Papers by Samir Alabdullah PhD
Arab Center for Contemporary Syrian Studies, 2025
2024 Aralık ayında Esed rejiminin çöküşüyle birlikte Türkiye’deki Suriyeli sığınmacılar meselesi ... more 2024 Aralık ayında Esed rejiminin çöküşüyle birlikte Türkiye’deki Suriyeli sığınmacılar meselesi yeni bir evreye girmiştir. Bu gelişme, geçici koruma statüsünün devam edip etmeyeceği, kaldırılması durumunda hangi hukuki, siyasi ve ekonomik seçeneklerin ortaya çıkacağı gibi tartışmaları gündeme getirmiştir. Çalışma, Suriyelilerin Türkiye’deki statülerini hukuki ve siyasi açıdan incelemekte, Türk mevzuatı ve uluslararası yaklaşımları karşılaştırmalı olarak analiz etmekte ve mevcut duruma ilişkin pratik seçenekler sunmayı amaçlamaktadır.
يتناول هذا البحث نشأة جمعية بيروت الإصلاحية عام 1913 في سياق التحولات السياسية الحادة التي شهدتها... more يتناول هذا البحث نشأة جمعية بيروت الإصلاحية عام 1913 في سياق التحولات السياسية الحادة التي شهدتها الدولة العثمانية بعد حروب البلقان، والتي كشفت عن ضعف السلطنة وأثارت مخاوف العرب من الأطماع الأجنبية، خاصة الفرنسية والبريطانية. في ظل هذه المخاوف، طالب مثقفو بيروت، وغالبيتهم من المسلمين، بإصلاحات إدارية واسعة على قاعدة اللامركزية الإدارية، تهدف إلى تعزيز استقلال الولايات العربية ضمن إطار الدولة العثمانية. يركز البحث على دور والي بيروت أدهم باشا، الذي سعى لامتصاص الاحتقان من خلال تشكيل لجنة لصياغة لائحة إصلاحية. أسفرت هذه الجهود عن ولادة "جمعية بيروت الإصلاحية"، التي ضمّت نخبة من أبناء مختلف الطوائف، وطرحت مطالب تشمل استخدام اللغة العربية، تعزيز الصلاحيات المحلية، انتخاب مجلس عمومي، وتحديد صلاحيات المستشارين الأجانب في الولاية. لكن رغم الطابع الإصلاحي الجامع للجمعية، يكشف الباحث عن الانقسام الخفي بين توجهات المسلمين الساعين لإصلاح داخلي ضمن الدولة، وبعض المسيحيين الذين رأوا في الحماية الفرنسية أو ضم بيروت إلى جبل لبنان بديلاً مرغوبًا. وينتهي البحث إلى أن الجمعية كانت نموذجًا لمحاولة تأسيس صيغة عربية إصلاحية تحفظ كيان الدولة وتمنع التدخل الأجنبي، لكنها حملت في طياتها بذور التباين السياسي والطائفي الذي استغل لاحقًا من القوى الاستعمارية.
Ortadoğu Etütleri, 2021
كان الدين أحد القضايا الجدلية التي كانت مثاراً للنقاش أثناء كتابة الدساتير السورية، وكان هناك تيا... more كان الدين أحد القضايا الجدلية التي كانت مثاراً للنقاش أثناء كتابة الدساتير السورية، وكان هناك تياران أحدهما يريد تعزيز دور الدين ومكانته في الدستور، وتيار آخر يرفض إعطاء مكانة مميزة لدين معين في الدستور، لأن ذلك برأيهم يحول دون المساواة بين المواطنين، وخاصة مسألة اعتبار الفقه الإسلامي مصدراً للتشريع، أو اشتراط دين معين لرئيس الجمهورية. كان يتم اللجوء للنقاش للوصول لحل وسط وتوافقي بين كل تلك الأطراف، وبعد 2011 ونتيجة ماتعيشه سوريا في الفترة الأخيرة عاد الجدل الدستوري، حيث هناك محاولة لكتابة دستور جديد، وسيعود الجدل لهذه المسألة وغيرها من المسائل. وهناك مخاوف من تبني نصوص دستورية متعارضة في جوهرها ومضمونها لإرضاء العديد من الأطراف، وإفراغ بعض النصوص الدستورية من مضمونها بتبني نصوص دستورية معارضة لها تماماً، فضلاً عن محاولات إرضاء فئات ولو على حساب تجاهل مخاوف فئات أخرى من الشعب ذاته، إضافةً إلى تجاهل لمبدأ المواطنة من خلال التمييز بين المواطنين على أساس الانتماء والعقيدة الدينية.
Harmoon Center for Contemporary Studies, 2022
Syria has witnessed continuous migration throughout its history, both to and from it. However, fo... more Syria has witnessed continuous migration throughout its history, both to and from it. However, following the outbreak of the revolution in 2011 migration waves from Syria have surged, and millions of Syrians were forced to leave their country or flee to other areas inside Syria. As regime violence increased — suppressing demonstrators to the point of bombing cities with planes and barrel bombs — so did the migration waves. Nonetheless, with the near cessation of military operations after 2019, a new form of migration has emerged: migration from areas controlled by the Syrian regime that do not witness military operations.
