Transnational Marriages: the Case of Ljubljana, 1890–1930

Contemporary Southeastern Europe, 2015

The article critically examines censuses in the Republic of Slovenia. Owing to its Yugoslav past, the censuses after 1945 have been closely scrutinized, and the common Yugoslav census methodology had a strong influence on the 1991 and 2002 censuses. The 1991 enumeration was carried out within the Yugoslav state; however the data processing and result publishing was done under the newly independent Slovenian state. The 2002 census was the last census to be carried out using classic door-to-door enumeration, since the 2011 census was completely register-based. The paper explores censuses in Slovenia since 1991, noting numerous changes and controversies. In 2002, in contrast to 1991, the applied definition of the resident population left out some 35,000 people working temporarily abroad. In addition, the 2002 census witnessed the highest ever number of ethnically non-affiliated respondents. An even bigger controversy was related to the erasure of some 30,000 people from the register of permanent residents for failing to apply for Slovenian citizenship after the break-up of Yugoslavia. The article also briefly reviews the difficulty in addressing the status of the constitutional national minorities and other unrecognized former Yugoslav nations in a situation in which specific data on their number, social and economic structure are no longer collected.

RUDN Journal of Economics

The problem of Serb population in Republic of Slovenia is a paradigm of all the problems that have arisen with the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Political and geographic processes during this disintegration led to the creation of new political and territorial subjectivities, with significantly changed conditions of ethno-cultural and ethno-demographic development. Serbs who lived in the same country now are living in Diaspora with limiting institutional framework of development. The contemporary ethno-demographic position of Serbs in Slovenia is conditioned by numerous regional (Balkan) and local determinants. The number of Serbs, territorial arrangement, their awareness of ethnic affiliation, mutual relations within the community, relations with the country in which they live, relations with the states they came from, all together with the influences of surroundings, are essential elements of their position in Slovenia. This position was different in ...

1976

La Pensée

Vojvodina is a province in the north of Serbia. Its main social geographic characteristic is its multiethnic feature. A big number of ethnical groups in such a small territory (about 21,000 km2) is a consequence of historical events and migrations both in the distant and recent past. Migration during the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy influenced the migrations after its dissolution, i.e. after World War I, and also during and after World War II. This paper presents analysis of migrations in Vojvodina during that period.

BELGRADE 1521–1867, 2018

Based on data on the demographic structure and movements in the Serbian capital dating back to the mid-19th century, contemporary literature contains the most important data about the population of Belgrade in 1815-1867, but without a significant focus on the context in which those data were created. Our interest in this paper concerns primarily the historical and social context in which the first data on demographic capacities of Belgrade appeared in the mid-19th century. Shifting the focus from "dry" demographic data to the background of their appearance enables us to gain insight into a broader historical picture of the time. The collection, analysis and presentation of data about the population of Belgrade were one of the first examples of incorporating contemporary scientific knowledge and administrative methods according to the Western European model in the autonomous Serbian state. The first analyses of the demographic structure of Belgrade and comparisons with analogous data from other European cities showed a demographic "deficit" of the Serbian capital compared to the capitals in the region. Presentation of those data was to serve the function of improving population management policies, so that the observed lag behind European cities be overcome as soon as possible. The categorisation of population made at the time (based on ethnic, religious, professional affiliation etc.) reveals the first social divisions in the capital. The exemption of the Turkish part of the population from the competence of Serbian authorities and roundabout ways in which they obtained data about the number of Turkish inhabitants testify to the existence of two parallel worlds in Belgrade in the mid-19th century-Serbian and Turkish. /

