Papers by Matthijs den Dulk
The first part of this essay argues that Origen's thinking about the loss and restoration of the ... more The first part of this essay argues that Origen's thinking about the loss and restoration of the imago Dei has been decisively shaped by Pauline literature. In the second section, I turn to the corpus Paulinum to explore if the notion that the divine image must be recovered can indeed claim Pauline credentials.
The claim of Colossians 3:11 that “there is no longer Greek and Jew … barbarian, Scythian” did no... more The claim of Colossians 3:11 that “there is no longer Greek and Jew … barbarian, Scythian” did not, for early Christian authors, imply that pejorative stereotypes about the Scythians were due for revision. Despite the insistence of a substantial number of recent commentators that the import of Colossians 3:11 is that ethnic barriers should be abolished and prejudices discarded, there is no good evidence that late antique Christians adjusted their views of (non-Christian) Scythians for the better. Quite to the contrary, Ambrosiaster’s substantial comments on this passage reject a favourable understanding of the Scythians and insist on a deeply negative view instead. He conformed to the great majority of early Christian authors in this regard; the Scythians were not usually praised as “noble savages,” but disparaged as extraordinarily immoral.
Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries: Mapping the Second Century
This essay reflects on why the second century may be deserving of closer scholarly attention and ... more This essay reflects on why the second century may be deserving of closer scholarly attention and on ways to leverage fresh insights into this period. It argues for the importance of studying Jewish and Christian sources in close conjunction on the basis of their shared history and the similar methodological challenges involved in the study of Jewish and Christian history and literature of this period. To elucidate these methodological challenges and potential ways to address them, the chapter draws on the metaphor of the map. It explores the possibility of working towards an 'atlas' of Jews and Christians in this period that may allow us to move beyond the traditional categories bequeathed to us by ecclesiastical and rabbinic tradition, and to work towards a more complex and multilayered construal of the Jewish and Christian worlds of the second century.
Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity, 2024
This brief article is a rejoinder to John Solheid's "Origen of Alexandria and Human Dignity" (202... more This brief article is a rejoinder to John Solheid's "Origen of Alexandria and Human Dignity" (2023), which offers a critique of my "Origen of Alexandria and the History of Racism as a Theological Problem" (2020). While I appreciate Solheid's substantial engagement with my work and welcome his efforts to find inspiration in Origen for "a theology of human dignity in response to modern racist discourses," I argue in this rejoinder that none of the evidence cited by Solheid effectively undermines the theses I advanced in my original article, and that Origen's thought in relation to human dignity does not nullify his hierarchical claims about ethnic identity.
Matthijs den Dulk Gen 1:26-27's description of the creation of humanity in the image and likeness... more Matthijs den Dulk Gen 1:26-27's description of the creation of humanity in the image and likeness of God has been assigned a key role in (early) modern Christian antiracist efforts. Bartolomé de las Casas (1484-1566) already marshaled it as an argument against absolute hierarchies between different nations,1 and it was frequently cited by abolitionists, including Theodore Dwight Weld, who wrote in 1833: "no condition of birth, no shade of color … can annul the birthright charter, which God has bequeathed to every being upon whom he has stamped his own image."2 In antiracist statements published by churches over the course of the last century, appeals to the imago Dei form a common refrain. The Fourth Assembly of the World Council of Churches, held in Uppsala in 1968, settled on the following formulation, which was subsequently taken over in declarations by many of its member churches: "Racism is a blatant denial of the Christian faith … it denies our common humanity in creation and our belief that all men are made in God's image."3 The antiracist utility of Gen 1:26-27 is enhanced by the very similar formulations in Gen 5:1-3 and Gen 9:6, even though these passages are less frequently cited in antiracist statements. Without these reiterations, it could conceivably be maintained that the imago Dei applied only to the first human beings, but as it stands it is clear, on a synchronic reading, that it describes humanity more generally, even after the expulsion from the garden (Gen 5) and the flood (Gen 9). This relatively strong scriptural basis, and the frequency with which the
Scholars frequently note Alexandria’s reputation as a center of learning when commenting on Acts ... more Scholars frequently note Alexandria’s reputation as a center of learning when commenting on Acts 18:24, where Apollos is introduced as “a native of Alexandria.” By contrast, the very similar formulation in Acts 18:2, where Aquila is identified as “a native of Pontus,” is almost always regarded as inconsequential. Against this scholarly consensus, I argue that Aquila’s Pontic identity is important to the story of Acts 18 because the gentilic Pontic would have invited associations entirely opposite to those of Alexandrian. While the stereotype concerning the latter was one of learning and cultural sophistication, the common prejudice about people from Pontus was that they were uneducated and dim-witted barbarians. When Acts tells the story of how a man from Pontus and his wife “took aside” the learned Alexandrian “and explained the Way [of God] to him more accurately” (18:26), this likely would have seemed very surprising to an ancient audience familiar with these widespread stereotypes. The unexpected scenario of a Pontic manual laborer instructing a learned Alexandrian undercut negative stereotypes about the people from Pontus and, more generally, called into question the utility of such stereotypes. The plausibility of this interpretation is strengthened by the observation that it accords with the way ethnic identifiers function elsewhere in Acts.
