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with Tidy (see below) (Straker 1931: 402). The Raby-Master partnership was bankrupt in November 1764 but had been granted a Certificate of Conformity by May 1766, by which time Raby alone, by then of Southwark, had presumably purchased the lease of Gravetye Furnace, West Hoathly, for he contracted for orders of 4-500 tons from the Board in 1766.°" He cast guns at both places, for the Board and for the East India Company, boring only at the Warren, until his death in 1771. He was associated with a Mr Rogers. In 1770 he also ventured, somewhat unsuccessfully, into bronze casting. He was succeeded briefly by his son, Alexander (Hodgkinson 1978: 11-2). Edward Raby also ran Woodcock Hammer, Godstone, and, in 1767, Howbourne Forge, Buxted; two forges to cope, presumably, with the surplus from two furnaces. He was a member of the Drapers’ Company.”

Figure 20 with Tidy (see below) (Straker 1931: 402). The Raby-Master partnership was bankrupt in November 1764 but had been granted a Certificate of Conformity by May 1766, by which time Raby alone, by then of Southwark, had presumably purchased the lease of Gravetye Furnace, West Hoathly, for he contracted for orders of 4-500 tons from the Board in 1766.°" He cast guns at both places, for the Board and for the East India Company, boring only at the Warren, until his death in 1771. He was associated with a Mr Rogers. In 1770 he also ventured, somewhat unsuccessfully, into bronze casting. He was succeeded briefly by his son, Alexander (Hodgkinson 1978: 11-2). Edward Raby also ran Woodcock Hammer, Godstone, and, in 1767, Howbourne Forge, Buxted; two forges to cope, presumably, with the surplus from two furnaces. He was a member of the Drapers’ Company.”

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The Weald had dominated the English iron industry inthe sixteenth and early-seventeenth centuries but the scale of its original investment - furnaces and forges of low output by later standards - made it less able to meet the increasing demands for iron that a swelling population and a more urbanised society were making in the 1660s and after. Lists of Wealden ironworks in 1653 and 1664 show a decline of 22 furnaces and 24 forges in the intervening period, although a subsequent, and associated, list dated 1667, shows some had been revived and equipped for the ordnance trade with the incentive of business At the onset of the second half of the eighteenth century, the iron industry in Great Britain was embarking ona period of considerable change. Up to this time, it had been distinctly regional in character, with almost separate areas of activity; the Weald, Dean, south Yorkshire and Shropshire are examples. However, the coalescence of the iron producing regions in the west of England, together withthe efforts to unite opinion for or against imported iron, suggest that the industry was beginning to take on a more national character. Since the end of the Civil War, the growth of the industry in the West Midlands had been considerable, with the integration of high quality pig iron from furnaces in the Forest of Dean, and lower qualities from those in Worcestershire and Shropshire, carried to the Stour Valley for forging, slitting and rolling for the wire and nail industries there (Johnson 1951: 167-74). Pig iron from the west Midlands penetrated the east of England but and carriage costs reduced its competitiveness in the face of imported pig from Sweden, Russia and colonial America.’ The cheapness and high quality of imported iron displaced the bar iron made in the Weald which had supplied eastern England through the London market.
The Weald had dominated the English iron industry inthe sixteenth and early-seventeenth centuries but the scale of its original investment - furnaces and forges of low output by later standards - made it less able to meet the increasing demands for iron that a swelling population and a more urbanised society were making in the 1660s and after. Lists of Wealden ironworks in 1653 and 1664 show a decline of 22 furnaces and 24 forges in the intervening period, although a subsequent, and associated, list dated 1667, shows some had been revived and equipped for the ordnance trade with the incentive of business At the onset of the second half of the eighteenth century, the iron industry in Great Britain was embarking ona period of considerable change. Up to this time, it had been distinctly regional in character, with almost separate areas of activity; the Weald, Dean, south Yorkshire and Shropshire are examples. However, the coalescence of the iron producing regions in the west of England, together withthe efforts to unite opinion for or against imported iron, suggest that the industry was beginning to take on a more national character. Since the end of the Civil War, the growth of the industry in the West Midlands had been considerable, with the integration of high quality pig iron from furnaces in the Forest of Dean, and lower qualities from those in Worcestershire and Shropshire, carried to the Stour Valley for forging, slitting and rolling for the wire and nail industries there (Johnson 1951: 167-74). Pig iron from the west Midlands penetrated the east of England but and carriage costs reduced its competitiveness in the face of imported pig from Sweden, Russia and colonial America.’ The cheapness and high quality of imported iron displaced the bar iron made in the Weald which had supplied eastern England through the London market.
