CAMRI

Como estrategia para observar el paisaje de los siglos XVII y XVIII en las regiones del Valle de Aburra y del valle del rio Negro (Antioquia, Colombia), se desarrolla un ejercicio de lectura y analisis detallado de la informacion historica contenida en documentos de la administracion colonial. El texto pretende acercarse a la construccion del espacio colonial, sobre escenarios antiguamente habitados.

A political assessment related to the internet portrays how Palestinian political agency transcends into virtual reality. This article offers an insight into the increasing role of the internet for Palestinians in the diaspora and studies the effects of these practices within the context of occupation and exile. Online political activism fills an important gap for what is absent offline. Through multi-sited fieldwork (Palestine, Lebanon, Jordan) this research demonstrates how the internet gave birth to a Palestine in cyberspace and has altered the traditional tactics of activists. Online communication has strengthened social and political agency. It clearly evoked a new type of media activism an giving the 'permission to narrate': an important development considering the stereotyped portrayals of Palestinians trapped in either 'terrorists' or 'victims'. Fieldwork research conducted between 2001 and 2005 uncovered the dialectic impact of internet access/usage on the politics of resistance, specifically related to local/global political mobilization. The contradiction between online and offline political participation is tackled in this article with regards to a new amalgam of media activism which I term cyber intifada. Much attention is paid on the everyday manifestations of this agency, whether organizing a street candle vigil or lighting a virtual candle online; with these recollections this article therefore illustrates a 'view from within'.

This article discusses the socio-political implications of user-generated applications and platforms through the prism of the Arab revolutions. Popular postmodern conceptualisations such as (post-nation state) network societies, (postclass) immaterial economies and (horizontal) political resistance through multitudes requires rigorous reassessment in the aftermath of the events in the MENA. Although the revolutions have led to a resurgence of debates about the power of new media, such arguments (or rather assertions) are echoes of earlier suggestions related to peculiar fetishisations of ICT in general and social media in particular. The point of my critique is not to deny the social and political usefulness of new media but to examine the pros and cons of the internet. I tackle the juxtaposition of the internet and political activism through the Marxist concept Mediation and investigate how the social, political and cultural realms of capitalism (superstructure) are both conditioned by and react upon the political-economic base. This helps us to understand structural factors such as ICT ownership (political-economic decision making of social media); while deconstructing the effect of cultural hegemony disseminated through mass media. It also overcomes an unfortunate weakness of some "academic Marxism" (an overwhelming focus on theory) by anchoring the theoretical arguments in an anthropological approach Acknowledgement: I would like to thank Jamie Pitman for helpful references to the 'immaterial labour' debate; Jonny Jones for comradely advice concerning the Marxist theory of value; the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments; and Rob Jackson for proof-reading.

The massive Palestinian exodus of the 1948 Nakba left a deep imprint in the Palestinian soul. These forced traversalsas well as the recurring flights in 1956, 1967, 1982 and moretransformed the meaning of 'mobility' in Palestinian discourse. Mobility is naturally adjoined to immobility. The emergence of Palestinian internet helped to overcome immobility and isolation. The remote and fragmented Palestinian nation started to reunite through websites, chatting and emailing. Cyberspace and online networks suggest new conceptual interpretations-Virtual Mobility. The internet presents a platform for the belated memoirs to be told. This article analyses the Palestinian internet production and consumption and illustrates how virtual mobility is a particular phenomenon for displaced communities. Applying a simultaneous offline and online methodology this article is based on research data based on multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork in Palestine, Lebanon and Jordan.

The extraordinary uprisings since December 2010 represented the long-prepared transformation from fatalism to people power. The online-offline dialectic allowed the revolution to be mediated with global ramifications -from Wisconsin to Barcelona to Athens. This techno-social nexus forms a crucial element of the overall push and pull factors and this contribution reassess the "Net Worth" from a critical perspective. The fetishizing flora and fauna labels from earlier hyped political-techno events --"Cedar", "Green", or "Orange" revolutions--that coincided with particular geo-political algorithms, were initially copied and pasted as emblematic solicitations. But whether Wikileaks or the Palestine Papers, and YouTube videos or blogs disclosing practices of torture and corruption-opinions have been shaped and decisions were mediated by online technologies. This piece demonstrates the overflow of YouTube music clips through the prism of the Tunisian revolution. I will look at these dynamics through the lens of Palestine as an informative ethnographic comparison because it helps indicate the power structure behind technology and allows me to assess the multiplicity of internet politics and argue that online activities and offline power structures do not exist in isolation and are unequally mediated.

