Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

This article reviews key international and national precedents in democratic media monitoring of race relations at the height of concern about interracial and intercultural security after 9/11, primarily between 2001 and 2004. None of these studies has received much academic or policy attention. The history, context, politics, and methods of media monitoring of race and representation are reviewed in the Canadian context. Four options are set out for developing continuous monitoring of media content of the type established in other countries. The article argues for an independent institute for media monitoring in Canada involving racial equity-seeking groups, scholars, media professionals, and students in the production of empirical research to promote cultural diversification in Canadian TV.

The CBC/Radio Canada is in a policy trap which is endemic to all cultural policy today. A casualty of the 1990s policy focus on the cultural industries, the traditional public interest discourse has failed to gain a toehold in arguments favouring a continued state role in the development of cultural capital. This paper explores a cultural capital perspective and argues for a closer link with and coordination between education and culture in policy fields at both the theoretical and operational levels. The paper concludes that the instrumental utility of a cultural capital approach is ultimately too limiting. What is needed is a theoretical shift from public interest rhetoric to a democratic rights-based discourse. Such a shift in the conceptual underpinnings of cultural policy implies radical decentralization and deconcentration of control within the CBC. New models of democratic cultural governance are needed to reclaim public broadcasting.

Ellen Riordan & Eileen Meehan's Sex and Money: Feminism and Political Economy in the Media (2001) haunts the imagination of many women drawn to the study of communication today. Their edited volume is the best-known comprehensive overview of feminist political economy in ...

Abstract: This article outlines the historical trajectories of cultural policy evolution in two provinces not often studied in Canada—Nova Scotia and British Columbia—to determine the extent to which they may be said to conform to the spread of tenets of neoliberalism. The article first ...

This paper provides a general overview of the types, membership bases, major positions, and political strategies of cultural groups and policy networks in Canadian cultural policy. There is a need for independent and critical research which can assess and respond to the growth of the several cultural coalitions operating throughout civil society. Within this context, the Canadian and multilateral initiative around a separate cultural accord in global politics offers an avenue of possibility for Canadian rethinking of the value of cultural diversity on the local, national, and international levels. The paper concludes with some suggestions for applying the principles of civic realism to the politics of cultural diversity. Résumé: Cet article fournit une vue d'ensemble sur les types de groupes culturels et de réseaux politiques en politique culturelle canadienne, ainsi que leur nombre d'adhérents, leurs positions principales et leurs stratégies politiques. Dans cette optique, il serait nécessaire d'entreprendre une recherche indépendante et critique pouvant mesurer la croissance des nombreuses coalitions culturelles oeuvrant dans la société civile et pouvant réagir à cette croissance. Dans ce contexte, l'initiative canadienne et multilatérale pour avoir un accord culturel séparé dans les négociations mondiales offre la possibilité au Canada de repenser la valeur de la diversité culturelle aux niveaux local, national et international. Cet article conclut en suggérant comment les principes du réalisme civique peuvent s'appliquer aux politiques de la diversité culturelle. Since the 1950s, cultural policy networks in this country have both deepened and diversified (Murray, 1998). The pendulum in the postwar period swung from national state-led networks to industry-led networks. Only in the 1990s have we seen the emergence of the third sector-often called the non-governmental or civil society sector-in cultural policy formulation. This third sector includes

Vancouver appears to offer a textbook case of progressive tolerance and LGBTQ diversity:  factors which work as part of a new urban policy ensemble to attract people and capital (Brunet-Jailly 2008; Florida 2009, 2002; Donald and Morrow 2014). We argue that this assumption should be critically examined, and the constitutive social and political narratives framing the queer ‘right’ to the so-called creative city need to be investigated carefully in place-making. This article charts the advent of an LGBTQ advisory committee in Vancouver city governance against a backdrop of historic identity engagement, which, while signalling an important arrival in the doctrine of urban planning dubbed ‘Vancouverism’ in international urban circuits, is equally a sign that much still needs to be done to effect authentic ‘queering’ of the city. Both the Davie Village in the West End and the Drive in the East survive as queer spaces, planning processes have recognized and considered the points of view ...