No increase in demand is observable with the entry of Spain into the war in 1762; indeed the Board of Ordnance began to decline tenders from its regular suppliers as early as 1760, because of the intensive build up of military and naval stores in the late-1750s.’ Once peace had been declared in September 1763, and Britain's supremacy in Canada and India established, the demand switched from large naval guns to smaller protective weaponry on merchant vessels, such as East Indiamen, with the India trade benefiting from the enlargement of British influence through the achievement of the commercial administration of Bengal in 1765. The American trade affected the iron industry in the Weald to a lesser extent, as the principal ports in England which served this trade were Bristol and Liverpool. The iron producing regions in the west of England were able to supply these ports more easily, especially after the war, during which a number of gunfounding furnaces had been brought into operation; the furnaces at Carmarthen, and Bersham in Flintshire, were supplying merchants during the war years.®
No increase in demand is observable with the entry of Spain into the war in 1762; indeed the Board of Ordnance began to decline tenders from its regular suppliers as early as 1760, because of the intensive build up of military and naval stores in the late-1750s.’ Once peace had been declared in September 1763, and Britain's supremacy in Canada and India established, the demand switched from large naval guns to smaller protective weaponry on merchant vessels, such as East Indiamen, with the India trade benefiting from the enlargement of British influence through the achievement of the commercial administration of Bengal in 1765. The American trade affected the iron industry in the Weald to a lesser extent, as the principal ports in England which served this trade were Bristol and Liverpool. The iron producing regions in the west of England were able to supply these ports more easily, especially after the war, during which a number of gunfounding furnaces had been brought into operation; the furnaces at Carmarthen, and Bersham in Flintshire, were supplying merchants during the war years.®
Both Harrison’s and Bowen’s purchases, while probably for different motives, would have taken into consideration the state of existing buildings and water systems at the time of purchase. Leasing ironworks carried less responsibility and liability; most were concerned with landlords’ rights to timber or fish, but lessees’ responsibilities in respect of the condition of the works at the end of the term seemto have caused some problems. Negotiations had to be carried out between Sir Whistler Webster and George Jukes before John Churchill was satisfied with the condition of Robertsbridge forge prior to taking a lease of the site in 1754 (Whittick 1992: 56-62). Premature termination of a lease was also a cause for concern; the condition of Hawksden forge, following the bankruptcy of Richard Tapsell in 1765, led to difficulties for the Bishop of Durham’s estate in trying to secure a tenant.° Ultimately leasing wasa short- term means by which ironmasters could acquire works. Even so, Legas’s lease of the Gloucester furnace at Lamberhurst, continued by Tapsell, wasto last for over forty years. n a number of instances, the landlords of ironworks were themselves descendants of ironmasters; the Gotts, Pelhams and Ashburnhams had all, in the past, been directly involved inthe production of iron. Even the Websters, whopurchased the Battle Abbey estate in 1725, worked Beech furnace until about 1737,so they hadlimited direct experience of the industry (Whittick 1992: 34-5, 54). the support of an agricultural estate. By the period from 1750-70, the Fullers’ ironworks contributed a significant element in the family’s income; an income which only temporarily suffered when they were undercut by the Carron Company in the mid- 1760s, because of the increasing profitability of their Jamaican estates, and other sources of income.
