漢語史研究集刊 [Studies on the History of Chinese Language] 38: 89-104, 2025
漢語史中“屏”的音義關係比較複雜，本文重點討論它的兩項複雜式音變構詞：（1）原始詞指“屏蔽”，幫母靜韻上聲（*pǐeŋ/pǐɛŋ）；滋生詞指“偏僻隱蔽的地方”，又詞義構詞指“廁所”，並母... more 漢語史中“屏”的音義關係比較複雜，本文重點討論它的兩項複雜式音變構詞：（1）原始詞指“屏蔽”，幫母靜韻上聲（*pǐeŋ/pǐɛŋ）；滋生詞指“偏僻隱蔽的地方”，又詞義構詞指“廁所”，並母徑韻去聲（*bieŋ/bieŋ）。（2）原始詞指“屏蔽”，幫母靜韻上聲（*pǐeŋ/pǐɛŋ）；滋生詞指“屏風”，並母青韻平聲（*bieŋ/bieŋ）。此外，“屏”還可以由“屏蔽”義變調構詞指“除去”，幫母勁韻去聲（*pǐeŋ/pǐɛŋ）。在確定音變構詞中的語義演變脈絡時，漢語及其他語言中的平行引申是重要參考。 [The phono-semantic relationship of “píng屏” is rather complex. This paper focuses on two complex sound alternation-based derivations of “píng屏”. The main conclusions are as follows: (1) The base word refers to “to screen” with bāng 幫initial, jìng 靜rhyme and shǎng tone, and the derived word refers to “a remote and hidden place” and further refers to “toilet” with bìng 並initial, jìng 徑rhyme and qù tone. (2) The base word refers to “to screen” with bāng 幫initial, jìng 靜rhyme and shǎng tone, and the derived word refers to “screen” with bìng 並initial, qīng 青rhyme and píng tone. In addition, “píng屏” can also be used as the meaning “to remove” with bāng 幫initial, jìng 勁rhyme and qù tone, which is derived from “to screen” through a change in tone. When determining the semantic change path, it is important to take the parallel meaning-extension in Chinese and other languages into account.]
中國語文 [Studies of the Chinese Language] 6: 737-751, 2024
新疆和田地區是唐代于闐王國的所在地，在那裏曾陸續發現一些漢語—于闐語雙語文書，其中有不少漢語音譯的于闐語人名、地名、官名等專名，是研究8世紀于闐漢語語音面貌的寶貴資料。本文對這些雙語專名進行對音... more 新疆和田地區是唐代于闐王國的所在地，在那裏曾陸續發現一些漢語—于闐語雙語文書，其中有不少漢語音譯的于闐語人名、地名、官名等專名，是研究8世紀于闐漢語語音面貌的寶貴資料。本文對這些雙語專名進行對音研究，得出的主要結論有：（1）輕重唇音分化；（2）全濁聲母有清音化的現象，唇音聲母及匣母表現得更加明顯；（3）鼻音聲母讀成鼻冠音；（4）通、宕、梗三攝的-ŋ韻尾均有消變現象；（5）入聲韻-k尾弱化得較為嚴重；（6）“阿”字有入聲讀法。漢語在音譯于闐語專名時可能由於佛經翻譯的影響而受到梵語干擾，形成一些溢出對音規律的例外現象，這反映出古代和田地區複雜的語言生態。專名的借入具有方向性，在利用它們研究漢語音韻時需要格外謹慎。[Several Chinese-Khotanese bilingual documents have been discovered in Hetian area of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, where Khotan was located in the Tang dynasty. There are many Chinese transliterated proper names in these bilingual documents, including personal names, toponyms, and official titles, which are important for the study on Chinese phonological system in Khotan in the eighth century. This article conducts a transcriptional study on these bilingual proper names, and the main conclusions are as follow: (1) bilabials and labiodentals are distinguished. (2) some traces of devoicing of voiced obstruents can be observed, which may be more obvious in labial initials and initial xiá匣. (3) nasal initials are prenasalized. (4) the coda -ŋ of the tōng通, dàng宕 and gěng梗 rhyme groups is weakening. (5) the stop coda -k is undergoing severe weakening. (6)the character ā阿can be read with a rùshēng入声 rhyme final. When Khotanese proper names were transliterated in Chinese, there might be some exceptions to transliterating rules due to the Sanskrit disturbance through Buddhist scripture translation, which reflects the complex linguistic ecosystem of the ancient Hetian region. The borrowing of proper nouns is bi-directional, thus the study of Chinese historical phonology based on these materials requires much caution.]