Despite important work on the Greco-Roman antecedents of modern racism, very limited attention ha... more Despite important work on the Greco-Roman antecedents of modern racism, very limited attention has been paid to early Christian literature in this connection. This is remarkable not least because modern Western racism took shape initially in a European context heavily influenced by Christianity. The present essay contributes to addressing this lacuna by analysing statements about ‘other’ ethnicities in the work of Origen of Alexandria, one of the most important thinkers of the first three centuries CE. It argues that Origen defends a number of positions that exhibit substantial similarities with later racist modes of thinking. Earlier scholarly accounts that portray Origen as a champion of human equality and as engaged in anti-racist efforts therefore cannot stand up to scrutiny. Origen disparages certain ethnic groups and develops arguments that connect ethnic identity and geographical location with various degrees of sinfulness. His work offers clear evidence that theories of ethnic inferiority have a long history within the Christian matrix that stretches considerably beyond the modern and medieval periods.
This response critically analyzes Jens Herzer’s interpretation of the Pastorals’ “personal notes”... more This response critically analyzes Jens Herzer’s interpretation of the Pastorals’ “personal notes” (i.e., the references to personal circumstances, coworkers, and travel plans), which play a significant role in his essay in the present journal as well as in a number of his other recent publications. The response focuses on Herzer’s proposal that the references to travel plans and place names in the letter to Titus indicate that this missive was composed during Paul’s final journey to Rome (cf. Acts 27–28). I argue that a number of key exegetical decisions on which this hypothesis is based are debatable and that there are other, at least equally plausible, ways to explain the place names and travel plans mentioned in Titus. One possibility, which to the best of my knowledge has not been previously considered, is that the references to Crete (Titus 1:5) and Nicopolis (Titus 3:12) serve to address two “gaps” in the story of early Pauline Christianity: (1) the curious absence of any reference to Titus outside Galatians and 2 Corinthians, and (2) the lack of information about Paul’s mission in Illyricum, which is mentioned only in passing in Rom 15:19.
With some regularity one encounters the claim that early Christian and rabbinic constructions of ... more With some regularity one encounters the claim that early Christian and rabbinic constructions of and responses to “heresy” exhibit striking similarities. These commonalities have been variously explained in terms of influence by Judaism upon Christianity (or vice versa) or as evidence of an undifferentiated Judeo-Christianity. This essay problematizes the idea that rabbinic and patristic discourses about heresy were remarkably similar. It argues, first, that this notion is to a significant extent based on statements in early Christian literature that should not be taken as reliable accounts of contemporary Jewish discourse and, second, that substantial differences between rabbinic and patristic responses to deviance have been insufficiently appreciated.
Justin Martyr is commonly regarded as the “inventor of heresy,” an assessment that is based to a ... more Justin Martyr is commonly regarded as the “inventor of heresy,” an assessment that is based to a considerable extent on his authorship of the earliest-known, now lost anti- heretical treatise mentioned in Justin’s First Apology 26. Justin’s authorship of this trea- tise has often been assumed, but rarely argued, and it has been contested by a number of scholars. This study evaluates the grammatical, literary, and historical aspects of this question and argues, against recent claims to the contrary, that the hypothesis that Justin was involved in the production of this important document best accommodates the available evidence.
The majority of translations and commentaries render the phrase κνηθόμενοι τὴν ἀκοήν in 2 Tim 4.3... more The majority of translations and commentaries render the phrase κνηθόμενοι τὴν ἀκοήν in 2 Tim 4.3 as ‘having itching ears’ (or something to the same effect). Many commentaries and lexica claim, furthermore, that this figure of speech expresses curiosity. The present study demonstrates that the phrase found in 2 Tim 4.3 is an idiom that occurs quite frequently in first- and second-century CE literature. Contemporary usage of this expression suggests, first, that the translation at 2 Tim 4.3 should be ‘having their ears tickled’, rather than ‘having itching ears’, and, second, that the idiom refers primarily to the experience of pleasure rather than curiosity. This translation and inter- pretation of κνηθόμενοι τὴν ἀκοήν fits the context of 2 Timothy better than other commonly proposed readings and is significant for how we understand the author’s portrayal of his opponents and their appeal to the believers.
This is a pre-proofs version of an essay published in a volume in honor of Hans Dieter Betz: The ... more This is a pre-proofs version of an essay published in a volume in honor of Hans Dieter Betz: The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (eds. Thomas R. Blanton IV, Robert Matthew Calhoun, Clare K. Rothschild) WUNT 340; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014. This essay appears on pp. 211-240.
Analysis of the relationship between the Acts of Paul (APl) and the Pastoral Epistles (PE) that i... more Analysis of the relationship between the Acts of Paul (APl) and the Pastoral Epistles (PE) that is attentive to the differences between the individual PE provides decisive evidence against the theory that the PE responded to oral traditions later written down in the APl. This study further suggests that the author of the APl did probably not regard 1 Tim as an authoritative Pauline missive and argues that the author of the APl sought to advance 2 Tim's image of Paul over and against the portrayal of the apostle found in 1 Tim.
This study argues, against scholarly consensus, that the mention of “Seleucus Nicanor” in 4 Macc ... more This study argues, against scholarly consensus, that the mention of “Seleucus Nicanor” in 4 Macc 3:20–21 is not a historical error but a reasonably carefully constructed and accurate reference to Seleucus I Nicator. Nicanor was a com- monly occurring variant of the official epithet Nicator, and comparison with the passage in 2 Maccabees, on which the author of 4 Maccabees drew, indicates that the author edited the passage to bring it into conformity with the conditions during Seleucus I Nicator’s reign. Since this passage is cited as evidence for the alleged historical unreliability of 4 Maccabees, that assessment requires adjustment.
Uploads
Papers by Matthijs den Dulk