Anthropology

This dissertation presents an archaeological and ethnohistorical examination
of the Inca occupation of the Saraguro region in the southern highlands of Ecuador,
with the objective of exploring the strategies of expansion and maintenance employed
by pre-industrial empires, and the role played by forced resettlement within those
processes. These issues were addressed by assessing the sociopolitical, economic,
military, and other conditions encountered by the Incas in the Saraguro region and
analyzing how those conditions may have influenced the strategies the state pursued
in the conquest and consolidation of control over the area.

Two sources of data were utilized to explore these issues in the context of
Saraguro. First, a field survey was conducted to collect data on settlement patterns,
architecture, and artifacts from the Integration Period (ca. A.D. 500 to ca. A.D. 1460)
and the Inca Period (ca. A.D. 1460 to ca. A.D. 1534). Second, ethnohistorical
documents from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were examined for
information regarding the pre-Inca inhabitants and the nature of the Inca conquest and
occupation of the area.

A total of thirty-eight sites dating to the Integration Period and six Inca
imperial sites were recorded during the survey. The pre-Inca settlement patterns
indicate that the region was probably not unified politically, but organized into
separate chiefdom-level societies, with a generalized economy. The inhabitants also
appeared concerned with warfare, as indicated by the establishment of settlements on
terraced hilltops. After taking over the region, the Incas imposed direct state control,
as indicated by the establishment of administrative centers, the construction of
storehouses, and the creation of ceremonial sites. Although the survey data did not
reveal any convincing evidence of resettlement in the Saraguro region, the settlement
patterns suggest that the Incas may have placed colonists within existing habitation
sites. Overall, the relatively high level of investment by the Incas in the region may
have been connected to its strategic location within the Inca road network and its
proximity to the important center at Tomebamba.

A primary objective of the Inca state and other early empires was to maintain control over the inhabitants of conquered territories. In addition to overt tactics such as military force, resettlement, alliance formation, and cultural and economic integration, I suggest that many other activities of the Inca state also served to reinforce state power in the provinces. This was achieved by establishing and maintaining a "psychology of submission" in subject peoples through frequent reminders of imperial power, that is, advertising state control over labor. Display in this form was a major implicit element in various activities of the empire, such as the movement of armies, the transport of building stones from Cuzco to Ecuador, and the construction of imperial temples and palaces. These activities served as potent public demonstrations of the state's ability to mobilize large armies and control enormous amounts of labor. Propaganda also played a major role in maintaining the psychology of submission by disseminating information about those activities having an element of display and about other accomplishments of the state to people who did not witness them firsthand. Considered in light of these mechanisms of display and propaganda, many of the apparently wasteful activities of the Inca state can be understood as deliberate and integral to overall imperial strategies for maintaining control in the provinces.

Here I explore the role of Inca-ness in the current conception and expression of identity among the Saraguro people of Ecuador and the potential role of archaeology in examining, expressing, and exploiting the connections between them and their past. As an ethnic group, the Saraguros have developed through a process of ethnogenesis in which members of several disparate groups forged a new identity in the context of Inca and Spanish colonialism. In the current construction of their ethnicity, the Saraguros express a close link to the Incas in numerous ways, including belief in common descent from the Incas.

The basic chronology of Inca imperial expansion in Andean South America derives from historical accounts from the Spanish Colonial era, but several issues with this traditional chronology have arisen in recent decades. Advances in radiocarbon dating and calibration now give us some ability to refine or rebuild the chronology, and guidelines for obtaining the most useful dates are discussed. Dates recently obtained from the site of Chamical in the southern highlands of Ecuador are evaluated according to those guidelines, and they suggest Inca expansion to the north began one to two decades earlier than allowed in the traditional chronology. The chronology of Inca expansion presented in the Spanish chronicles is called into question by these and other dates, and by a reconsideration of the nature of sources of Inca history utilized by Spanish writers. Evidence suggests a primary Inca form of recording provincial conquests resulted in lists that were ordered geographically. However, those records were interpreted by colonial writers as being chronologically ordered, which led to written histories of Inca expansion that are not consistent with the actual historical sequence of events. As a result, the preferred approach to building a chronology of Inca expansion should be based on radiocarbon dates, with historical sources used to supplement rather than structure the timeline.