梵漢對音對研究漢語古音有重要價值，回顧百年來的梵漢對音研究，本文認爲未來有以下一些話題值得特別關注。第一，早期漢譯佛典源語言和譯經對音研究互爲表裏，應正視既有研究取得的有益成果及存在的問題，將二... more 梵漢對音對研究漢語古音有重要價值，回顧百年來的梵漢對音研究，本文認爲未來有以下一些話題值得特別關注。第一，早期漢譯佛典源語言和譯經對音研究互爲表裏，應正視既有研究取得的有益成果及存在的問題，將二者有機結合起來。第二，譯經對音資料有助於探討漢語史上的方言差異，古代西北方音的來源是其中的重要課題。第三，宋遼譯經對音可能深受唐代不空學派的影響，因此有必要重新審視這些資料，理清譯音的歷史層次。第四，在確定譯經所用漢語的歸屬時，需要將歷史文獻和現代方音結合起來，也要注意譯者群體的語言背景。[The study of Sanskrit-Chinese transcriptions is valuable for the research of Chinese historical phonology. This paper reviews previous studies on Sanskrit-Chinese transcriptional corpus in the past century and points out several issues that deserve particular attention in the future. Firstly, in terms of early Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures, the study of source languages and the study of transcriptional corpus are closely correlated. It is important to acknowledge the achievements and problems of previous research, and these two aspects should be integrated. Secondly, the transcriptional corpus can contribute to the exploration of dialectal differences in the history of Chinese, especially the origin of ancient Northwestern Chinese phonology. Thirdly, the Buddhist transcriptions in the Song and Liao dynasties may have been deeply influenced by the Amoghavajra school in the Tang Dynasty. Therefore, it is necessary to reexamine these materials and clarify historical strata of the phonetic renderings in this period. Fourthly, when determining the classification of the Chinese language used in the translations of Buddhist scriptures, it is important to combine historical literature and modern dialects. Additionally, linguistic backgrounds of the group of translators should be noticed.]
《楞伽經》是一部重要的大乘佛教經典，有梵語本傳世，是我們了解其語言面貌的重要依據。通過與古漢語譯本及藏譯本細緻對讀，本文發現梵語本中存在不符合古典梵語的詞形和屈折規則的現象，而表現出中期印度語的... more 《楞伽經》是一部重要的大乘佛教經典，有梵語本傳世，是我們了解其語言面貌的重要依據。通過與古漢語譯本及藏譯本細緻對讀，本文發現梵語本中存在不符合古典梵語的詞形和屈折規則的現象，而表現出中期印度語的特徵，這主要集中在偈頌中，散文部分則基本沒有非古典梵語形式。本文對梵語《楞伽經》的第一、第二品做了窮盡性的分析，對其中的中期印度語現象進行分類討論，它們既有語音演變造成的詞彙異寫，也有形態變化上的混同，還有少數是句法搭配上的特徵。綜合這些現象，美國學者埃傑頓（ Franklin Edgerton） 對梵語《楞伽經》語言情況的論斷及分類需要重新審視。[The Laṅkāvatārasūtra is an important Mahayana Buddhist scripture preserved and passed down through several Sanskrit versions, which serve as a significant basis for understanding its linguistic characteristics. Through a detailed analysis comparing the Sanskrit version with classical Chinese and Tibetan translations, this paper finds that there are some word forms and inflectional regularities in the Sanskrit version that do not conform to classical Sanskrit, but instead exhibit features of Middle Indo-Aryan languages. These phenomena are mainly concentrated in the verses, while the prose parts of the sutra do not contain non-classical Sanskrit forms. This paper provides an extensive analysis of the first and second chapters of the Sanskrit Laṅkāvatārasūtra and discusses instances of Middle Indo-Aryan languages found within them. These include lexical variations resulting from phonetic changes, morphological ambiguity, and various syntactic characteristics. The paper's findings call for a re-examination of Franklin Edgerton’s assessments and classifications regarding the language of the
Sanskrit Laṅkāvatārasūtra.]