This article analyzes the role of the media in the Egyptian revolution, distinguishing between the political synchronization of media forms, which was achieved during the 18 Days uprising, and broader processes of media convergence. We locate the key dynamics of media production and consumption by revolutionary activists not in the affordances of the Internet but in the shifting balance of forces between revolution and counterrevolution on the wider political stage. Using various examples, we argue that parts of the popular movement in Egypt have moved away from reliance on old and new capitalist media as simply carriers of their voices and hopes toward media practices seeking to develop media voices and infrastructures of their own.
Keywords: Egypt, revolution, Internet, journalism, political activism

"The revolutionary advance [is] made headway not by its immediate tragic-comic achievements, but on the contrary by the creation of a powerful, united counter-revolution, by the creation of an opponent, by the fighting of which the party of revolt first ripened into a real revolutionary party."
Karl Marx
In the past three years masses of Syrians have engaged in undermining the regime's legitimacy, they have done this from physical places— squares, churches, mosques, campuses—and virtual spaces—the countless online agora's facilitated by the Internet. A key issue raised by this paper is what happens when these spaces are no longer the "unique" let alone privileged property of the non-elites? What happens when the state, its institutional forces, and its informal gatekeepers lay claim to the same spaces and mobilize through equivalent virtual zones?

During particular historical junctures, characterised by crisis, deepening exploitation and popular revolt, hegemonic hierarchies are simultaneously challenged and reinvented, and in the process of their reconfiguration in due course subtly reproduced. It is towards such 'sneaky moments' in which the ongoing divide between those engaged in struggles of social justice and those struggling for just technologies have been reshaped that we want to lend our attention. The paradoxical consequences of the divide between these communities in the context of the Internet have been baffling: (radical) activists organise and sustain themselves using 'free' technical services provided by Fortune 500 companies. While alternative technology practices, like those used among the Free Software Community, are designed, maintained, and actively used by a select few. We argue that even when there is a great... issue 26: Entanglements-Activism and Technology

The Internet has been a counter-public space for Palestinian liberation politics for over a decade, and digital technologies have become an increasingly important tool for solidarity groups
across the world. However, the Israeli state and Zionist supporters worldwide are harnessing the same technologies and platforms to mobilize technology primarily to increase pro-Israel sentiments.
The aims of this article are to examine hasbara [Israeli public diplomacy] through an exploration of similar diplomacy programmes; to illustrate how social media have affected the basic algorithms of hasbara; and to probe the assertions of hasbara in the light of pro-Palestinian solidarity. Through
a study of public diplomacy, this article critically analyzes hasbara as a site of contestation and a method that is hampered by contradictions. On the one hand, there has been a massive growth in hasbara in recent years—indicated by the increase in funding for it and by its professionalized and centralized character; and on the other hand, hasbara has attracted sharp critiques in Israel for
its reputed failures. To understand this contradiction, hasbara must be placed within the context of Israel’s settler-colonialism, which sets the state apart from other ‘post-conflict’ states. This article reviews the methods utilized in hasbara, as well as their readjustment in the context of recent wars. Events in 2014 illustrate that hasbara actually destabilizes Israel’s diplomacy. Online journalism and the suppression of solidarity for Palestine together stimulate more criticism and, in turn, help to shift
public opinion. Paradoxically, therefore, adjustments (‘hasbara 2.0’) have underlined the image of Israel as a colonial power engaged in violent occupation.
KEY WORDS: BDS; Gaza; Internet; Israel; Palestinian Liberation; Propaganda; Public diplomacy; Zionism

This article describes the confluence of online activism and street protests
in Lebanon. While Arab protesters have systematically been portrayed as
young, urban and wired since the 2011 uprisings, Lebanese activists are
also often regarded as trapped between war and sectarianism. This
article challenges both frameworks and looks closer at the ways preexisting
waves of discontent crystallised into the mobilisation of
thousands of Lebanese onto the streets of Beirut in 2010 and 2011. To
achieve this, the article critiques the over-emphasis on network politics
that accompanies internet-related hypotheses. The fashioning of a new
kind of politics outside the dominant political factions (‘8–14 March’
blocs) was crucial for activists in Lebanon. New independent initiatives
that locate feminist and queer politics within an overall analysis of
imperialism and capitalism, as well as experimentation with digital
technologies, helped forge a unique and non-sectarian camaraderie. By
conveying the circumstances that have shaped political involvement,
this article avoids the projection of non-ideological/networked politics
that dominate concepts of online activism. The internet played a dual
role in Lebanese grassroots politics, as illustrated through the
experiences of the feminist collective Nasawiya.

Abstract Morocco was prompted by the sense of making and witnessing history that began as the backdrop to the mass uprisings across the region in 2011 and continued well into 2012. At several moments the country at large burst into a mosaic of rebellion. As expected, the state intervened with media propaganda, smear campaigns and intimidation to pre-empt the growing impact of the activists and as such to erase this revolutionary episode effectively from Morocco’s collective memory. This
article examines the practices and implications of the remediation of past experiences of struggles and brings the memories of past resistance together with experiences of present struggles. This article takes particular interest in the intersection between 20Feb activists’ political projects and the growing array of digital politics and allows us to understand better the impact of digital media in times of revolution.
Key Words: Activism; Digital Mediation; Makhzan; Memory; Remembrance; 20Feb

This article attempts a brief overview of the recent debate on diasporas. It selectively focuses on aspects of the exchanges among theorists from the early 1990s onwards and seeks to identify ways in which our understanding of the concept has evolved and attempts to offer a critical evaluation of these.