As the only type of instrument capable of determining artifact geochemistry in a wide variety of settings, portable X-Ray Fluorescence (PXRF) may be frequently utilized as probably the best option for collecting data when removal of objects in part or in whole is unfeasible. However, using PXRF in circumstances where sample selection and preparation diverge from standards developed for lab-based instrumentation requires assessing the impact of new and potentially limiting factors to establish the validity of the method in these new contexts. Here we examine the effects of surface contamination and chemical weathering on the ability to assess provenance of igneous building stones used in the Cuzco region of Peru. Surface contamination was assessed through comparing low-impact cleaning methods on diorite and andesite blocks, and weathering was examined by comparing weathered vs. fresh surfaces of samples from two andesite quarries. In general, the lightest elements were most impacted by contamination and weathering while measurements of many of the heavier elements commonly used in provenance studies were relatively unaffected. Concentrations of Pb and Zn were problematic in the urban context of Cuzco because of pollution. Ability to determine provenance of building stones within those limitations (i.e., the validity of this application of PXRF) was demonstrated in a preliminary study by comparing measurements from uncleaned, exposed building stones in the region to fresh quarry samples.

This article critiques the concept "novice" in the language socialization paradigm. Although rarely theorized, the concept "novice" has framed what is seen as an event of language socialization: it must include at least one person who has not yet acquired some socially valuable characteristic or skill. Conversely, we propose that novicehood is not a natural category: agents who appear as "novices" only do so relative to ideological worlds in which they are made to appear relatively incapable. We then go on to consider three consequences of this reformulation: agents and objects of socialization do not have to be human, socialization does not necessarily lead "upward" towards expertise, and the linguistic mediation of these processes does not always summon agents towards maturity. This critique leads us to propose a theory that both includes a broader range of socializable agents

Children in the Republic of the Marshall Islands regularly do a number of things that are inappropriate or even taboo among adults: they walk with food that they do not offer to share; they refuse to give; they directly demand things; and they directly criticize and insult each other. One explanation for their behavior is that they are too developmentally immature to speak in the indirect and polite manner of adults. But I show that, while Marshallese children's apparently direct forms of speech are indeed linked to immaturity, they are linked to immaturity not as a developmental stage but as a social status. Hence, this article reveals, discusses, and challenges two different ideologies of childhood and language: (1) a Western ideology that associates directness with developmental immaturity; and (2) a Marshallese ideology that associates "not hiding"-either words or goods-with being a child. Through their apparently direct forms of speech, children negotiate their relative age and power relationships with each other while simultaneously constructing each other as peers and indexing participants as immature relative to adults. This analysis reveals how age and childhood are produced through speech and considers the implications of this production for understandings of language variation and socialization. [Direct speech, childhood, language socialization, language ideologies, Marshall Islands, Oceania]* C hildren played and chatted as they gathered in a church in Jajikon, a small village (population 250) on an outer atoll in the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI). They were waiting for a rehearsal to start. Rō ka, a five-or six-year-old boy, 1 wandered in to join them, sucking on a lollipop. His roughly ten-year-old classificatory mother, Kinta, cried out, "Tok kijō !" (Give me my food!). 2 At that time, Rō ka shared a house with Kinta's classificatory siblings. Kinta also sometimes slept there. Rō ka grudgingly gave Kinta a brief lick. Then he snatched the lollipop back. "Aolepen" (All of it), Kinta demanded. Rō ka ignored her. "Ekwe" (Okay), inserted Kol. "Letok bwe ña in kiji" (Give it to me so that I can bite it). Like Kinta, Kol was also around ten years old. He was Rō ka's classificatory father, though he spent less time at Rō ka's residence than Kinta. Rō ka ignored him. "Ekwe" (Okay), Kol said, "Idike yok" (I hate you).

For many of the Iraqi inmates at Abu Ghraib] living conditions now are better in paSon than at home. At one point we were concerned that they wouldn't want to leave. . . --General Janis K a r p i i , Dec 2003 he reorganization of the prisons has rendered them so mmfortable that the [peasant] has no longer any fear of imprisonment, and makes no secret of saying that he is better treated in prison than at home, and the only privation he has to put up with is the temporary separation from his harem Spencer Carr, British consul in the Nile Delta, 1884