國學學刊 [Research in the Traditions of Chinese Culture] 3:114-127, 2023
“降”是一個多音多義字，本文詳細討論了它在上古漢語時期的音義匹配及句法特徵，認爲讀見母去聲的“降”用在雙賓式時指強制性地賜予，用在“于”字式時指普通的降予。“降”讀見母去聲時還可以指“在具有序列... more “降”是一個多音多義字，本文詳細討論了它在上古漢語時期的音義匹配及句法特徵，認爲讀見母去聲的“降”用在雙賓式時指強制性地賜予，用在“于”字式時指普通的降予。“降”讀見母去聲時還可以指“在具有序列性的事物上降低”，大型古漢語辭書中應增設這個義項。先秦到兩漢，“降”在韻文中基本上都只和平聲字押韻，這是因爲當時能與“降”押韻的去聲字較少。中古音義文獻在注音時可能受押韻的影響，認爲同調相押更加和諧，給某些韻腳字注上隱性葉音，造成音義匹配的例外。[ “降”(jiàng & xiáng) has no more than one pronunciation and meaning. In this article, we discuss the match of pronunciation and meaning, and syntax features of “降” in Old Chinese. In terms of the “降” pronounced with jiàn initial見母 and qù tone去聲, when used in the double objects construction, it denotes the behavior of compulsory giving, while used in the yú construction, it just means the ordinary giving. When “降” pronounced with jiàn initial見母 and qù tone去聲, it can denote descending in sequence, which should be included in largescale Classical Chinese dictionaries. In the literary composition in rhyme from Pre-Qin to Han dynasty, “降” rhymes with words with píng tone平聲 by and large, and this is due to the fact that there are not many words with qù tone去聲 that could rhyme with “降”. Medieval scholars might think that rhyming in the same tone was more harmonious, and thus annotated the covert xiéyīn叶音 to some rhyming words. Consequently, the exception to the match of pronunciation and meaning might occur.]
古漢語研究 [Research in Ancient Chinese Language] 1: 85-95, 2023
本文在劉廣和（2007）研究的基礎上，利用元代僧人沙囉巴翻譯的另外兩部佛經中的陀羅尼材料，綜合考察沙囉巴譯經所反映的漢語聲母系統，主要結論如下：（1）全濁聲母清化；（2）輕重唇音分化，非母音值為... more 本文在劉廣和（2007）研究的基礎上，利用元代僧人沙囉巴翻譯的另外兩部佛經中的陀羅尼材料，綜合考察沙囉巴譯經所反映的漢語聲母系統，主要結論如下：（1）全濁聲母清化；（2）輕重唇音分化，非母音值為[f]，微母音值為[ɱ]；（3）知組和照組合流，讀成舌尖後音；（4）疑母一二等字、影母、喻母都讀成零聲母；（5）至晚在沙囉巴時代，藏語中tr-等複輔音聲母已經讀成捲舌音。根據上述結論，本文構擬出了沙囉巴譯經反映的漢語聲母系統。 [Based on the study of Liu Guanghe (2007), in this article we explore the dhāraṇī materials in the other two Buddhist scriptures translated by the monk Shaluoba（沙啰巴） in the Yuan Dynasty. The main conclusions are as follows: (1) the voiced obstruents had devoiced; (2) labials had divided into two categories, and the value of fei initial（非母） and wei initial（微母） was [f] and [ɱ] respectively; (3) zhi group（知组） and zhao group（照组） had merged into retroflex consonants; (4) yi initial（疑母） in the first and second divisions, ying initial（影母） and yu initial（喻母）had all become zero initials; (5) the consonant clusters like tr- in Tibetan had developed into retroflex consonants not later than the time of Shaluoba’s life. According to the conclusions above, we reconstruct a Chinese initial system based on Shaluoba’s transcriptional corpus.]
