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Kwasi Adomako

University Of Education, Winneba, Department of Akan-Nzema Education, Faculty Member

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Young and aspiring linguist (phonologist) of Kwa languages.

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Papers by Kwasi Adomako

Nzema Idiomatic Expressions as Indirection Strategy: A Politeness Theoretical Perspective

Journal of Language and Literature

The paper explores Nzema idiomatic expressions used as indirection strategy. Figurative devices s... more The paper explores Nzema idiomatic expressions used as indirection strategy. Figurative devices such as proverbs and euphemisms have received quite an appreciable amount of study in connection with verbal indirection in Nzema. Little or no attention however has been given to idioms, particularly as indirection devices in the language. This paper therefore focuses on idioms which incorporate body parts such as head/brain, eyes, nose, mouth, teeth, hands, legs, heart/chest, stomach and body/skin that are used to avoid any straightforward language that seeks to undermine and threaten the face of an addressee. Data were gathered from both primary and secondary sources. The primary data comprise recordings of traditional ceremonies such as marriage contraction and arbitration, where the use of idioms as indirect expressions was pervasive. Authors’ native speaker intuition was also brought to bear on the analysis of data. Interviews with competent indigenous speakers of Nzema were conduct...

Progressive Vowel Harmony in Gomoa

Ghana Journal of Linguistics

Previous studies on Akan ATR vowel harmony, including Berry (1957), Stewart (1967), Schachter & F... more Previous studies on Akan ATR vowel harmony, including Berry (1957), Stewart (1967), Schachter & Fromkin (1968), Dolphyne (1988) have centered on the concepts of regressive (anticipatory) directionality. Very little empirical evidence have been provided for the existence and robustness of progressive ATR vowel harmony in Akan. This paper, therefore, discusses progressive ATR vowel harmony in Gomoa, a sub-dialect of Fante, one of the major dialects of Akan (Kwa, Niger-Congo). In the previous studies of the Akan vowel harmony phenomenon, it has been established that the [+ATR] in the stem/root word moves leftward to harmonize with the [-ATR] vowel either within a morpheme or across morpheme boundary [VH= (-ATR)prefix + (+ATR]stem = [(+ATR, +ATR)] and cannot spreads to harmonize with the [-ATR] suffix morpheme [VH= (-ATR)prefix + (+ATR]stem + (-ATR)suffix= [(+ATR +ATR-ATR)]. In the present study, we demonstrate that the [+ATR] in the stem/root word triggers rightward to harmonize wit...

Vowel raising in Akan reduplication

This paper examines vowel raising in reduplication in Akan, a Niger- Congo (Kwa) language, focusi... more This paper examines vowel raising in reduplication in Akan, a Niger- Congo (Kwa) language, focusing on the Asante-Twi dialect. It has been generally observed in Akan that in reduplicating CV stems, the stem [+low] vowels are pre-specified with [+high] the reduplicant (RED). However, it has been claimed that raising to the mid vowel in disyllabic REDs is idiosyncratic to the Fante dialect. I show that the phenomenon is attested in Asante and that stem CV1V2, where V2 is [+low], raises to a corresponding [-high, -low] vowel in the RED, and not [+high]. I account for this within the Optimality Theory framework

The Phonology of Akan Loanwords in Ga and Dangme

Progressive vowel harmony in the Gomoa dialect of Fante

A presentation at the 2020 Colloquium of African Languages and Linguistics, hosted at Leiden Univ... more

The phonological adaptation of some COVID-19-related terms in Akan

A presentation at the 2020 Colloquium of African Languages and Linguistics, hosted at Leiden Univ... more

A comparative analysis of tone structures in Akuapem Twi and Asante Twi: An acoustic account

A presentation at the 2020 Colloquium of African Languages and Linguistics, hosted at Leiden Univ... more