Harmoon Center for Contemporary Studies, 2022
As Turkey heads toward elections in 2023, the debate about the Syrian refugees is playing a sig... more As Turkey heads toward elections in 2023, the debate about the Syrian refugees is playing a significant role in Turkish political discourse and on social media platforms. Meanwhile, opposition parties see the problem as an opportunity to gain votes and to criticize the AKP government for its inability to handle the crisis successfully.
The following study aims to analyze the attitudes of Turkish political parties towards Syrians living in Turkey by examining the prevailing views on their presence, the issue of citizenship, employment, normalization with the Syrian regime, and their future in Turkey. It compares attitudes and motives and forecasts the future of the Syrian refugees in the case that one of the parties wins the elections. To do this official party statements made by party leaders and prominent members were reviewed as well as official websites and social media platforms.
The main conclusion of the study is that a party’s ideological background, the nature of its electoral base, and its attitude towards the AKP government play a major role in determining its position on the topic of Syrians. This is especially true because the Syrian issue in Turkey is handled by the President and his government.
The study found discrepancies between the attitudes of the electoral base and those of party leadership, which are believed to be caused by the influence of Turkish social media and the general lack of transparency regarding the problem.
Most Turkish parties agree on the need for Syrians to return to their homeland but disagree on the timing and mechanism of return. Although they collectively recognize the need for a political solution to the Syrian crisis, they hold different opinions regarding the Turkish military presence in Syria. There is also major opposition to naturalization and informal employment.
The nationalist parties are known as the hardest of the hard-liners on the issue of Syrians, most notably the Victory Party, while the conservative parties are the most moderate in this, despite their disagreement with the AKP government regarding some of the issues. The Syrian problem is expected to be among the three main talking points of the 2023 campaigns occupying a large part of election strategies, especially the issues of employment and naturalization.
The study found that the Syrian opposition is responsible to a great extent for the attitudes of some political parties in Turkey because generally its institutions have not been communicating with Turkish parties about the Syrian refugees in Turkey. This has resulted in a lack of understanding among the Turkish parties about the issues, particularly the problems of return and normalization with the regime. The study noted that the escalation of hate speech is generally linked to the economic crisis and its consequences from the cost of living and high inflation to the eagerness of opposition parties to exploit these pressures for electoral gain.
مركز دراسات الشرق الأوسط (أورسام), 2020
مجلة شؤون الشرق الأوسط, 2021
مركز دراسات الشرق الأوسط (أورسام), 2020
مركز دراسات الشرق الأوسط (أورسام), 2020
مركز دراسات الشرق الأوسط (أورسام), 2019
مركز حرمون للدراسات المعاصرة , 2023
مجلة شؤون الشرق الأوسط, 2022
مركز دراسات الشرق الأوسط (أورسام), 2021
مركز دراسات الشرق الأوسط (أورسام), 2021
مركز دراسات الشرق الأوسط (أورسام), 2021
مركز حرمون للدراسات المعاصرة , 2025
مركز حرمون للدراسات المعاصرة , 2025
مركز حرمون للدراسات المعاصرة, 2025
مركز حرمون للدراسات المعاصرة , 2024
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Papers by Samir Alabdullah PhD
The following study aims to analyze the attitudes of Turkish political parties towards Syrians living in Turkey by examining the prevailing views on their presence, the issue of citizenship, employment, normalization with the Syrian regime, and their future in Turkey. It compares attitudes and motives and forecasts the future of the Syrian refugees in the case that one of the parties wins the elections. To do this official party statements made by party leaders and prominent members were reviewed as well as official websites and social media platforms.
The main conclusion of the study is that a party’s ideological background, the nature of its electoral base, and its attitude towards the AKP government play a major role in determining its position on the topic of Syrians. This is especially true because the Syrian issue in Turkey is handled by the President and his government.
The study found discrepancies between the attitudes of the electoral base and those of party leadership, which are believed to be caused by the influence of Turkish social media and the general lack of transparency regarding the problem.
Most Turkish parties agree on the need for Syrians to return to their homeland but disagree on the timing and mechanism of return. Although they collectively recognize the need for a political solution to the Syrian crisis, they hold different opinions regarding the Turkish military presence in Syria. There is also major opposition to naturalization and informal employment.
The nationalist parties are known as the hardest of the hard-liners on the issue of Syrians, most notably the Victory Party, while the conservative parties are the most moderate in this, despite their disagreement with the AKP government regarding some of the issues. The Syrian problem is expected to be among the three main talking points of the 2023 campaigns occupying a large part of election strategies, especially the issues of employment and naturalization.
The study found that the Syrian opposition is responsible to a great extent for the attitudes of some political parties in Turkey because generally its institutions have not been communicating with Turkish parties about the Syrian refugees in Turkey. This has resulted in a lack of understanding among the Turkish parties about the issues, particularly the problems of return and normalization with the regime. The study noted that the escalation of hate speech is generally linked to the economic crisis and its consequences from the cost of living and high inflation to the eagerness of opposition parties to exploit these pressures for electoral gain.