漢語史學報 [Journal of Chinese Language History] 25: 227-240, Shanghai: Shanghai Educational Publishing House, 2021
慈賢是遼代譯經僧人，通過對他翻譯的密教經典中的譯音字進行對音分析，可以觀察遼代北方漢語的某些語音特征。本文在向筱路（2018）的基礎上，對慈賢譯《白傘蓋陀羅尼》的韻母對音情況進行研究，認爲慈賢譯... more 慈賢是遼代譯經僧人，通過對他翻譯的密教經典中的譯音字進行對音分析，可以觀察遼代北方漢語的某些語音特征。本文在向筱路（2018）的基礎上，對慈賢譯《白傘蓋陀羅尼》的韻母對音情況進行研究，認爲慈賢譯經所據的漢語具有如下主要特點：舌尖前元音可能已經產生；宕攝入聲字出現文白異讀；中古的重韻已經混同；三等字和四等字都有i介音；入聲韻尾弱化，-k尾保存得較好。由於教派傳承等原因，慈賢對音有沿襲唐代不空對音的情況，例如宕梗兩攝韻尾消變等，這需要我們在研究時將其剝離出來。 [Cí Xián (慈賢) is a monk in Liao Dynasty who translated several Tantra sutras. Thus, by analyzing his transcriptional corpus, we can observe some Chinese phonological features in Liao Dynasty. On the basis of Xiang (2018), in this article we continue our study on the finals of Sitātapātradhāraṇī (白傘蓋陀羅尼) translated by Cí Xián, and the main conclusions are as follow: Apical dental vowel [ɿ] may have appeared; there is a literary vs. colloquial distinction in rùshēng (入聲) rhymes of Dàng rhyme group (宕攝); the Middle Chinese chóngyùn (重韻) doublets have merged; there is medial -i- both in Division III and Division IV; stop endings of rùshēng rhymes have weakened, but the -k ending is better maintained. Due to the religious inheritage and some other reasons, Cí Xián carried on some transcriptional traditions from Amogha (不空) in Tang Dynasty, like the weakening of endings in Dàng and Gěng rhyme groups (梗攝), which reminds us of separating the heterogeneous elements in the research.]