Some Phonological Processes in an Akan Linguistic Game

This paper examines some phonological processes observed in the Pig Latin; a linguistic game play... more This paper examines some phonological processes observed in the Pig Latin; a linguistic game played in Akan, a Niger-Congo (Kwa) language. The Akan Pig Latin (henceforth APL), which is popularly known as Megesege is usually played among Akan youth. The purpose of this game varies from concealment to social identity establishment. This paper is a qualitative study of 200 stimuli of sentences in regular Akan constructions manipulated into the APL. The simple rule for playing the game is to syllabify an already existing word and to add a [CV] syllable to each of those segmented syllables. Through this manipulation of existing word, several phonological processes are observed including insertion, syllabification, palatalization etc. The paper presents a descriptive analysis of some of the processes and shows how the study of the APL can facilitate our understanding of the several phonological phenomena in Akan, even though it may display, in many parts, quite different patterns from wha...

Underapplication in an Akan language game

Nordic Journal of African Studies, 2018

This paper discusses the phenomenon of underapplication of palatalization in a Pig Latin game in ... more This paper discusses the phenomenon of underapplication of palatalization in a Pig Latin game in Akan, a Niger-Congo (Kwa) language. Akan Pig Latin (henceforth APL), which is popularly known in Akan as Megesege, is a language game played usually by Akan youth. The game is played by appending the velar consonant /ɡ/ to the right of every vowel in the input word or phrase and then copying the vowel of the base syllable to form a CV structure. Whenever the base syllable contains /i, ɪ, e/ or /ɛ/, the manipulation performed by the game creates a palatalizing environment, in which a velar segment is followed by a front vowel. In regular Akan phonology, such sequences tend to undergo the process of palatalization. This paper provides evidence to show that in the forms produced by APL, palatalization fails to apply in the expected contexts. The underapplication of palatalization is accounted for within the framework of Optimality Theory. It is argued that the process is blocked by a high-r...

Truncation of Some Akan Personal Names

GEMA Online Journal of Language Studies, 2015

This paper examines some morphophonological processes in Akan personal names with focus on the fo... more This paper examines some morphophonological processes in Akan personal names with focus on the former process. The morphological processes of truncation of some indigenous personal names identified among the Akan (Asante) ethnic group of Ghana are discussed. The paper critically looks at some of these postlexical morpheme boundary processes in some Akan personal names realized in the truncated form when two personal names interact. In naming a child in a typical Akan, specifically in Asante‟s custom, a family name is given to the child in addition to his/her „God-given‟ name or day-name. We observe truncation and some phonological processes such as vowel harmony, compensatory lengthening, etc. at the morpheme boundaries in casual speech context. These morphophonological processes would be analyzed within the Optimality Theory framework where it would be claimed that there is templatic constraint that demands that the base surname minimally surfaces as disyllable irrespective of the ...

Verbal nominalization as a derivational process: The case of Akan

This paper discusses the derivational morphology of the Akan language with particular focus on ve... more This paper discusses the derivational morphology of the Akan language with particular focus on verbal nominalization through affixation (particularly prefixation). There are two ways through which this nominalization process can be realized in the Asante-Twi dialect of Akan. These are direct verb stem/base nominalization and nominalization after reduplication. The main difference between the two nominalization processes is shown to be that while in the former process, the nominal prefixes adjoin the verb stem directly to derive nominals, in the latter process, the same prefixation process also applies but after the reduplication process. I first discuss direct verb nominalization through prefixation and follow it up with the discussion of the nominalization process that takes place after reduplication has applied. We observe that in the case of the latter process, sometimes the nominal prefix adjoins another prefix; the reduplicative prefix, as studied by Dolphyne (1988), McCarthy a...