Both Harrison’s and Bowen’s purchases, while probably for different motives, would have taken into consideration the state of existing buildings and water systems at the time of purchase. Leasing ironworks carried less responsibility and liability; most were concerned with landlords’ rights to timber or fish, but lessees’ responsibilities in respect of the condition of the works at the end of the term seemto have caused some problems. Negotiations had to be carried out between Sir Whistler Webster and George Jukes before John Churchill was satisfied with the condition of Robertsbridge forge prior to taking a lease of the site in 1754 (Whittick 1992: 56-62). Premature termination of a lease was also a cause for concern; the condition of Hawksden forge, following the bankruptcy of Richard Tapsell in 1765, led to difficulties for the Bishop of Durham’s estate in trying to secure a tenant.° Ultimately leasing wasa short- term means by which ironmasters could acquire works. Even so, Legas’s lease of the Gloucester furnace at Lamberhurst, continued by Tapsell, wasto last for over forty years. n a number of instances, the landlords of ironworks were themselves descendants of ironmasters; the Gotts, Pelhams and Ashburnhams had all, in the past, been directly involved inthe production of iron. Even the Websters, whopurchased the Battle Abbey estate in 1725, worked Beech furnace until about 1737,so they hadlimited direct experience of the industry (Whittick 1992: 34-5, 54). the support of an agricultural estate. By the period from 1750-70, the Fullers’ ironworks contributed a significant element in the family’s income; an income which only temporarily suffered when they were undercut by the Carron Company in the mid- 1760s, because of the increasing profitability of their Jamaican estates, and other sources of income.
Sunfounding had brought considerable income to the Fullers, and by the end of the seven Years’ War, when contracts were no longer available, their Jamaica 2states had recovered from the management problems they suffered in the 1720s and 30s. Thus, money from sugar was able to make a greater contribution to the family’s income ust at the time when iron was ceasing to do so. The Fullers, however, remained \opeful that government contracts would come their way again, so Heathfield furnace was <ept working intermittently, and Burwash forge was therefore kept in work.
Sunfounding had brought considerable income to the Fullers, and by the end of the seven Years’ War, when contracts were no longer available, their Jamaica 2states had recovered from the management problems they suffered in the 1720s and 30s. Thus, money from sugar was able to make a greater contribution to the family’s income ust at the time when iron was ceasing to do so. The Fullers, however, remained \opeful that government contracts would come their way again, so Heathfield furnace was <ept working intermittently, and Burwash forge was therefore kept in work.
Iron Purchases 1750-70 (tons) Ford at Bonawe, and Thomas Pryce at Neath. With the possible exception of Eade & Wilton, no Wealden founder made shot in quantities of any significance. Of more importance was the ability of all the Wealden ironmasters to cast what John Fuller referred to as “great guns” (Crossley & Saville 1991: 254). When Fuller wrote of them in 1749, he stated that only Brede, Beckley, Lamberhurst, Robertsbridge, Ashburnham and Heathfield were capable of casting 32 and 24 pounders. To that list must be added at least one of Bowen’s furnaces and one of Raby’s, before or during the war period. Only Harrisons’ cast 42 pounders during the war, although Rose Fuller considered doing so, the Board declining the £4 a ton advanced payment he required.” Later the Carron Company cast in that size also.
Iron Purchases 1750-70 (tons) Ford at Bonawe, and Thomas Pryce at Neath. With the possible exception of Eade & Wilton, no Wealden founder made shot in quantities of any significance. Of more importance was the ability of all the Wealden ironmasters to cast what John Fuller referred to as “great guns” (Crossley & Saville 1991: 254). When Fuller wrote of them in 1749, he stated that only Brede, Beckley, Lamberhurst, Robertsbridge, Ashburnham and Heathfield were capable of casting 32 and 24 pounders. To that list must be added at least one of Bowen’s furnaces and one of Raby’s, before or during the war period. Only Harrisons’ cast 42 pounders during the war, although Rose Fuller considered doing so, the Board declining the £4 a ton advanced payment he required.” Later the Carron Company cast in that size also.