2019年，段晴先生刊佈了一件完整的于闐語《無垢淨光陀羅尼》，其中的陀羅尼和唐代僧人彌陀山的漢譯本可以對應。本文對其進行對音研究，分析彌陀山漢譯本中的陀羅尼反映出的漢語語音特點，主要有：鼻音聲母... more 2019年，段晴先生刊佈了一件完整的于闐語《無垢淨光陀羅尼》，其中的陀羅尼和唐代僧人彌陀山的漢譯本可以對應。本文對其進行對音研究，分析彌陀山漢譯本中的陀羅尼反映出的漢語語音特點，主要有：鼻音聲母不帶同部位的濁塞音；端、知兩組聲母分立，但是泥母和娘母混同；c組輔音只用章組聲母來對；脂、之兩韻混同，但與支韻有分別；陽聲韻尾沒有消變的跡象；三組入聲韻尾保留完整，收舌尖塞音尾的字有弱化現象。總體來看，這反映出唐代中原音的特點，與玄奘譯音的規律比較一致。此外，對音材料也表明晚期于闐語中t與tt、r與rr的讀音沒有差別。文章最後列出對音字譜，方便讀者核對和利用。 [In 2019, Prof. Duan Qing deciphered and published a complete scroll of Khotanese Raśmivimalaviśuddhaprabhā-nāma-dhāraṇī, the dhāraṇī parts of which can match the Chinese version translated by Mitraśānta ( 彌陀山 ), a monk in the Tang Dynasty. This paper presents a study on the transcriptions of this sutra, to reveal some Chinese phonological features reflected in these dhāraṇī materials. The main conclusions are the following: 1)The nasal initials are pure nasal sounds, without voiced stops of the same place of articulation. 2) Duan group ( 端 組 ) and Zhi group ( 知組 ) are separated, but Ni initial (泥母) and Niang initial (娘母) are merged. 3)The ca group in Sanskrit is transcribed by Zhang group ( 章組 ) in Chinese. 4) Zhi rhyme (脂韻 ) and Zhi rhyme ( 之韻 ) are merged, but they keep distinct from Zhi group ( 支韻). 5)There is no sign of weakening in the rhymes of a nasal ending. 6)The three kinds of stop endings are well preserved, and there is some weakening in the rhymes ending with -t. In general, the phonological features of the transcriptions in this sutra are consistent with those of Xuanzang ( 玄奘 ), which reflect the dialect of Central Plains in the Tang Dynasty. Moreover, the transcriptions also prove that there is no phonetic distinction between t and tt, r and rr in Late Khotanese. There is also a transcriptional corpus at the end of the article for further examination and use.]
關於于闐國名的研究一直受到學術界關注，最近段晴先生撰寫了《于闐國名之新考》，提出了新的見解。本文着重從語言學的角度，在段文的基礎上，對《大唐西域記》中記載的“于闐”“渙（漢）那”“屈丹”等名稱的... more 關於于闐國名的研究一直受到學術界關注，最近段晴先生撰寫了《于闐國名之新考》，提出了新的見解。本文着重從語言學的角度，在段文的基礎上，對《大唐西域記》中記載的“于闐”“渙（漢）那”“屈丹”等名稱的對音形式進行考察。 [It has always attracted scholars ’ attention about the studies on the names of Khotan. Ｒecently， Professor Duan Qing has written a paper " A New Approcah to the Name of the Ancient Kingdom of Khotan" in which she has put forward some new ideas. In this paper here， we will make further demonstration and complement to her opinions， especially from the linguistic perspective.]
中文學術前沿 [Chinese Frontier of Language and Literature] 11: 146-155, Hangzhou: Zhejiang University Press, 2018
利用梵漢對音研究漢語音韻學是重要而有效的方法。本文利用這種方法，對慈賢譯《一切如來白傘蓋大佛頂陀羅尼經》的聲母狀況進行研究。慈賢譯經在聲母上有以下特點：全濁聲母讀送氣音；次濁鼻音聲母帶同部位濁塞... more 利用梵漢對音研究漢語音韻學是重要而有效的方法。本文利用這種方法，對慈賢譯《一切如來白傘蓋大佛頂陀羅尼經》的聲母狀況進行研究。慈賢譯經在聲母上有以下特點：全濁聲母讀送氣音；次濁鼻音聲母帶同部位濁塞音成分；全濁聲母除匣母外未見明顯清化現象；主要用精組字對梵語的腭音，日母字對梵語的塞擦音j。
國學學刊 [Research in the Traditions of Chinese Culture] 3: 117-122, 2015
本文在前人研究的基礎上，以《經典釋文》對“繫”字二十條音注爲基本材料，對“繫”的音義關係進行分析，歸納其音義配合規律：讀見母音時爲動詞，“連綴”之義，且多特指爲以下綴上、以末連本；讀匣母音表示“... more 本文在前人研究的基礎上，以《經典釋文》對“繫”字二十條音注爲基本材料，對“繫”的音義關係進行分析，歸納其音義配合規律：讀見母音時爲動詞，“連綴”之義，且多特指爲以下綴上、以末連本；讀匣母音表示“帶子”和“世系”的意思，在《周易》“繫辭”中也念匣母。文章還簡單分析了“繫”“係”“系”三字的關係，結合出土材料指出傳世《經典釋文》中的歧誤，並對辭書的修訂提出了意見。[On the basis of the predecessors’s studies, we focus on the 20 items of notations of Ji(繋) in Jingdian Shiwen(經典釋文) as the primary materials to analyze their phonetic-semantic relations, and sum up the principles. When pronounced as jian initial(見母), the word Ji uses as a verb, denoting“to put together”, especially“to put a small or minor thing to a big or major one”; when pronounced as Xia initial(匣母), the word Xi(繫) means“band”and“genealogy”, and also in Xici(繋辭) of Zhouyi(周易). Besides, the relationship of Ji(繋), Ji(係) and Xi(系) is briefly analyzed in the paper. Enlightened by the relationship and compared with the unearthed documents we can make sure that there’s a mistake about Ji( “係”) and Xi( “系”) in most versions of Jingdian Shiwen in printed editions. Lastly, some suggestions about emendation of these entries in the dictionaries are put forward.]
