School of Global Japanese Studies

This paper discusses major findings of MIPEX for Japan. 1) The authors were two of the three reviewers when MIPEX was applied to Japanese migrant integration policy in 2010. 2) In terms of the overall scores, Japan ranks as one of the lowest, that is, the 32th out of 37 countries. Among the seven policy areas, particularly low were anti-discrimination and education, followed by political participation and citizenship. The major weakness in anti-discrimination policy lies in the lack of an anti-discrimination law while that of education policy originates in several factors, including insufficient consideration of special needs of foreign children and the lack of intercultural education for all children.

This paper discusses major findings of MIPEX for Japan. 1) The authors were two of the three reviewers when MIPEX was applied to Japanese migrant integration policy in 2010. 2) In terms of the overall scores, Japan ranks as one of the lowest, that is, the 32th out of 37 countries. Among the seven policy areas, particularly low were anti-discrimination and education, followed by political participation and citizenship. The major weakness in anti-discrimination policy lies in the lack of an anti-discrimination law while that of education policy originates in several factors, including insufficient consideration of special needs of foreign children and the lack of intercultural education for all children. In the concluding section, this paper summarizes the major findings and policy implications for Japan as well as raising some issues concerning limitations of MIPEX.

This paper discusses major findings of MIPEX for Japan. 1) The authors were two of the three reviewers when MIPEX was applied to Japanese migrant integration policy in 2010. 2) In terms of the overall scores, Japan ranks as one of the lowest, that is, the 32th out of 37 countries. Among the seven policy areas, particularly low were anti-discrimination and education, followed by political participation and citizenship. The major weakness in anti-discrimination policy lies in the lack of an anti-discrimination law while that of education policy originates in several factors, including insufficient consideration of special needs of foreign children and the lack of intercultural education for all children. In the concluding section, this paper summarizes the major findings and policy implications for Japan as well as raising some issues concerning limitations of MIPEX.

This paper explores the variability of genres in the Balanced Corpus of Contemporary Written Japanese using the modifier-verb ratio proposed by Kabashima and Jukaku (1965). Using bagplots to quantify the relation between noun and modifier-verb ratios for each genre, an attempt is made to classify genres on the scale of descriptive to summative according to . Our initial analysis confirms previous research results, while at the same time uncovering some contradictions in the ratios of the genre of magazines.

作文支援ツール「なつめ」は様々なジャンルを含む日本語の大規模コーパスの用例をもとにし、学 習者の作文目的に沿った語の選択の支援を可能にするものである。本稿では、上級日本語学習者のア カデミックなレポート作成において、「なつめ」を使用することが共起表現産出に有効であるか否か を検証した。「なつめ」使用と非使用によって得られた作文から共起表現を抽出し、意味、構文、及 びレジスターの評価得点を比較した結果、すべての項目において「なつめ」使用の有効性を確認した。 キーワード：ジャンル、レジスター、共起、コーパス、作文支援ツール、学習者評価実験 １．はじめに 日本の大学に入学した留学生はレポート作成を課 せられているが、高度な教材を用いた読解授業が終 了した上級に至っても、レポート文作成のスキーマ を持たない 1),2) 。留学生は日常利用している辞書を 参照すれば意味はわかるが、例文が少ない上、レポ ートの表現として適切かどうかの情報がないため、 自らの表現に確信が持てない。この問題の解決を図 るため、我々は大規模コーパスを利用し、自然言語 処理および統計的手法に基づいて、適切な共起表現 と例文が 提示できる作 文 支 援 ツ ー ル 「 な つ め」 (http://hinoki.ryu.titech.ac.jp/natsume)を開 発している 3) 。ここで共起というのは、ある語と語 が同時に出現することである。第二言語習得では、 学習者の母語と第二言語の間で、異なる共起表現を 用いることがある。 例えば、 英語母語話者が 「to make tea」を日本語で表現するときに、直訳の「お茶を作 る」ではなく「お茶を淹れる」にしなければならな い。本稿では、 「お茶」に対する共起語を「作る」 「淹 れる」から選択して適切な共起表現を得るというプ ロセスの場面を大学におけるレポート作成において １ 東京工業大学大学院社会理工学研究科後期博士課程 2 年 ２ 国立情報研究所特任助教 ３ 筑波大学大学院・留学生センター教授 ４ 東京工業大学留学生センター教授 考え、適切な共起表現にするための支援の可能性を レポート作成実験によって検証する。 ２．共起とレジスター ２章ではレポート作成のための共起表現産出支援 についての仮説を提示するために、格文法における 共起表現の位置づけ、機能文法におけるレジスター とジャンルに関する理論、さらに第二言語習得にお ける共起表現の重要性を示す。これらから、 「 『なつ め』は論理的で正確なレポート作成のための言語産 出活動を支援し得る」という仮説を提示する。 ２．１ 共起の定義 一般に「共起(co-occurrence)とはテクストや文 において、ある語とある語が同時に出現すること」 と定義され、その中で有意に高い確率で出現する共 起がコロケーションと呼ばれている。本稿では、係 り受け関係にある【名詞-格助詞-用言】からなる三 つ組を便宜的に共起表現と呼ぶ。図１に示す構文構 造では、破線で囲んだ箇所が共起表現に該当する。 例文１：システムには、減衰が速いモードならびに 振動周波数が大きいモードが含まれる。 注１ ２．２ 共起表現と格文法の関係 英語を元にした格文法では１文の中心は verb に 図１ 構文木における共起表現の例 あり、その verb に複数の名詞が結合し、意味のある 文となると考えられている 4) 。日本語では動詞、形 容詞、形容動詞を含む用言がここでいう verb に 相 当し、その用言に複数の名詞がそれぞれ格助詞を介 して、 【名詞-格助詞-用言】という係り受けの組み合 わせを構成する。例えば、格文法を用いて図１を説 明すると、文の核となる動詞「含まれる」が最下段 に示され、二つの名詞「モード」が「が」格、そし て名詞「システム」が「に」格を取り、１文を構成 している。アカデミックな分野の文章は特に構文の 規範性を維持し、意味的にも誤解のない文を構成す ることを優先するものであるため、厳密な格関係を 明示することが必要である。 ２．３ 共起表現とジャンルの関係 文法的な正確さに加え、論文らしい表現のための 言葉の使い分けも重要である。表現の論文らしい言 葉の使い分けに関しては Halliday の機能文法理論 がある 5),6) 。Halliday は言語を社会におけるコミュ ニケーション遂行の手段であるとし、言語のコンテ 延べ共起数 異なり共起数 文字数 科学技術論文 340 174 6,108 BCCWJ: 書籍 2,955 1,608 53,801 Yahoo!知恵袋

