of the west facade's marble, door-and window frames, etc.).
53. Four of the five corbels (that held the wood beams for the porch in front of San Salvatore) are in situ. the fifth at the south was set up by mario Salmi.
54. See the concluding pages of the essay by ermini pani and pensabene in La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 764-765. upper- story temple front to match? A troweled falsa cortina in plaster of this sort survives on a wall at the tempietto del Clitunno; see emerick, 1998, Figs. 100 and 101. this rendering belongs to phase-one at the Clitunno; please note that the tempietto proper, the building with the elaborate temple fronts and aediculae, belongs to a phase-two there.
55. See the splendid measured drawings of these antae in ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, Figs. 50b and 51b on pp. 794-795; also Fig. 56 on p. 797 (for the trace of the lesbian cyma from the crown of the entab- lature in the northwest corner of the nave).
56. Salmi, 1951, pl. X c; Jäggi, 1998, Fig. 69; ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, Figs. 70-72 on p. 801.
57. H. von Hesberg, Konsolengeisa des Hellenismus und der frühen Kaiserzeit, mitteilun- gen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung, ergänzungsheft 24, mainz, 1980.
58. Do I insist too much that the three blocks with crown moldings reused in phase- two at San Salvatore are likely to have served at San Salvatore during phase-one? No, because whenever the users of a Christian sanctuary during the middle Ages were forced to, or chose to replace a prominent architectural feature, they strove to keep that feature (or some key portion of it) on site, that is, to reuse it somehow (even incongruously) to preserve it as a kind of "site relic". thus, in this instance, crown moldings from San Salvatore's phase-one nave colonnades ended up oddly at the base of a nave pier in the church's phase-two reconstruction. Because the phase-two builders at the Colle Ciciano substituted arcades for the nave's original trabeation, they could not set up the three blocks in question in any way close to that for which they were originally manufactured.
59. Did this entablature also feature a lesbian cyma in the crown's bed moldings? A trace of this ornament as we have seen survives in the section of the crown in ques- tion still in situ in the nave's northwest corner [Fig. 12]. or did the parts used for the crown in the phase one nave's entablature present a mix of ornaments in the bed moldings? the latter seems more likely.
60. ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, n. 127 on p. 695. 71 the bits and pieces of Corinthian console cornices that Sordini found in 1906 when he dismantled San Salvatore's Baroque high altar remain a question mark. Where did they serve in San Salvatore (and in what phase of construction there)? one of these cornice blocks survives quite intact -see Jäggi, 1998, p. 110, Fig. 115, and Cat. no. 3 in ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 747-748, Figs. 218-220. Jäggi suggested that this and other fragments of such capital, which Salmi, 1951, p. 33, thought might have come (for reuse here) from the piers at the north and south corners of San Salvatore's western porch. 73 the pavonazzetto shafts at 15s and 15d originally reached much higher than the white marble shafts at 13s, 13d and 16s, 16d. to make the taller shafts fit in the NoteS 89 the plan in Fig. 2 shows that this "semi-column" (11d) really forms a ¾ engaged column. Counting from bottom to top, drums 1-3 in this support, which have chamfers, come from full columns, not semi-columns. these robust drums, which served originally in the lower portions of the phase-one Doric nave colonnades, perform ill as substitutes for a slender Ionic column shaft. 90 the "half drum" of the Ionic column shaft in question here, manufactured for an engaged column in ancient Roman Imperial times, really forms part of a huge ash- lar. the ashlar was designed to anchor the engaged column in the wall, which is exactly how the phase-one builders at San Salvatore reused it.
61. Reading from bottom to the top, drums 1 through 5, 7 and 8 were fashioned from travertine and look to have all once belonged to the phase-one nave colonnades. Drums 6 and 9 were finely carved from Carrara marble and may be what remained of the Ionic shaft that stood here in phase-one. Drum 6 resembles drum 10: it too forms part of a large ashlar designed to anchor an engaged column to a respond: today it is surrounded by phase-two masonry. Although Drum 6 could have come from the debris that formed the semi-column to the north (at 11s), I find no indi- cation in the phase-one masonry of the spur wall that any such feature might once have played a role there. Drum 6 probably belonged to the phase-one semi-column at 11d. So probably did Drum 9. Quite tall, it has fluting above and cabling below. 92 the phase-two rubble facing on the spur wall is visible behind the giant Ionic col- umn at position 12d (in the presbytery's south-west corner). the facing went down course-by-course as the various drums of the "semi-column" there were piled up one-by-one. Since the phase-two builders took no such scruples to replace the semi-column that once stood at 11s, one can well suppose that the phase-one semi- column in that position survived the disaster that destroyed 11d.
62. "Corinthien romain"? See how, forty years ago, pierre Gros used the adjective, "Corinthian", as a noun in his important study, Aurea templa, Recherches sur l'archi- tecture religieuse de Rome a l'époque d'Auguste, Rome, École française de Rome, 1976, chaps. V-VI.
63. And at the tempietto del Clitunno as well. See Jäggi, 1998, chaps. V-VI; and emer- ick, 1998, but now, especially, J. emerick, The Tempietto del Clitunno and San Salvatore near Spoleto: Ancient Roman Imperial Columnar Displays in Medieval Contexts, in Trib- utes to Pierre du Prey, Architecture and the Classical Tradition, from Pliny to Posterity, ed. matthew m. Reeve, london and turnhout, Harvey miller/Brepols, 2014, pp. 41-71 (already cited in n. 81 above).