Derivation by sound alternation refers to the process of deriving new words by the alternation of... more Derivation by sound alternation refers to the process of deriving new words by the alternation of phonemes within the monosyllable in Classical Chinese. Derivation by complex sound alternation is a subcategory of that, which undergoes the alternation of two or three elements of initial, final and tone. In this thesis, we describe more than 50 pairs of cognate words, and further explore the quality, the status and some other theoretical issues of derivation by sound alternation in Classical Chinese. When a word has several pronunciations which differentiate meanings, the authors of yīnyì literatures (音義文獻) in Medieval China often exploit variant pronunciations to indicate that there can be different interpretations about this word. These materials help us to reconstruct the semantic chain. In the process of derivation by sound alternation, base and derived forms can further derive new lexical items respectively. Given the characteristics of Classical Chinese corpus, the macro-distribution and micro-distribution of the lexical items will help us to distinguish the semantic nodes. If they have different macro-distribution, the meanings are different too; if they share the same meaning, the macro-distribution can be the same, but the micro-distribution must be different. The study of colexification and parallel semantic extensions will help us to make sure whether the semantic connection agree with the language universals. And the study of derivation by sound alternation in Classical Chinese will also contribute to the typology of semantic change. Derivation by sound alternation in Chinese belongs to derivational morphology. There are about only 5.36% that undergo sound alternation in causatives in Old Chinese, which is not quantitatively productive, and the generative process is neither parallel nor general. Thus there is no morphological causative in Old Chinese. The noun-verb conversion shares the same situation. In the monosyllabic semantic matching pairs of Lún Yǔ (論語), only 9.72% differ in pronunciation, which indicates that in Old Chinese derivation within monosyllable words, derivation without sound alternation occupies the vast majority. The altered sound is not a morphophoneme, and doesn't affect the meaning, but every component contributes to the overall meaning in the process of structural word-formation. Thus, there is no specific rule to predict whether the sound is altered about similar semantic changes. The semantic implicitness of monosyllable word-formation is an important factor of the Chinese disyllabic evolution. It is a scientific and necessary apporoach to study the pronunciation-meaning match in Old Chinese through yīnyì literatures in Medieval China. The pronunciation-meaning match is of historical inheritance, but may vary over time, and internal and social factors can both contribute to the change. Sound alternation in derivation will differentiate words, but is also subject to the phonological system at that time. As a consequence, derived items from a base form may have different sounds, and may share the same pronunciation by analogy. The sound of the derived form may fall or avoid the slot of the phonological system.
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