We propose a unifying analysis of two readings – exclusive and approximative – of the Hebrew part... more We propose a unifying analysis of two readings – exclusive and approximative – of the Hebrew particle be-sax ha-kol, arguing that under both the particle is a scalar focus sensitive exclusive, expressing a positive and a negative inference, i.e. the truth of its prejacent and the exclusion of stronger focus alternatives, respectively. The difference between the readings is argued to derive from a minimal difference in the overtness vs. covertness of the focus associate of be-sax ha-kol: Whereas the exclusive reading is standardly derived by associating the particle with overt and prosodically marked material, the approximative reading results from its association with the covert pos modifier of gradable expressions, resulting in an “x is pos A, but not maximally A” inference.We show that this approximative reading is only licensed when the scale associated with the gradable expression is upper-bound, but the standard of comparison is not necessarily maximal, pace Kennedy & McNally (...
We offer a unified analysis of the Hebrew be-sax ha-kol (‘all in all’), according to which it is ... more We offer a unified analysis of the Hebrew be-sax ha-kol (‘all in all’), according to which it is a scalar exclusive particle, under a modified definition of exclusives we develop. We claim that be-sax ha-kol differs from classical exclusives particles like only in that it is more flexible with respect to the set of alternatives to its prejacent. In particular, it can operate not only on “Roothian ” alternatives to the prejacent, but also on different interpretational versions of the prejacent. We show how this proposal accounts for the fact that unlike only, be-sax ha-kol can trigger not only a clearly ‘exclusive ’ reading, but also an ‘approximative ’ one. We discuss the projective behavior of the prejacent of be-sax ha-kol in this reading, and the fact that it is infelicitous with L(ower)–scale adjectives. 1.
We offer a unified analysis of the Hebrew be-sax ha-kol ('all in all'), according to whic... more We offer a unified analysis of the Hebrew be-sax ha-kol ('all in all'), according to which it is a scalar exclusive particle, under a modified definition of exclusives we develop. We claim that be-sax ha-kol differs from classical exclusives particles like only in that it is more flexible with respect to the set of alternatives to its prejacent. In particular, it can operate not only on "Roothian" alternatives to the prejacent, but also on different interpretational versions of the prejacent. We show how this proposal accounts for the fact that unlike only, be-sax ha-kol can trigger not only a clearly 'exclusive' reading, but also an 'approximative' one. We discuss the projective behavior of the prejacent of be-sax ha-kol in this reading, and the fact that it is infelicitous with L(ower) –scale adjectives.
We offer a unified analysis of the Hebrew be-sax ha-kol ('all in all'), according to which it is ... more We offer a unified analysis of the Hebrew be-sax ha-kol ('all in all'), according to which it is a scalar exclusive particle, under a modified definition of exclusives we develop. We claim that be-sax ha-kol differs from classical exclusives particles like only in that it is more flexible with respect to the set of alternatives to its prejacent. In particular, it can operate not only on "Roothian" alternatives to the prejacent, but also on different interpretational versions of the prejacent. We show how this proposal accounts for the fact that unlike only, be-sax ha-kol can trigger not only a clearly 'exclusive' reading, but also an 'approximative' one. We discuss the projective behavior of the prejacent of be-sax ha-kol in this reading, and the fact that it is infelicitous with L(ower) –scale adjectives.
The rich semantic-pragmatic research on typologies of even-like particles has identified several ... more The rich semantic-pragmatic research on typologies of even-like particles has identified several parameters along which such particles vary, both within, and across many languages, e.g. the logical properties of the licensing environment (e.g. negative/DE/ UE), high/low position of the prejacent in the scale, and the presence of additive vs. exclusive presuppositions (e.g. Guerzoni,2003, Giannakidou,2007, Gast & van-der-Auwera,2011,2013, Crnič 2011). Other parameters, reported more sporadically for individual languages, seem more contextual/discursive in nature, e.g. high/low degree of contextual saliency of the prejacent (Schwenter & Vasishth,2001), (in)ability to use contextually-based scales (Giannakidou,2007, Tomaszewicz,2012A), and (in)ability to function as ‘discourse even’ in questions (Iatridou & Tetevosov,2016). In light of such parameters we first examine the family of even-like particles in Modern Hebrew (which hasn’t been done so far), mainly afilu, ve-lu, af and bixlal. We show that accounting for the full range of differences between these particles requires (a) adding a new parameter to the existing typologies, namely the (in)ability to operate over domain-based/degree-based alternatives (cf. Greenberg 2014, Chierchia 2013) and (b) a fined-grained characterization of existing ‘context/discourse’-based parameters, e.g. the ability to function as ‘discourse-even’ on corrections/denials, besides questions. This last parameter may be more generally characterized as (in)ability to operate over speech act alternatives. We then compare the resulting even-like typology with the (as yet much more limited) typologies developed for only-like particles in e.g. Beaver & Clark,2008, Coppock & Beaver,2014 (English), Tomaszewicz,2012B (Polish) and Orenstein & Greenberg,2012, Orenstein,2016 (Hebrew). This comparison reveals striking parallels in the parameters along which the Hebrew particles within both the even-family and the only-family vary. Such ‘shared’ parameters include (in)ability to operate over degree/domain-based alternatives, operation over logically-based vs. contextually-supplied scales and (in)ability to operate on questions and corrections/denials (i.e. over speech acts of different sorts). We suggest that, together with reported ‘flipped’ readings of some even-like particles as only-like (cf. Gast & Van-der-Awuera 2011, Tomaschevish,2012B, Grubic & Zimmermann,2011), such parallels further motivate the need for a unified and precise typology for the family of scalar particles cross-linguistically, and we take first steps in identifying some core properties of such a typology.