64. In his Ten Books on Architecture, Vitruvius never spoke of "orders" but of "families" or genera of architectural design, tuscan, Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian; see emerick, 2014, p. 59. In the "Roman Corinthian", ornamental genera typically mixed. Hence San Salvatore's entablatures featuring Ionic architraves, Doric friezes, and Ionic and/or Corinthian crowns. moreover, in the "Roman Corinthian", columns of var- ious kinds, Doric, Ionic, Corinthian, and Composite among them, might often stand under the same entablature together. For a more sustained treatment of the issue, see emerick, 2014.
65. For examples, see in the elaborate scenic play of Ionic and Corinthian colonnades on the terraces of the forum-temple complex of Fortuna primigenia at palestrina (2 nd century BC), or the same inside pompeii's famous law court or basilica at- tached to the forum at the city's center (ca. 130-120 BC).
66. For examples, see the cella of the middle Augustan temple of Apollo Sosianus (early 20s BC), which had a scenic columnar display focused on a statue of the god. or see the parthian Arch in the Roman Forum (toward 17 BC), which aggrandized the Via Sacra, and in which Doric and Corinthian columns alternated to frame the three por- tals (with the pair of taller, fancier, Corinthian columns at the center). the Forum of Augustus (dedicated 2 BC) must count as Rome's most impressive such scenic con- fection -complete with its columnar display inside the temple of mars ultor that set the stage for statues of the deified Julius and his new associates, the olympian deities.
67. W. macDonald, The architecture of the Roman Empire, II, An urban appraisal, New Haven, Ct and london, yale university press, 1986, esp. chaps. VII, "empire Im- agery: Cardinal themes" and VIII, "empire Imagery: Baroque modes".
68. We should not declare the scenic columnar displays at the Colle Ciciano a surpris- ing proto-Renaissance phenomenon as its 19 th -, and early 20 th -century interpretors did (De Rossi, Grisar, Sordini, and Hoppenstedt). these displays cannot count as late Antique or medieval forecasts of those in modern times. Nor should we ex- plain them as products of some special kind of medieval classical revival as art his- torians of the mid 20 th -century did (Deichmann and Ward-perkins). Both the latter belong in erwin panofsky's camp; see his Renaissance and Renascences, in "the Kenyon Review", 6, no. 2, 1944, pp. 201-236 (panofsky, one recalls, distinguished between the Renaissance in Italy, which comprised the sustained and permanent revival of antiquity that marked the beginning of modern times, and the numerous late antique and medieval "renascences", which he portrayed as limited in impact, halting in their reception of the antique , and short-lived). please note that mario Salmi, who published his famous monograph on San Salvatore in 1950, critically refused both Hoppenstedt's presentation of the columnar displays at the Colle Ci- ciano and the Clitunno as a startling early Christian proto-Renaissance and Deich- mann's judgment that they constituted a notable medieval renascence. Salmi's scruples seem very leading today. 100 this is the topic of my study of 2014; see nn. 81 and 94 above. I put "Roman Corinthian" in quotes because I do not wish to suggest that the columnar displays it names are quintessentially "Roman, imperial, and/or pagan". As it happens, such display found a new home in the Christian sanctuary at a very early moment and remained in use there everywhere for centuries thereafter.
69. For a catalog of what remains from the phase-one nave colonnades today, see ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 701-705.
70. A much discussed matter; see now ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 684-685. ermini pani insisted that the cauliculi carved in relief at the plaque's corners, and the interlaced figure eight in between, supplied with rosettes, look to be late antique in style, not medieval. 103 See n. 87 above.
71. Jäggi, 1998, pp. 17-20 and Figs. 52-56. 105 the western splay of bay 3 has a graffito reading, "1.9embre 1886+". 106 ermini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, p. 680.
72. Jäggi, 1998, Figs. 83 and 84.
73. Jäggi, 1998, Figs. 86 and 87.
74. Jäggi, 1998, pp. 42-51.
75. Salmi, 1950, pp. 10-11.
76. Ward-perkins in "the papers of the British School at Rome", 17, 1949 (as in n. 42 above).
77. Famous now for his study of the shrine of St. peter at the Vatican, 1956 (with Jo- celyn toynbee) and his handbook on Roman Imperial Architecture (with editions in 1970 and 1982) from the series called the pelican History of Art.
78. A short while after Ward-perkins's visit to the site, Salmi dug up the north half of San Salvatore's apse floor to reveal the footing in question; see Salmi, 1950, pl. X a.
79. Again, visible in the photograph published by Salmi, 1950, pl. X a.
80. Ward-perkins did not think the evidence allowed him to say whether the semi- columns framing the apse were already in place when the apse wall was built (or the reverse).
81. Ward-perkins, 1949, Fig. 7 on p. 84.
82. Ward-perkins, 1949, p. 83.
83. See, now, the descriptions and catalogs of all these parts, reused and new, in er- mini pani and pensabene, La basilica di San Salvatore di Spoleto (2012), III, pp. 689- 752. 120 the tempietto ended, because of serious miscalculation on the part of its builders, very noticeably out of plumb; see emerick, 1998, pp. 161-166 and pls. V-VI. the same builders, however, might carve pedimental tympana reliefs for the church ex novo that reveal total mastery; emerick, 1998, Figs. 5, 36, 64-72.
84. It is true that higher up in the pier's masonry, as in Fig. 28, the coursing becomes a bit less regular and exploits thinner, probably reused brick and smaller ashlars, some just roughly cut.
85. For an elevation, see Jäggi, 1998, Fig. 48.