Regarding the construction of an ontology of Japanese lexical properties (JLP-O) as fundamental in terms of establishing a conceptual framework to guide and facilitate the construction of a large-scale lexical resource (LR) database of the Japanese lexicon, this paper primarily focuses on two major concerns for the construction of the JLP-O. The first is to map out and appropriately structure the numerous lexical and psycholinguistic properties, or variables, associated with the Japanese lexicon. The second concern is to specify an appropriate range of lexical entries classes within the JLP-O. Both concerns have far-reaching implications for effectively capturing the rich patterns of interconnections among lexical entries and lexical properties and thus for realizing a multifunctional LR. After discussing the solutions integrated into the current Resource Description Framework (RDF) representation of the JLP-O, the paper also briefly describes the extraction of a corpus-based lexicon from the recently released Balanced Corpus of Contemporary Written Japanese (BCCWJ; , an authoritative sampling of the contemporary Japanese lexicon. Categorized according to the JLP-O's range of lexical entry classes, and supplemented with orthographic variant and decomposition information, the BCCWJ-based lexicon represents a key reference LR for constructing the large-scale LR.

The Russian government has recently elevated the “Asia dimension” in its national
energy strategy, viewing Asia-Pacific as the most attractive market due to the high
energy demand, stable energy prices, and various business opportunities for Russian
energy suppliers. Furthermore, Russia’s authorities realize the importance of
attracting international financial and technological assistance for the development of
the rich energy base and infrastructure in the remote areas of Eastern Siberia and the
Far East. To achieve these goals, boosting energy cooperation with its partners in the
Asia-Pacific, particularly Japan (the region’s second largest economy and one of the
world’s top energy consumers) is crucial. This paper addresses recent major
developments in Russia-Japan energy relations, focusing on the two countries’
cooperation in the Russian Far East and Eastern Siberia. Given the geographical
proximity, complementary economic needs, and desire to diversify their respective
energy policies, Japan and Russia should naturally seek to expand their energy
relations with each other. In addition to their cooperation in crude oil and natural gas,
since both Japan’s and Russia’s national energy strategies emphasize the
improvement of energy efficiency, promotion of renewable energy resources,
conservation of energy resources, and advancement of clean technologies, it is
important that they seek to expand their cooperation in these areas as well. In
conclusion, the paper provides an assessment of the future prospects of the bilateral
energy cooperation in the context of the two countries’ relations as a whole.

The territorial dispute over the four southernmost Kuril Islands of Shikotan, Kunashir, Iturup, and the Habomai Islets, has dominated the political, economic, and even cultural relations between the Soviet Union/Russia and Japan during the past sixty years. Because of the dispute over the “Northern territories” (as Japan calls them) or the “Southern Kurils” (as Russia refers to them), the two countries are still technically at war, since a peace treaty following World War II has never been signed and the borders have not been settled. The unresolved territorial dispute between Japan and Russia remains the largest obstacle to fully normalizing bilateral relations between the two nations.

