Patrick Bernhard
My work covers a broad range of topics, ranging from European fascism to colonialism, from war and genocide to peace movements, and from the Cold War to food cultures. I am particularly interested in transnational approaches to European and global history and seek to capture cross-cultural learning processes between different political systems and regimes, but also the ways in which ordinary people experienced and made sense of these entanglements.
I am currently writing a major study on population management by the members of World War II’s Axis alliance. Framed in a transnational context, the project explores the various ways of social engineering in which the two major fascist regimes, Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, tried to create new racist societies both at home and in their newly conquered territories.
I have completed my MA and my doctorate in Munich and have since lectured or held fellowships at the Université de Montréal, the Freiburg Institute for Advances Studies, the German Historical Institute in Rome, the Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico in Trento, Trinity College Dublin and University College Dublin. I was recently awarded a Cummings Foundation Fellowship and spent the autumn semester of 2014 at the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies at USHMM in Washington, D.C.
I am currently writing a major study on population management by the members of World War II’s Axis alliance. Framed in a transnational context, the project explores the various ways of social engineering in which the two major fascist regimes, Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, tried to create new racist societies both at home and in their newly conquered territories.
I have completed my MA and my doctorate in Munich and have since lectured or held fellowships at the Université de Montréal, the Freiburg Institute for Advances Studies, the German Historical Institute in Rome, the Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico in Trento, Trinity College Dublin and University College Dublin. I was recently awarded a Cummings Foundation Fellowship and spent the autumn semester of 2014 at the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies at USHMM in Washington, D.C.
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Journal Articles by Patrick Bernhard
Death and Social Security: The German State Pension System and Anti-Tuberculosis Battles under National Socialism
Seen in historical context, the state pension system was among the most important institutional actors in the German social system in the fight against the widespread public health crisis of tuberculosis, which remained a major statistical cause of death at the beginning of the 20th century. Based on extensive archive research, this paper demonstrates that to a significant extent, the pension system remained structurally embedded in public health policy after the National Socialist seizure of power, working hand in hand with the NSDAP and the government agencies responsible for combating tuberculosis. Their close cooperation was not merely the result of pressure exerted by the Nazi dictatorship on pension insurance, as one reads in post-1945 apologetic texts. Alongside coercion, other factors played a critical role, including major institutional continuities and a specific understanding of tradition within the pension insurance system, ideological overlap between the thinking of National Socialist health policy-makers and leading state pension officials, and the self-interest of sanatoria, which used the coercive National Socialist system for tuberculosis patients to rid themselves of undesirable tuberculosis patients. In extreme cases, this meant the deliberate murder of patients by pension system doctors.
institutional continuities and a specific understanding of tradition within the pension insurance system, ideological overlap between the thinking of National Socialist health policy-makers and leading state pension officials, and the self-interest of sanatoria, which used the coercive National Socialist system for tuberculosis patients to rid themselves of undesirable tuberculosis patients. In extreme cases, this meant the deliberate murder of patients by pension system doctors.
Nazi Germany’s place in the wider world is a controversial topic in historiography. While scholars such as Ian Kershaw argue that Hitler’s dictatorship must be understood as a unique national phenomenon, others analyse Nazism within comparative frameworks. Mark Mazower, for example, argues that the international concept of ‘empire’ is useful for comprehending the German occupation of Europe. Using an approach native to transnational cultural studies, my contribution goes a step further: I analyse how the Nazis themselves positioned their regime in a wider international context, and thus gave meaning to it. My main thesis is that, while the Nazis took a broad look at international colonialism, they differentiated considerably between the various national experiences. French and British empire-building, for instance, did not receive the same attention as Japanese and Italian colonial projects. Based on new archival evidence, I show that the act of referring in particular to the Italian example was crucial for the Nazis. On the one hand, drawing strong parallels between Italian colonialism and the German rule of eastern Europe allowed Hitler to recruit support for his own visions of imperial conquest. On the other hand, Italian colonialism served as a blueprint for the Nazis’ plans for racial segregation. The article thus shows the importance of transnational exchange for understanding ideological dynamics within the Nazi regime.
Journal of Global History 12,2 (2017), pp. 206-27
Jews in North Africa, 1940-1943 – Conventional wisdom holds that the Desert
War was an honorably fought and dispassionate war with no Gestapo, persecuted
civilians, or ruined homes. No doubt the fighting in North Africa was marked by
acts of generosity and humanity towards the enemy. However, this is only one
side of the coin. As I will show on the basis of new archival findings in seven
countries and a critical reassessment of the existing literature, in the shadow of
El Alamein, both sides committed serious atrocities against enemy soldiers and
civilians. While it is certainly true that the level of violence was lower than in
Eastern Europe, the North African Campaign was anything but a war without
hate. There were numerous intentional crimes and infringements of the rules of
conduct, including the ill- treatment and murder of captured enemy soldiers; the
plunder of the indigenous population; the rape of local women; as well as the
exploitation, murder, and mass detainment in concentration camps of Arabs,
Berbers, and Jews, which was often motivated by racial and anti-Semitic hatred.
Thus, the Desert War has to be recontextualized and put into the larger historical
frameworks that shaped WWII and, more broadly, the first half of the 20th
century. Conceptually, I reconnect the North African Campaign to the overarching
policies and prevailing ideologies of both the Axis and Allied regimes and
their societies. In particular, I show that much of the war violence that we see in
North Africa resulted from two major factors: the colonial context in which the
fighting took place, and the simple yet too often ignored fact that on the Axis side
the war was waged by fascist regimes that shared the violent vision of creating
racially pure societies. Thus, the Desert War has to be seen for what it actually
was: an integral part of the World War II experience which itself was inextricably
linked to the Axis powers’ imperial drive for “living space” and their murderous
biopolitics.
The extent to which European dictatorships of the twentieth century enjoyed popular support is one of the most contested and difficult questions in international contemporary history. In the case of Italian Fascism, two opposing points of view continue to hold sway. The first, orthodox viewpoint was established before 1945, and holds that the majority of the Italian population rejected Mussolini's regime, making widespread repression of the ubiquitous antifascist resistance essential for maintaining Mussolini's claim to power. A second, revisionist opinion first gained ground in the 1960s, and asserts that large segments of the population consented to the rule of regime, but that Fascist Italy was harmless compared to the dictatorships of Stalin and Hitler. It is only in recent years that an anti-revisionist, and, in certain cases, post-revisionist school of thought has been established. The five publications discussed in this article are representative of this new line of thinking. I argue that some of these publications are best characterised as anti-revisionist, as they focus predominantly on overturning the thesis of consensus. By contrast, only three of these works exhibit a truly post-revisionist perspective that attempts to combine both narratives into a new synthesis.