GeoJournal, 1993

The ethnic structure of Slovenia has in recent decades changed dramatically due to the geo-political rearrangements in Central Europe and due to the socioeconomic developments in former Yugoslavia. The mixed, dark-age based ethnic pattern was at first eliminated to be replaced by a similar level of multi-ethnicity of a different origin recently. Ethnic groups of mostly Slavic (Croat, Muslim, Serb) origin have in the past couple of decades migrated to urban centers of Slovenia, thus replacing there former German and Italian minority population. Problems of attitudinal, cultural, social and linguistic nature emerge and impact the poli-structured cultural landscape of the independent nation-state. Slovenia claimed to be the only ethnically single-nation entity of the 20th century Yugoslavia. As divisions ripped Yugoslavia apart in 1991, even experts stated that Slovenia might manage a "clean cut" from the Balkan motherhood because of its pure, one-nation Slavonic character. But, the census of 1991 presented some disturbing evidences. Among 1,965,986 residents of the now independent nation-state 238,968 or 12,2% were of non-Slovenian origin. This figure does not include seasonal workers from former Yugoslav republics with no Slovenian citizenship (40,987 persons), refugees from the war torn areas of the Balkans (74,432 persons) and "tourists" with no sightseeings in mind (estimated: 54,000 persons) (Hojnik 1993). Ethnic mixture is most visible in cities where 76,4% of all immigrants reside. In many of them, like in Jesenice (370/0 are ethnically allochthonous), Metlika (390/0), Piran/ Pirano (38%) and Ljubljana (270/0), the average of 18% has been already surpassed. Some non-Slovenes have important positions in politics and economy. As the Slovenian National Party (SNS) claims, 350/0 of the territorial defence force and 25% of the state police remains to be in hands of people with no Slovenian heritage (Brilej & Kova~ & Mekina 1992). The Evolution of the Ethnic Structure Slovenes have 13 centuries ago settled the eastern Alpine provinces of the disintegrating Roman Empire. Own statehood was formed. The entity Karantanija, with its core in todays Austrian Carinthia, lasted a couple of centuries. The territory occupied by Slavonic Slovenes became soon part of the Christian Holy Roman Empire and was for more than a half of the last millennium ruled by the Austrian House of Habsburg. After WW I was the Austro-Hungarian Empire partitioned into different states, among which, for the first time in modern history, a unification of South Slavic peoples took place. Yugoslavia, as a Kingdom between both wars, and as a "socialist federative republic" ruled by the strong hands of the communist leader Josip Broz-Tito, after WW II, was not successful in attempts to bring people and economies of the area together. A Lutheran, Primo~ Trubar, translated in 1575 the Christian Bible into the local language. Since then have Slovenes identified themselves with the Slovenian nationality of the modern times. Their language and culture was suppressed most of the times under Austria,

Geographica Pannonica, 2018

This article analyzes interethnic marriage in Croatia in terms of nationality throughout a forty-five year period (1970-2015) on the basis of vital statistics with special consideration of the Czech minority. The usual method of endogamy/exogamy percentage and the odds ratio method were applied. The results show that the percentage of endogamous marriages in Croatia has significantly risen after 1991. Different ethnic groups display various attitudes towards endogamy, ranging from 15 to over 90 percent. Along with Italians, Hungarians and Slovaks, Czechs are less endogamous than other national minorities. Gender differences, contrary to the conclusions in the literature, show that Czech men enter into marriage outside their group less often than Czech women. The change of political climate in Croatia during the 1990s resulted not only in the increase of endogamy, but also affected the structure of mixed marriages among Czechs.

History in Flux, 2021

In the years after the Second World War, the city of Rijeka found itself caught in the middle of various migratory trajectories. The departure of locals who self-identified as Italians and opted for Italian citizenship occurred simultaneously with other population movements that drained the city of inhabitants and brought in newcomers. Many locals defected and traveled to Italy, which was either their final destination or a country they transited through before being resettled elsewhere. Furthermore, after the war ended, workers from other Yugoslav areas started arriving in the city. A flourishing economy proved capable of attracting migrants with promises of good living standards; however, political reasons also motivated many to move to this Adriatic city. The latter was the case for former economic emigrants who decided to return to join the new socialist homeland and for Italian workers who symbolically sided with the socialist Yugoslavia. Rijeka was not simply a destination for many migrants—it was also a springboard for individuals from all over the Yugoslav Federation to reach the Western Bloc. This article argues that examining these intertwining patterns together rather than separately offers new insight into the challenges the city experienced during its postwar transition.

Women in New Migrations: Current Debates in European Societies, eds. Krystyna Slany, Maria Kontos, Maria Liapi, Krakow: Jagiellonian University Press, pp. 299-322, 2010

The focus of this chapter is the post-1991 production of research in Slovenia in the field of migration in general and integration of migrant women in particular. The structure follows the main historical trajectory that profoundly affected the development of theoretical and empirical research on migration in Slovenia. Even though many studies deal with migration processes in general, there is a visible absence of gendered research, as well as a lack of focus on integration processes. Similarly, there is very little reference to labour market issues and no research about where migrants, particularly migrant women, work.