Final-Nasal Deletion in Akan (Asante Twi) Reduplication

The Buckingham Journal of Language and Linguistics, 2015

In this paper, I examine the phenomenon of reduplicant-nasal deletion observed in some reduplicat... more In this paper, I examine the phenomenon of reduplicant-nasal deletion observed in some reduplicative prefixes of Akan (a Niger-Congo, Kwa language). In the Akan phonology, nasals are among non-vowel sonorants that are permitted syllable or word-finally (Dolphyne 1988, Abakah 2005). However, it is observed that these nasals, particularly [m], are sometimes deleted in some reduplicants final position. In this paper, I show that verb bases of CVN or CVVN structures are of two different morphemic structures in the underlying representation; monomorphemic verb base and bimorphemic verb base. The latter structure, on which this paper focuses, has the composition: morpheme1 + morpheme2. It is observed that while the former preserve their ‘final’ nasals in the reduplicants, the latter lose them in their reduplicants. We analyse this phonological phenomenon as resulting from the language’s desire to satisfy a high-ranking template satisfaction constraint (after McCarthy and Prince 1994a) wi...

Vowel epenthesis and consonant deletion in loanwords: a study of Akan

'I eat' (Habitual) (+ATR) b. mⅠ-kɔ 'I go' (Habitual) (-ATR) c. mε-kɔ 'I will go' (-ATR) d. me-di ... more

Mɔfɔ-sentatek ne sohyiɔ-pragmatek mpɛnsɛmpɛnsɛnmu fa radio ne TV so mmɛ bi ho: “akɔmfo bɔne sɛ kuro mmɔ a,..”

Ghana Journal of Linguistics, 2020

Nhwehwɛmu da no adi sɛ, ɛnnɛ yi nso, wɔde mmɛ di dwuma pa ara wɔ Akan radio ne TV so dwumadie aho... more Nhwehwɛmu da no adi sɛ, ɛnnɛ yi nso, wɔde mmɛ di dwuma pa ara wɔ Akan radio ne TV so dwumadie ahodoɔ no mu, titire ne anɔpa dawubɔ nkrataa mpɛnsɛmpɛnsɛnmu ne kaseɛbɔ. Ɛso akasafoɔ dodoɔ no taa yɛ amanyɔfoɔ ne amanyɔkuo akyitaafoɔ. Dwumadie yi mu nsɛm nso taa fa asetena-amanyɔ ho. Nsɛm no bi ka yɛ den; ɛtumi dane abufuo anaa ɛde ɔtan ba. Ɛno na ama yɛahwɛ sɛdeɛ wɔde mmɛ di dwuma wɔ dwumadie no mu. Yɛhwɛɛ mmɛ pɔtee a wɔtaa fa no mu nsɛm ne botaeɛ nti a wɔfa saa mmɛ no. Yɛahwɛ mmɛ no nhyehyɛeɛ ne ne sohyiɔ-pragmatek dwumadie. Yɛgyee mmɛ no ne ɛho nsɛm kakra firii Peace F.M.; Kookrokoo ne Adom F.M.; Edwaso Nsɛm, UTV ne Adom TV. Yɛhwɛɛ berɛ ne nnipa pɔtee a nsɛm no fa wɔn ho. Anɔpa dawubɔ nkrataa mpɛnsɛmpɛnsɛnmu taa wɔ anɔpa firi nnɔnsia kɔpem nnɔndu. Wei nso boa maa yɛhunuu botaeɛ pɔtee a ɛma akasafoɔ no de saa mmɛ pɔtee no di dwuma. Yɛgyinaa Fairclough (1995 ne 2012) ne Fairclough ne Wodak (1997) adwenemusɛm CDA so na ɛyɛɛ mpɛnsɛmpɛnsɛnmu no. Ɛdaa adi sɛ, mmɛ a amanyɔfoɔ taa de di dwum...

The Phonology of Akan Loanwords in Ga and Dangme

I dedicate this work to my entire family, especially my wife, Grace and my sons Amos and Gabriel,... more