Definitions and different models of the creative economy The issue of domain boundary Sizing the creative economy sector Creative economy or creative ecology? Creativity and work Searching for the wellsprings of creative innovation The casual labour ...

The terms of reference for the five chairs are highly consistent: to advance the equality and status of women through teaching, research, community and professional service. Over time, it is clear where there has been a region-wide mandate imposed (University of Laval, Mount Saint Vincent University (MSVU), University of Winnipeg/Manitoba) it has narrowed as other programs have sprung up. Of all the chairs, Winnipeg/Manitoba's is the only one to have deliberately seeded the development of Women's Studies at another institution: Brandon University. Eligibility Consistent with the initial idea of strengthening links between the community, women's studies and feminist scholarship, most Chairs have broader eligibility than typical academic appointments would require. Feminists, community activists, federal executives, as well as academics have served across the country.

Already recognized as a "substantial contribution" to our knowledge of diasporic/migrant/minority-ethnic media, editor Karim Karim's anthology The Media of the Diaspora was first published in hardcover in 2003. Part of Routledge's series on transnationalism and globalization edited by Steven Vertovec, the paperback version was not released until late in 2006. It includes the editor's introduction and some 14 case studies spanning six continents, all but two of which are published here for the first time. The lag in academic publishing makes it difficult for Karim to meet his aim to make a timely contribution to the emergent body of literature on diasporic media (p. xv). The question is whether The Media of the Diaspora remains as relevant today as when it was first published. The answer is a qualified yes. Diasporic studies have not penetrated Canadian communication studies well, and here are some statistics that bear that out: • less than 17 hits in CJC, most attributed to its 2006 special edition on Culture, Heritage and Art (Vol. 31, no. 1); • not more than 1% of all 298 standard research projects awarded to the field by SSHRC in 2007; • no regular dedicated course on ethnic/diasporic media in any Canadian communication program; and, • notable underrepresentation in the Metropolis research program. So the need for such a volume remains. Yet five years is a long time in geopolitical events, given the EU focus on 2008 as the Year of Interculturalism, the Muslim riots in the banlieux around Paris, the impending regime shift in U.S. foreign policy, and escalating complaints about hate expression within Canada. Although many of the case studies provide insightful and evergreen material with important historical context and comparative perspective for the Canadian researcher, it is Karim's own review essay (written soon after September 11, 2001) that appears most dated, although it remains useful for undergraduate teaching. Nonetheless, the political project remains. Strongly influenced by Homi Bhabha, Karim believes that transnational "third spaces" can be characterized by a considerable degree of creativity, offering hope for a genuinely cosmopolitan global citizenship. Perhaps the most interesting question that almost all the works address is under what conditions diasporic media contribute to the growth of world citizenship or, instead, promulgate further fragmentation. Citing the expert on the Chicano diaspora, Angie Dernersesian, Karim writes that he does not "think we need to celebrate the transnational movement for its own sake" (p. 4). Transnational communities should not automatically be assumed to be "the empire striking back" (p. 5). Indeed, Karim reminds us that diasporas are increasingly important participants in transnational economic activity. Significant growth in intercontinental traffic of media products under a market model emanating from diasporic locations is a growing feature of globalization-and at odds with the cultural studies view of diasporic media as "resistive" or "constitutive" of any cosmopolitan project. In his study of how Bollywood places the doubly displaced viewers of the Fijian Indians in Australia, author Manas Ray argues that the study of transnationality has to abjure the master narrative of diaspora as a "slip zone" of indeterminacy and shifting positionalities. The challenge instead is to explain hybridity as the nameable held under the sign of erasure (p. 34). Importantly, Ray's dialectical analysis "clubs" different postcolonial diasporas together as parties to an original historical contract to understand "Pan

While it is still early to tell, the 2015 federal election campaign suggests a different conjuncture: a new politics of “call out” and “call in” culture on racism in Canadian political culture, and new assertiveness and division of labour between multicultural and mainstream media in campaign coverage. After the majority of Canadian voters rejected racialized wedge politics, the next important task is de-essentialization. A term usually applied to identity politics, this article argues for a broader creative economy lens on how it can also be applied to multicultural/multiracial media policy, the forthcoming Syrian influx of refugees, and evaluating the inclusivity and integrity of immigrant integration.