In addition to examining the impact of the territorial dispute on the Japanese-Soviet/Russian relations, this paper examines the two countries’ relations from the perspective of mutual perceptions.  This paper argues that the Kuril territorial dispute has presented a major obstacle in Japan and the USSR/Russia’s improving their mutual trust as well as has greatly affected the two nations’ perceptions of each other. The paper in particular raises the questions why the domestic attitudes in Japan have been consistently negative towards Russia and less approving of any compromise on the territorial issue, while those in Russia have significantly improved in recent years. In addition to the analysis of why there has not been any breakthrough in the bilateral relations, this paper offers a broader view, by tracking the evolution of the mutual perceptions/public opinion as well as national and regional sentiments in both countries and examining the relationship of the “regional/local” factor and its influence on the two countries’ relations vis-à-vis one another.

Drawing on many resources, including opinion polls from both countries, this paper attempts to offers a complex, balanced approach and uses an analytical framework that incorporates both national and local factors to discuss this relatively less-explored area of Japanese-Russian relations.

Abstract
This paper will focus on the Karafuto-jin – a community of former citizens of the Japanese colony of Karafuto (presently southern Sakhalin) – and their role in Japanese-Soviet/Russian relations. It will examine the Karafuto-jin’s identity formation as one of Japan’s “other” groups during the Karafuto era (1905-1945) and as a special group of returnees from Japan’s colonial empire (or Japan’s “burden citizens”), following their repatriation. In addition, the paper will discuss their resistance to the Soviet invasion and repatriation from Karafuto following Japan’s defeat in World-War II, as well as the impact of their political mobilization and activities on Japan’s policy towards the Soviet Union and later Russia.

The paper will begin with a brief history of Karafuto, drawing on the early Japanese-Russian border settlements and the transformation of Karafuto’s administrative status during WWII. It will analyze the transformation of the Karafuto-jin’s sociopolitical status in the aftermath of the Karafuto’s cessation and handover to the USSR in 1945, exploring the nature of various problems associated with the return of the Karafuto-jin from the Soviet Sakhalin back to Japan and a lack of efficient government policy to help them repatriate, which prompted their political mobilization and the establishment of their official organization – the National League of Former Citizens of Karafuto (“Zenkoku Karafuto Renmei;” thereafter – the “Karafuto Renmei”) – in 1949.

By examining the history and political activities of the Karafuto Renmei, the paper will also highlight the ways by which the Karafuto-jin have influenced (and strive to continue to influence) Japanese general public’s perceptions of the USSR/Russia, their role in shaping Tokyo’s official policy toward Moscow in the postwar era, as well as their legacy in Japanese society. The analysis of the Karafuto-jin’s political and social roles will be put in the context of contemporary Japanese-Russian relations, with particular attention given to the “Sakhalin Question” in Japan’s Soviet/Russia policy in the post-WWII period and their demands for the return of Japan's "Northern Territories" (four islands in the Southern Kuriles) and Karafuto (Southern Sakhalin) occupied by the Soviet Union in the final days of WWII. Finally, based on the interviews with the leaders of the Karafuto Renmei and a collection of questionnaire responses from Karafuto Renmei’s members, the paper will conclude with a discussion of the Karafuto-jin’s current status and role in Japanese society, as well as future prospects of their political organizations and activities.

Keywords: Karafuto, Sakhalin, Kurile Islands, Japanese-Russian relations, Japanese-Soviet relations

Suggested Citation:
Vassiliouk, Svetlana, The Karafuto-Jin and Their Role in Japanese-Soviet/Russian Relations (2012). APSA 2012 Annual Meeting Paper, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2110900

Relations between Japan and Russia have a long history entangled in rivalry, political tension, and misapprehension. Due to a decades-old territorial row over the four Kuril Islands and the consequential absence of a peace treaty, Russia and Japan have been unable to fully normalize their relations. During Vladimir Putin's third presidential term (2012-2018), because of his close relations and frequent meetings with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, the relations between Russia and Japan have reached a high level of cooperation in the political, strategic, economic, and cultural fields. However, the persistent differences in the two countries' official positions on the Kuril dispute make it unlikely that a breakthrough in the peace treaty negotiations or the territorial settlement can be reached in the near future. This paper offers an assessment of Russia's Japan policy after Putin's return to the Russian presidency in May 2012. It examines the key developments in Russia's policy toward Japan in the context of Russia's strategy of the "pivot" toward Asia that highlights the importance of Japan as Russia's partner in trade, energy, strategic and international cooperation. The paper concludes by addressing the prospects for the full normalization of Russia-Japan ties in the context of the regional stability in the Asia-Pacific Region.