Morphophonological Analysis of Akan Female Family-Name Formation

Ghana Journal of Linguistics

This paper examines the morphophonological processes in the derivation of some female family-name... more This paper examines the morphophonological processes in the derivation of some female family-names in Akan, a Niger-Congo (Kwa) language through the addition of a male source name and the female morpheme /-baa/. About three main kinds of family-names can be identified in Akan: (i) those usually given to females only, (ii) those gender-neutral, and (iii) those given to males but out of which female counterpart names can be derived. The current paper examines the third type and claims that even though different realizations of the female morpheme are observed, namely [-wa(a)], [-ma(a)], and [-a] to attach to the male source names, there is only one morpheme in the underlying presentation, that is, /-baa/, /-bea/, and /-ba/ for the Asante, Akuapem, and Fante dialects respectively, out of which these three variants are derived. This underlying morpheme manifests differently among the major dialects, which could be one of the points of distinction among them. To account for its different cross-dialectal realizations, it is shown in this paper that the underlying morpheme-initial consonant /-b/ specified for [+consonantal, +labial, −continuant] may acquire nasality at the surface level as in [-maa] through nasal place assimilation. The same consonant may lenite to labial glide [w] intervocalically and surfaces as [-waa]; or may even elide completely in the same context and be realized as [-a]; the underlying segment is systematically neutralized in the Asante dialect. In the Akuapem dialect, on the other hand, this underlying morpheme-initial segment is invariably fully preserved at the surface representation. The case of the Fante dialect resides in the middle of the continuum; i.e. it is non-systematic. The initial segment may or may not be preserved within the same contexts. Based on these observed variations it is concluded that while the other two dialects, especially the Akuapem, can preserve both the place and stricture features values of the underlying Adomako: Morphophonological Analysis of Akan Female Family-Name Formation 2 morpheme-initial /-b/ of the female morpheme, the Asante dialect only preserves the value for the former, and systematically neutralizes that of the latter. This observation is formalized within the Optimality Theory.

MORPHOPHONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF AKAN FEMALE FAMILY-NAME FORMATION

Ghana Journal of Linguistics, 2017

This paper examines the morphophonological processes in the derivation of some female family-name... more This paper examines the morphophonological processes in the derivation of some female family-names in Akan, a Niger-Congo (Kwa) language through the addition of a male source name and the female morpheme /-baa/. About three main kinds of family-names can be identified in Akan: (i) those usually given to females only, (ii) those gender-neutral, and (iii) those given to males but out of which female counterpart names can be derived. The current paper examines the third type and claims that even though different realizations of the female morpheme are observed, namely [-wa(a)], [-ma(a)], and [-a] to attach to the male source names, there is only one morpheme in the underlying presentation, that is, /-baa/, /-bea/, and /-ba/ for the Asante, Akuapem, and Fante dialects respectively, out of which these three variants are derived. This underlying morpheme manifests differently among the major dialects, which could be one of the points of distinction among them. To account for its different cross-dialectal realizations, it is shown in this paper that the underlying morpheme-initial consonant /-b/ specified for [+consonantal, +labial, −continuant] may acquire nasality at the surface level as in [-maa] through nasal place assimilation. The same consonant may lenite to labial glide [w] intervocalically and surfaces as [-waa]; or may even elide completely in the same context and be realized as [-a]; the underlying segment is systematically neutralized in the Asante dialect. In the Akuapem dialect, on the other hand, this underlying morpheme-initial segment is invariably fully preserved at the surface representation. The case of the Fante dialect resides in the middle of the continuum; i.e. it is non-systematic. The initial segment may or may not be preserved within the same contexts. Based on these observed variations it is concluded that while the other two dialects, especially the Akuapem, can preserve both the place and stricture features values of the underlying Adomako: Morphophonological Analysis of Akan Female Family-Name Formation 2 morpheme-initial /-b/ of the female morpheme, the Asante dialect only preserves the value for the former, and systematically neutralizes that of the latter. This observation is formalized within the Optimality Theory.

