Copular Clauses in Malay with Distal Demonstrative Itu

The present article offers the most comprehensive overview to date of pronominal clitic syntax in the South Sulawesi (SSul) family (MalayoPolynesian, Austronesian). The fundamental aspects of SSul morphosyntax are explained with special attention given to case and agreement phenomena. The SSul system is then compared to Philippine-type languages, which are known to be more morphosyntactically conservative, and thus may represent the type of system from which Proto-SSul descended. A full array of syntactic environments are investigated in relation to clitic placement and the results are summarized in the conclusion. The positioning properties of the set A pronouns are of particular interest in that they are similar to Philippine clitics in being second-position elements but dissimilar to them in respecting the contiguity of a potentially large verbal constituent, often resulting in placement several words away from the left edge of their domain. Finally, notes on the form of modern SSul pronoun sets and the reconstruction of Proto-SSul pronouns are presented in the appendix.

1998

This paper deals with the voice system of Indonesian, and argues that certain of the constructions traditionally analysed as passives, should be given a different treatment, parallel to arguments by Kroeger (1993) for Tagalog. We examine the role of different conceptions of subject and their place in binding. We show that, unlike other Western Austronesian languages, the logical subjectl-subject for short (i.e., the semantically most prominent argument) plays little role in binding: being a logicalsubject alone does not make an argument a binder. Syntactic prominence is crucial, and in particular the data on binding in Indonesian presented here further confirms the notion of syntacticised argument structured (a-str) first proposed in Manning (1994, 1996b) and also adopted in Arka (1998) wherein a central role is given to the notion of a-subject. Like other Austronesian languages, the (surface) grammatical subject (i.e., the SUBJ in the f-structure or gr-subject for short) plays little role, especially in the binding of morphologically complex reflexives. The data from binding is supported by other syntactic tests such as topicalisation with pronominal copy.

Topics in Linguistics, 2020

This research is conducted qualitatively and aimed at patterning and describing clause and sentence structure in Lampung language through the configuration of its constituents. Regarding the constituents, Lampung has two types of clause: minor and major clauses. A minor clause is indicated by only one constituent, which is commonly a subject, predicate or adjunct. Regarding its function, it can be classified as vocative, shown by exclamation (Wuy!, Huy!); a greeting, as shown by an expression (tabikpun ngalam pukha); and an Arabic greeting (assalamualaikum). On the other hand, a major clause minimally consists of a subject and predicate, and apart from these there can also be an object, complement and adverbial. Furthermore, this research finds various categories that can act as predicative constituents: they are a verb/verbal phrase, adjective/adjective phrase, and noun/nominal phrase. Additionally, a copular verb (iyulah) and existential marker (wat) can also be the predicate. Thi...

This chapter describes nonverbal predication in the Kotiria-Wa'ikhana sub-branch of the East Tukano family of northwestern Amazonia. It begins with a general overview of use of the copulas hi/ihi in sentences coding the main functional categories of nonverbal predication. Copular sentences with predicate nominals express notions of 'identity' and 'existence'; those with predicate locatives indicate temporary or permanent locational association. ' Adjectival' notions -nominalizations derived from stative verb roots or from nouns by means of the attributive suffix -ti -are also expressed in copular sentences. This general profile also highlights the inflectional properties of copular verbs and their productive use as the head roots in derivations of nominals of various types. The second section presents the predicative alternatives to copular constructions, including productively used 'nonexistence', possessive, and positional-locative predicates. The final section discusses a second copular form, ni, a clear cognate to the general copula (a)ni found in many other East Tukano languages, synchronically used as an auxiliary in the Kotiria/Wa'ikhana progressive constructions. It briefly explores two hypotheses regarding the retention of ni and origin of the innovative hi/ihi copulas in Kotiria and Wa'ikhana.