ЕтноАнтропоЗум/EthnoAnthropoZoom, 2005

The process of urbanization, besides the usual series of factors that refer to the exterior appearance of the space (a settlement, a town) and a number of hygienic elements, is manifested through the intensive migrations of the peasant population and with it is also manifested in the radical transformation of the village and the agriculture (I. Aceski 1996: 40). The socialist period and its industrialization and modernization with the all society-economic changes had produced obvious novelties. The industrialization in Macedonia, as everywhere, incited fundamental changes of the village and the peasantry, of which the most important are the following: the mass abandonment of the village and the agriculture and the breakdown of the traditional lifestyle. This resulted in great enlargement of the cities especially of Skopje, and the reduction (or extinction) of villages. The immigration of the peasantry into the cities is the major factor for the increase of the city population. According to some authors, the migration village-city is in function of the development of "the industrialization and the technical progress and other changes that developed in the structure of the society". The village and the agriculture have served for the creation of a solid accumulative basis for the needs of the industry and for building the cities (I. Aceski 1996 : 40-41); that is to say, turning the peasantry into a working class. Thus, it can be concluded that the changes of the living and working conditions, the organization of the space and the communication means are directed by the ruling groups for their interests and ambitions. It is manifested on the city level, its internal structure and its surroundings (I. Aceski 1996 : 15). The subject of interest in this work will be the migrating families, which means those that have moved from villages into towns in Macedonia, in the period following the Second World War, and this process was especially intensified after the 1960s. The migrations village/town were characteristic for the bigger towns, first of all for Skopje, and those migrations intensified after the catastrophic earthquake in 1963. In this period, as well as in the following 1970s, besides Skopje, its suburban villages were also very active in immigration sense. It can be concluded that during years the intensity of settling expanded more and more (V. Daskalovski 1993 : 12-13; Statistički godišnik na Skopje 1968 : 35; Statistički pregled na SRM, br. 129 1981). The data show that in 1981 Skopje absorbed almost 40% of the total city population of R. Macedonia and they witness the fact that the migrations village/town were active (I. Aceski1996 : 42, 241). Immediately after the earthquake in 1963, the building of suburbs with prefabricated buildings was undertaken (Vlae, Taftalidze, Butel, Shuto Orizari, Lisiche, Singjelik (today Chento), Madzari, Vodno, Kozle, Zdanec, Przino, Gjorche Petrov, Zelezarnica, Drachevo), at first mainly to secure a kind of a shelter. They were a part of a housing project and should have formed "a net of settlements around the central core of the city. Only a couple of years after the earthquake, everything was left to the natural elements and the non-controlled settlement by the peasant migrants who arrived in masses to the city searching for work and a better life. In those areas there was a "spontaneous" housing construction without any rules or behavioral principles in the space (Socijalnite pojavi i problemi…, 1971: 125, 136; I. Aceski, 1996 : 119, 127). Their location was in the vicinity of the city, at the main roads and without greater interventions they could connect to the city communal system. At the same time, it is a period when great industrial facilities open in Skopje, needing numerous workers, and it attracted a lot of migrants. The migrating families came to Skopje from every part of Macedonia. There are immigrants from Poreche, Veles, Prilep, Ovche Pole, the region of Kumanovo and Kratovo, from neighbouring Serbia (Trifunoski, 1971: 699), from the region of Kriva Palanka, etc. Considering the fact that the city of Skopje is a complex totality, and here we cannot talk about a unique culture, but duality of culture (urban, rural) or better to say Burk's variant of several layers of culture (D. Rihtman-Auguštin 1988 : 49-61), or Steward's opinion of sub-cultures that can be divided into local, ethnic, class and according to other differences (Dž. Stjuard 1981:87-90; 123), so the subject of interest would be the urban-rural relationships in kinship relations at the migrating families in suburban areas. The emphasis will be on the place of residence, the role of the sexes and the organization of work in migrating families, the heritage, mutual help, and then the kinship relations in rituals, comprising the period when they migrated to the city. As a source of research written materials, archive materials, my own field researches are based on interviews with the informers, as well as on the immediate observations of the situations and the behavior of the migrating families.