VELAR PALATALIZATION IN AKAN: A RECONSIDERATION

Journal of West African Languages, 2018

This paper critically examines the palatalization rule in Akan, a Niger-Congo (Kwa) language, spe... more This paper critically examines the palatalization rule in Akan, a Niger-Congo (Kwa) language, specifically velar palatalization. In addition to the regular Akan phonology, it provides evidence from five main domains in Akan, namely reduplication, loanword phonology, ideophonic constructions and Akan Pig Latin (APL) to show the systematic non-application of this phonological rule, and claim that the hitherto assumed very active process is not as active in the language as we had thought. It is common knowledge in the existing literature that the palatalization rule applies in Akan, just like in many other languages cross-linguistically, whenever a back consonant occurs before a front vowel. There are, however, counterexamples where this rule fails to apply or it underapplies though there is the right 'palatalizing environment'. A classical example of this non-application has been discussed in the domain of Akan reduplication. In recent times, the observation of such counterexamples has been extended to the domains of Akan loanword phonology, and the APL. The paper concludes by calling for a reconsideration of the analysis of the phenomenon in Akan. Cet article examine de manière critique la règle de palatalisation en akan, une langue du Niger et du Congo (Kwa), en particulier la palatalisation vélaire. En plus de la phonologie en akan régulière, il fournit des preuves de cinq domaines principaux en akan, à savoir le redoublement, la phonologie d'emprunt, les constructions idéophoniques et l'akan Pig Latin (APL) pour montrer la non-application systématique de cette règle phonologique, et affirme que le processus supposé très actif n'est pas aussi actif dans la langue que nous l'avions pensé. Il est de notoriété publique dans la littérature existante que la règle de palatalisation s'applique à l'akan, tout comme dans de nombreuses autres langues, à chaque fois qu'une consonne arrière apparaît avant une voyelle antérieure. Il existe cependant des contre-exemples dans lesquels cette règle ne s'applique pas ou s'applique de manière insuffisante, bien qu'il existe un 'environnement de palatalisation' approprié. Un exemple classique de cette non-application a été discuté dans le domaine du redoublement en akan. Récemment, l'observation de tels contre-exemples a été étendue aux domaines de la phonologie de l'emprunt en akan et de l'APL. Le document conclut en appelant à un réexamen de l'analyse du phénomène en akan.

Underapplication in an Akan Language Game 1

Nordic Journal of African Studies, 2018

This paper discusses the phenomenon of underapplication of palatalization in a Pig Latin game in ... more This paper discusses the phenomenon of underapplication of palatalization in a Pig Latin game in Akan, a Niger-Congo (Kwa) language. Akan Pig Latin (henceforth APL), which is popularly known in Akan as Megesege, is a language game played usually by Akan youth. The game is played by appending the velar consonant /ɡ/ to the right of every vowel in the input word or phrase and then copying the vowel of the base syllable to form a CV structure. Whenever the base syllable contains /i, ɪ, e/ or /ɛ/, the manipulation performed by the game creates a palatalizing environment, in which a velar segment is followed by a front vowel. In regular Akan phonology, such sequences tend to undergo the process of palatalization. This paper provides evidence to show that in the forms produced by APL, palatalization fails to apply in the expected contexts. The underapplication of palatalization is accounted for within the framework of Optimality Theory. It is argued that the process is blocked by a high-ranking OCP constraint that bans adjacent [Coronal] segments in neighboring syllables.

FINAL-NASAL DELETION IN AKAN (ASANTE TWI) REDUPLICATION

In this paper, I examine the phenomenon of reduplicant-nasal deletion observed in some reduplicat... more In this paper, I examine the phenomenon of reduplicant-nasal deletion observed in some reduplicative prefixes of Akan (a Niger-Congo, Kwa language). In the Akan phonology, nasals are among non-vowel sonorants that are permitted syllable or word-finally (Dolphyne 1988, Abakah 2005). However, it is observed that these nasals, particularly [m], are sometimes deleted in some reduplicants final position. In this paper, I show that verb bases of CVN or CVVN structures are of two different morphemic structures in the underlying representation; monomorphemic verb base and bimorphemic verb base. The latter structure, on which this paper focuses, has the composition: morpheme 1 + morpheme 2. It is observed that while the former preserve their 'final' nasals in the reduplicants, the latter, on the other hand, lose them in their reduplicants. We analyse this phonological phenomenon as resulting from the language's bid towards satisfying a high-ranking template satisfaction constraint (after McCarthy and Prince 1994) within the Optimality Theory framework.