Lingua, 2008

Although the neutral clauses of standard Indonesian are SVO, the language also permits verb-initial word order, and belongs to a branch of the Austronesian language family that was probably originally verb-initial. An analysis of Indonesian clause structure is investigated which exploits these connections, inspired by Cole and Hermon's analysis of the closely related language Toba Batak. In this analysis, VP must raise to the specifier of T and the subject can then raise to a specifier outside the clause proper. Such an analysis is shown to be inferior to an analysis of standard Indonesian in which SVO clauses are derived by simply raising the subject to the specifier of T. Evidence is presented that in some varieties of standard Indonesian, but not others, verb-initial clauses are derived by raising VP to an even higher specifier. Overall, the investigation serves to highlight some of the empirical considerations that can be brought to bear on 'abstract' analyses of clause structure. #

2014

Philippine-type languages is syntactically predicate-initial; the basic unmarked clause structure consists of a predicate occupying the initial position, followed by arguments which can be nominal, pronominal or anaphora. However, there are instances that this basic order is altered due to certain pragmatic factors. Recent studies (Tanangkingsing, 2011; Rosero, 2011) have shown that languages such as Tagalog, Cebuano and its variant Kana allow extraction and movement of arguments, specifically pronominals to the pre-predicate position. This phenomenon is called preposing. Preliminary analyses of preposing in Kana and Tagalog have demonstrated asymmetries in types of arguments that can be preposed. Phase-based theory accounts of extraction (Richards & Rackowski, 2002; Aldridge. 2004) have shown that absolutive and oblique DPs can be extracted out of a phase while ergative DPs are barred to undergo such operation because of the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC). However, Rosero (2011) has observed that Kana contradicts this prohibition by allowing pronominal arguments to be extracted. Kanarek (2005) also forwarded the same analysis of Tagalog preverbal pronouns. This paper, however, argues that preposing of ergative pronominal has already been grammaticalized in Kana while in Tagalog it remains highly pragmatically-motivated. Furthermore, this paper aims to explore and explain the syntax of pronominal preposing in Kana and Tagalog.

STUF - Language Typology and Universals , 2023

In Malayic languages, prefixes derived from Proto-Malayic *(mb)AR- are characterized by a multifunctionality pattern that is cross-linguistically rather unusual. On the one hand, the continuators of *(mb)AR- are used to encode functions that are typically encoded by middle markers across languages. On the other hand, they are used as denominal verb formatives, i.e. as strategies used to derive intransitive verbs with various meanings from nominal bases (e.g. ‘have, contain, use N’). The aim of this article is to provide a diachronic explanation for such an unusual combination of functions. The denominal verbalizing function of reflexes of *(mb)AR- appears to be primary in diachronic terms, and a diachronic scenario can be sketched through which a denominal verb formative has extended to cover a portion of the functional space usually encoded by middle markers across languages. This diachronic scenario revolves around the semantic effects brought about by an aspectual component of the denominal verb formative: (mb)AR- can be decomposed into two morphemes, namely *ma- and -AR-, the latter being responsible for an activity/state aspectual profile of the resulting verb. It is this aspectual profile that motivates the extension of *(mb)AR- to antipassive and reciprocal situation types in the first place. Other typically middle functions covered by the reflexes of *(mb)AR- are similarly shown to be extensions from their originally verbalizing function.

Folia Linguistica, 2011

2019

This chapter discusses grammatical relations (GRs) in Balinese (ISO 639-3: ban, Austronesian, spoken by ~3 million, mainly in Bali, Indonesia). It is demonstrated that Balinese typologically shows relational properties typical for the Indonesian type of Austronesian languages, in terms of voice marking, argument marking, GR alternations, and other related processes such as relativisation, reflexivisation and control. In a wider typological context, Balinese shows splitS in terms of verbal morphology. Syntactically the overall grammar of Balinese shows a symmetrical alignment system: actor (A) and patient (P) arguments of transitive verbs can be equally selected as the grammatical subject or Pivot without the demotion of the other. In addition to voice morphology (showing AV, UV, and middle alternations), Balinese also has applicative and causative morphology, which is good evidence that semantic roles and surface grammatical relations are organised as two distinct layers in the grammar. It is demonstrated in this chapter that much of Balinese syntax revolves around the notion of the privileged argument of Pivot, and its related morphosyntactic and morphosemantic properties in the voice system, in both simple and complex structures; e.g. in clausal argument with/without control and adverbial clauses. We start with the distinction between grammatical relations and grammatical functions (section 2), followed by the selecting properties of Pivot (section 3). Balinese grammar also exhibits a set of properties distinguishing core arguments from obliques, discussed in sections 4 and 5. Three-place predicates are discussed in section 6. It is shown that Balinese exhibits a secundative alignment. Adjuncts are very similar to obliques but they are different in certain respects (section 7). Clausal dependants (complements and adverbial clauses) are discussed in sections 8-9. A conclusion is given in section 10.