From "Culture" to "Knowledge": An Innovation Systems Approach to the Content Industries 9. M. Sharon Jeannotte-Just Showing Up: Social and Cultural Capital in Everyday Life 10. Karim H. Karim-The Elusiveness of Full Citizenship: Accounting for Cultural Capital, Cultural Competencies, and Cultural Pluralism 11. Rosaire Garon-Les pratiques culturelles en mutation a la fin du XX e siecle: la situation au Quebec 12. Will Straw-Pathways of Cultural Movement PART IV Governance, Indicators, and Engagement in the Cultural Sector 13. Monica Gattinger-Creative Pique: On Governance and Engagement in the Cultural Sector 14. Gilles Paquet-Governance of Culture: Words of Caution 15. Christian Poirier-Vers des indicateurs culturels elargis? Justificatifs des politiques culturelles et indicateurs de performance au Quebec et en Europe 16. Nancy Duxbury-Cultural Indicators and Benchmarks in Community Indicator Projects Conclusion M. Sharon Jeannotte and Will Straw-Reflections on the Cultural and Political Implications of Cultural Citizenship

What is productive engagement between the Self and Other? How can it counter the war-on-terror conflict model dominant in geopolitics over the last two decades? Conceived as a learned attempt to displace Samuel Huntington's "clash of civilizations" thesis-which Sut Jhally and Edward Said (1998) have called a "rather crudely articulated manual in the art of wartime status in the minds of Americans"-Engaging the Other: Public Policy and Western-Muslim Intersections makes a crucial contribution to answers for these and other urgent questions. Like Said (1998), the editors Karim H. Karim from Carleton University and Mahmoud Eid from the University of Ottawa, begin by unmasking the Orientalist tricks in Huntingdon's work. The contributing scholars in Engaging the Other are diverse in age, gender, and ethnic and disciplinary origin, writing from the perspectives of law, Ismaili studies, architecture, political psychology, communication, religion, and world politics. They share the view that the Muslim worlds-accounting for over a billion and a half followers globally and projected to equal Christians in number by 2050, according to the World Economic Forum (2015)-are pluralistic and restless, engaged in a "great and often silent exchange and dialogue" (Said, 1998) with the West. The articles in the book employ three main pedagogical approaches: counter-historiography, sociology of law, and analysis of political attitudes and participation. Karim and Eid start not from their subject positions in the West, but from the Muslim worlds, translating them for the neophyte Western reader. The Western caricatures of the history of Muslim civilization as leading "to scriptural dogmatism, authoritarian morality, and unreformed medievalism" (p. 76) are turned on their heads. Masud Taj, an expert on Muslim civilization and the history of architecture, explores Toledo in Spain over successive conquests to remind us that the early Muslim presence in Spain has been there for a period longer than since the Enlightenment. He points out that the Renaissance itself is indebted to a massive transfer of scientific knowledge and Moorish rationalism from Muslim lands to Europe and that Dante Alighieri's Divine Comedy is adapted from an earlier Arabic text authored by a Muslim scholar. Exchange is two-way, when successive rulers (from Alfonso VI to Alfonso X as pioneers of the "Convivencia," or the period when Muslims, Christians, and Jews are said to have harmoniously co-existed) adapt their own construction of Muslim law from the first codified volume of laws in Europe. Marianne Farina (a sister of the Congregation of the Sisters of the Holy Cross and student of interfaith scripture) demonstrates how, as early as the eleventh and twelfth centuries, formative Muslim thinker Imam Abu Hamid al-Ghazali and Christian scholar Saint Thomas Aquinas share a respect for "intellectual magnanimity" (p. 44) that "doesn't wilt in the face of conflict" (p. 49) in its negotiation for the common