\dividual warrants was often counted in years. Payment wastherefore frequently delayed or a similar length of time. Various methods were employed by ironmasters to overcome 1is delay as cash flow problems could seriously jeopardise the viability of an ironworks. hey would apply for the cancellation of a warrant, and the issue of a warrant of justification or those guns already received; then askfor a newwarrant to cover the uncompleted part f the original one. The Crowleys attempted a more underhand method in 1750. They asked or warrants for small numbers of guns, having failed to complete earlier warrants for irger numbers. They then claimed that the guns subsequently delivered were to complete ve later warrants, thus ensuring earlier payment. This “most barefac’d fraud” was nmasked when their warrants were called in and discrepancies of more than a year were iscovered.” During the Seven Years’ War, such was the Board’s demand for ordnance, everal gunfounders were able to ask successfully for cash payment rather than the ebentures the Board usually made payment with. In 1759, the Board received a etition from Fuller, Harrisons’ and Churchill asking for six-monthly payments to vaintain the gunfounders’ cash flow, or, failing that, interest on their outstanding ayments of 4%. The Board offered some unspecified relief.’° After the war, the oard allowed William Bowen several imprests in part payment prior to the ompletion of orders.’’ The Carron Company, heavily committed financially because of 1e scale of its orders, was able to benefit from a similar arrangement. '®
\dividual warrants was often counted in years. Payment wastherefore frequently delayed or a similar length of time. Various methods were employed by ironmasters to overcome 1is delay as cash flow problems could seriously jeopardise the viability of an ironworks. hey would apply for the cancellation of a warrant, and the issue of a warrant of justification or those guns already received; then askfor a newwarrant to cover the uncompleted part f the original one. The Crowleys attempted a more underhand method in 1750. They asked or warrants for small numbers of guns, having failed to complete earlier warrants for irger numbers. They then claimed that the guns subsequently delivered were to complete ve later warrants, thus ensuring earlier payment. This “most barefac’d fraud” was nmasked when their warrants were called in and discrepancies of more than a year were iscovered.” During the Seven Years’ War, such was the Board’s demand for ordnance, everal gunfounders were able to ask successfully for cash payment rather than the ebentures the Board usually made payment with. In 1759, the Board received a etition from Fuller, Harrisons’ and Churchill asking for six-monthly payments to vaintain the gunfounders’ cash flow, or, failing that, interest on their outstanding ayments of 4%. The Board offered some unspecified relief.’° After the war, the oard allowed William Bowen several imprests in part payment prior to the ompletion of orders.’’ The Carron Company, heavily committed financially because of 1e scale of its orders, was able to benefit from a similar arrangement. '®
If the purchases of ordnance by the Board peaked during the war years of 1756-63, purchases by the East India Company, while showing a lesser peak during the same period, began to rise considerably towards the end of the 1760s because of the Company’s greatly increased activity in India following the establishment of control over Bengal in 1765. Edward Raby and Eade & Wilton were responsible for 100% of the ordnance supplied to the Company in 1769 and almost 50% the year after. There may also have been an illicit trade between the Weald and India. Correspondence between the Company’s head office in London, and their office at Fort William, Calcutta, in the 1760s reported that, on a number of occasions, outgoing vessels bound for India were shadowed by ships as they left England. Making a rendezvous near one or other of the Atlantic islands, guns would be transhipped to be subsequently off-loaded and sold to native rulers before the East Indiamen docked at Bombay, Madras or Calcutta (Srinivasachari 1962: 142 etc.). There is no direct evidence that Wealden ironmasters were involved in this activity although John Legas was allegedly fined for illicit trading.” There is also the mysterious instance of ships carrying guns from Rye for Harrisons’ in 1757, slipping away from their convoy and not all of them returning.’° The third market for Wealden ordnance were the merchants who sold guns to commercial shipping and, during the war, to privateers. Because of the often informal nature of this trade, details are only sketchy. A list of ordnance proved for merchants by the Board between 1750 and 1753 notes the frequent involvement of most, if not all, of the Wealden founders of the time; Fuller, Bowen, Harrisons’ and Crowley, as well as the Sones from Hampshire.’ The Fullers certainly made use of the market for disposing of surplus or sub-standard guns. Robert Bagshaw, as well as being a partner of the Harrison brothers, seems to have acted on his own as a merchant, or at least an agent. Iron Purchases 1750-70 (see Appendix IV)