This paper propose a unifying analysis of two readings-exclusive and approximative-of the Hebrew ... more This paper propose a unifying analysis of two readings-exclusive and approximative-of the Hebrew particle be-sax ha-kol, arguing that under both readings the particle is a scalar focus sensitive exclusive, expressing a positive and a negative inference, i.e. the truth of its prejacent and the exclusion of stronger focus alternatives, respectively. The difference between the readings is argued to derive from a minimal difference in the overtness vs. covertness of the focus associate of be-sax ha-kol: Whereas the exclusive reading is standardly derived by associating the particle with overt and prosodically marked material, the approximative reading results from its association with the covert degree modifier pos modifying gradable expressions, resulting in an inference: "x is pos A, but not maximally A". We show that this reading of be-sax ha-kol is only licensed when the scale associated with the gradable expression is upper-bound, but the standard of comparison is not necessarily maximal, pace Kennedy & McNally 2005, and compare it with the effects of 'true' approximators (like more or less). We also observe that relative to only and to the exclusive reading of be-sax ha-kol, the (not) at-issueness status of the positive and negative components in the approximative reading is reversed, being at-issue vs. not-at-issue, respectively. We discuss this observation in light of claims about the mirror imaged status of components of only vs. p-exh argued in Bassi et al. 2019, and in light of theories arguing for the gradience and flexibility of at-issueness status of interpretive components and its sensitivity to information structure (as in Abrusán 2011, Tonhauser et a 2018, 2020).
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Papers by Dina Orenstein
be-sax ha-kol differs from classical exclusives particles like only in that it is more flexible with respect to the set of alternatives to its prejacent. In particular, it can operate not only on "Roothian" alternatives to the prejacent, but also on different interpretational versions of the prejacent. We show how this proposal accounts for the fact that unlike only, be-sax ha-kol can trigger not only a clearly 'exclusive' reading, but also an 'approximative' one. We discuss the projective behavior of the prejacent of be-sax ha-kol in this reading, and the fact that it is
infelicitous with L(ower) –scale adjectives.
Talks by Dina Orenstein
In light of such parameters we first examine the family of even-like particles in Modern Hebrew (which hasn’t been done so far), mainly afilu, ve-lu, af and bixlal. We show that accounting for the full range of differences between these particles requires (a) adding a new parameter to the existing typologies, namely the (in)ability to operate over domain-based/degree-based alternatives (cf. Greenberg 2014, Chierchia 2013) and (b) a fined-grained characterization of existing ‘context/discourse’-based parameters, e.g. the ability to function as ‘discourse-even’ on corrections/denials, besides questions. This last parameter may be more generally characterized as (in)ability to operate over speech act alternatives.
We then compare the resulting even-like typology with the (as yet much more limited) typologies developed for only-like particles in e.g. Beaver & Clark,2008, Coppock & Beaver,2014 (English), Tomaszewicz,2012B (Polish) and Orenstein & Greenberg,2012, Orenstein,2016 (Hebrew). This comparison reveals striking parallels in the parameters along which the Hebrew particles within both the even-family and the only-family vary. Such ‘shared’ parameters include (in)ability to operate over degree/domain-based alternatives, operation over logically-based vs. contextually-supplied scales and (in)ability to operate on questions and corrections/denials (i.e. over speech acts of different sorts).
We suggest that, together with reported ‘flipped’ readings of some even-like particles as only-like (cf. Gast & Van-der-Awuera 2011, Tomaschevish,2012B, Grubic & Zimmermann,2011), such parallels further motivate the need for a unified and precise typology for the family of scalar particles cross-linguistically, and we take first steps in identifying some core properties of such a typology.
Drafts by Dina Orenstein