Papers by Volha Charnysh
Comparative Political Studies, 2014
At the psychological level, ethnic conflict can be seen as an extreme result of normal group iden... more At the psychological level, ethnic conflict can be seen as an extreme result of normal group identification processes. Bridging perceived intergroup boundaries is therefore key to improving intergroup relations. In contrast to the dominant association of nationalism with racism, chauvinism, xenophobia, and intolerance, we highlight the constructive potential of national identification. In a survey experiment, we find that the increased salience of a shared (Indian) national identity increases donations by members of a dominant ethnic group (Hindus) to members of a rival, minority group (Muslims). This effect is moderated by social status (caste). We suggest that national identification leads to a greater transformation in the behavior of low-status members of an ethnic group because they are more likely to be drawn to national identity as an enhancement of their social standing. Our study has implications for theories of social identity and interethnic cooperation, as well as for th...
Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries, 2017
We review the characteristics of the Belarusian party system, with a view to explaining how the r... more We review the characteristics of the Belarusian party system, with a view to explaining how the restrictive political context within which parties operate affects their organizational structure. We examine the legal framework governing party development, and discuss variation in structure across the pro-regime and pro-opposition parties.
Transnational Networks and Norm Compliance: Stopping Executions in Belarus
Poland's Wild West. Forced migration and cultural appropriation of the Oder region in 1945–1948
Nationalities Papers, 2014
How do historical legacies shape contemporary political outcomes? The article proposes a novel at... more How do historical legacies shape contemporary political outcomes? The article proposes a novel attitudinal mechanism through which distant interethnic competition can influence political preferences in the present. It theorizes that historically conditioned predispositions at the local level can moderate the effects of national-level framing of a policy issue. Using Poland as a test case, I show that subnational variation in support for EU accession was influenced by populist claims about the increase in Jewish influence in the postaccession period. Anti-Semitic cues resonated with voters in areas with historically large Jewish populations and a contentious interethnic past, where latent anti-Semitism persisted throughout the communist period. To provide evidence for this argument, the article draws on rich historical and contemporary data at the county, town, and individual level of analysis and utilizes novel research methods.
Comparative Political Studies, 2017
Based on an original large-N dataset of individual Ukrainian oligarchs and qualitative evidence, ... more Based on an original large-N dataset of individual Ukrainian oligarchs and qualitative evidence, this article tests competing perspectives on the political power of big capital. We find, surprisingly, that neither the assumption of direct power by the oligarchs, nor the mobility of oligarchic assets, help tycoons protect their fortunes against shocks. Instead, the indirect strategies of party support and media ownership significantly enhance business wealth. Empirically, we profile postcommunist oligarchs by examining the political and economic activities of 177 oligarchs from 2006 to 2012. Theoretically, we contribute to the literatures on instrumental and structural power of capital, and on the interactions between extreme wealth, rule of law, and democracy. In doing so, we contrast the logic of flexibility, according to which oligarchs benefit from political adaptability and deniability, with the logic of commitment compensation, according to which oligarchs benefit from direct power when the rule of law is weak.
At the psychological level, ethnic conflict can be seen as an extreme result of normal group iden... more At the psychological level, ethnic conflict can be seen as an extreme result of normal group identification processes. Bridging perceived intergroup boundaries is therefore key to improving intergroup relations. In contrast to the dominant association of nationalism with racism, chauvinism, xenophobia and intolerance, we highlight the constructive potential of national identification. In a survey experiment, we find that the increased salience of a shared (Indian) national identity increases donations by members of a dominant ethnic group (Hindus) to members of a rival, minority group (Muslims). This effect is moderated by social status (caste). We suggest that national identification leads to a greater transformation in the behavior of low-status members of an ethnic group because they are more likely to be drawn to national identity as an enhancement of their social standing. Our study has implications for theories of social identity and interethnic cooperation, as well as for the literature on nationalism. * Authors are listed in alphabetical order and contributed equally. For their excellent feedback during our work on this project, we are grateful to
This article examines the process of consensus formation by the international community on how to... more This article examines the process of consensus formation by the international community on how to confront the problem of trafficking in persons. We analyze the corpus of UNGA Third Committee resolutions to show that (1) consensus around the issue of how to confront trafficking in persons has increased over time; and (2) the formation of this consensus depends on how the issue is framed. We test our argument by examining the characteristics of resolutions' sponsors and discursive framing concepts such as crime, human rights, and the strength of enforcement language. We conclude that the consensus formation process in international relations is more aptly described as one of -accommodation‖ through issue linkage than a process of persuasion.
In August, a new language law in Ukraine allowed cities and regions to elevate the status of any ... more In August, a new language law in Ukraine allowed cities and regions to elevate the status of any minority language spoken by at least 10% of their population to "official" alongside Ukrainian. I argue that the law fails to protect genuine linguistic minorities and is likely to further undermine linguistic diversity in certain Ukrainian regions. More important, the law prolongs the vicious circle between Ukraine's lack of democracy and its politicians' reliance on identity cleavages to gather votes. I argue that the continuing exploitation of identity divides is increasing the popularity of extreme right parties and widening the gap in policy preferences between Ukrainian and Russian speakers. However, the current ethno-regional cleavages do not stand for irreconcilable identity attachments and their impact can be mitigated. The EU could contribute to this outcome by providing expert opinions on minority and language rights; demonstrating a commitment to Ukraine's territorial integrity and independence to de-securitize the minority rights discourse; and increasing individual-level contacts between the EU and Ukraine to promote a broader European identity.
Opinion Pieces by Volha Charnysh
Cambridge Core Blog, 2020
For decades, external observers have dismissed Belarus as a country with a weak or contested nati... more For decades, external observers have dismissed Belarus as a country with a weak or contested national identity and an underdeveloped civil society. Academic articles about the country often remark on how little it has changed since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Belarus was the domino few expected to fall when a series of color revolutions swept the region in the 2000s. When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014, some analysts even took heart in Belarus’s predictable lack of change.
The current moment is different. People from all walks of life have come together to demand free and fair elections – having truly experienced this only once, when Alyaksandr Lukashenka was first elected in 1994. More than a week after the election, nonviolent protests continue across Belarus. They include all cross-sections of society, including the smallest towns and villages, and have spread to state-owned industries. The use of disproportionate violence by the regime – two protesters have died and at least 7,000 were detained and brutally beaten in custody – has backfired, bringing more people into the streets. A few policemen, soldiers, and a diplomat have already switched sides, all highly symbolic actions. Despite provocations and brutal crackdowns, protesters have remained peaceful and orderly, thanks in part to coordination on Telegram, a messaging app. [...]
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Papers by Volha Charnysh
Opinion Pieces by Volha Charnysh
The current moment is different. People from all walks of life have come together to demand free and fair elections – having truly experienced this only once, when Alyaksandr Lukashenka was first elected in 1994. More than a week after the election, nonviolent protests continue across Belarus. They include all cross-sections of society, including the smallest towns and villages, and have spread to state-owned industries. The use of disproportionate violence by the regime – two protesters have died and at least 7,000 were detained and brutally beaten in custody – has backfired, bringing more people into the streets. A few policemen, soldiers, and a diplomat have already switched sides, all highly symbolic actions. Despite provocations and brutal crackdowns, protesters have remained peaceful and orderly, thanks in part to coordination on Telegram, a messaging app. [...]