If the purchases of ordnance by the Board peaked during the war years of 1756-63, purchases by the East India Company, while showing a lesser peak during the same period, began to rise considerably towards the end of the 1760s because of the Company’s greatly increased activity in India following the establishment of control over Bengal in 1765. Edward Raby and Eade & Wilton were responsible for 100% of the ordnance supplied to the Company in 1769 and almost 50% the year after. There may also have been an illicit trade between the Weald and India. Correspondence between the Company’s head office in London, and their office at Fort William, Calcutta, in the 1760s reported that, on a number of occasions, outgoing vessels bound for India were shadowed by ships as they left England. Making a rendezvous near one or other of the Atlantic islands, guns would be transhipped to be subsequently off-loaded and sold to native rulers before the East Indiamen docked at Bombay, Madras or Calcutta (Srinivasachari 1962: 142 etc.). There is no direct evidence that Wealden ironmasters were involved in this activity although John Legas was allegedly fined for illicit trading.” There is also the mysterious instance of ships carrying guns from Rye for Harrisons’ in 1757, slipping away from their convoy and not all of them returning.’° The third market for Wealden ordnance were the merchants who sold guns to commercial shipping and, during the war, to privateers. Because of the often informal nature of this trade, details are only sketchy. A list of ordnance proved for merchants by the Board between 1750 and 1753 notes the frequent involvement of most, if not all, of the Wealden founders of the time; Fuller, Bowen, Harrisons’ and Crowley, as well as the Sones from Hampshire.’ The Fullers certainly made use of the market for disposing of surplus or sub-standard guns. Robert Bagshaw, as well as being a partner of the Harrison brothers, seems to have acted on his own as a merchant, or at least an agent. Iron Purchases 1750-70 (see Appendix IV)
Some other ironmasters of Wealden furnaces appear to have carried on a business with merchants, mainly in London. During the war years the coastal traffic in “warlike materials” (gunpowder, saltpetre, arms and ammunition) was banned, except under licence from the Privy Council. Some gunfounders like John Churchill sold guns directly to specific buyers. The Crowleys annually shipped guns out of Hastings, invariably of small calibre, and often for the East India Company.® Sometimes the names of other merchants or agents are mentioned. Some, like Roger Hanmer, were directly linked to individual founders. Others were merchants whose deals with founders included shipping the goods from the furnaces. The Jukes family, who had been tenants at Robertsbridge until 1754, later turned their attention to buying and selling ordnance, purchasing guns from Sowley furnace as well as from one of the works in eastern Sussex. Eade & Wilton, who contracted for the casting of guns for the Board of Ordnance, also dealt widely in the merchant trade, supplying ordnance for fitting out coastal and overseas shipping, or buying and selling captured guns. Gunfounders in the Weald were, by no means, the only suppliers for merchant shipping. Robert Morgan, at Carmarthen, and the Wilkinson family at Bersham, and later at Willey, sold guns to merchants in Bristol and Liverpool for the Africa and West Indies markets. Towards the end of the war, Roebuck & Co. at the Carron works entered the trade. As muchof the ordnance which found its way into private hands may have been rejected by the Board at Woolwich, and therefore would not have been subject to the Privy Council orders, the extent of Wealden involvement in the merchant trade is not possible to measure. Clearly, there were a few who cast specifically for this market. Output at Ashburnham continued to include guns for at least two campaigns after they had ceased to supply either the Board or the East India Company.”” Withothers, like Fuller and the Harrisons, their involvement was largely incidental to their main business of casting for the Board. In 1757, Harrisons’ were requested, by the Board, to supply some half pounder guns they hadcast for the merchant fleet. Harrisons’ were concerned that the guns would not withstand the Board’s proof; an indication of the higher standard of casting which the gunfounders lavished on the more highly priced work they did for the Board. The wartime control of coastal shipping was lifted in 1763, after which movements of ordnance for the merchant trade are harder to trace.
Some other ironmasters of Wealden furnaces appear to have carried on a business with merchants, mainly in London. During the war years the coastal traffic in “warlike materials” (gunpowder, saltpetre, arms and ammunition) was banned, except under licence from the Privy Council. Some gunfounders like John Churchill sold guns directly to specific buyers. The Crowleys annually shipped guns out of Hastings, invariably of small calibre, and often for the East India Company.® Sometimes the names of other merchants or agents are mentioned. Some, like Roger Hanmer, were directly linked to individual founders. Others were merchants whose deals with founders included shipping the goods from the furnaces. The Jukes family, who had been tenants at Robertsbridge until 1754, later turned their attention to buying and selling ordnance, purchasing guns from Sowley furnace as well as from one of the works in eastern Sussex. Eade & Wilton, who contracted for the casting of guns for the Board of Ordnance, also dealt widely in the merchant trade, supplying ordnance for fitting out coastal and overseas shipping, or buying and selling captured guns. Gunfounders in the Weald were, by no means, the only suppliers for merchant shipping. Robert Morgan, at Carmarthen, and the Wilkinson family at Bersham, and later at Willey, sold guns to merchants in Bristol and Liverpool for the Africa and West Indies markets. Towards the end of the war, Roebuck & Co. at the Carron works entered the trade. As muchof the ordnance which found its way into private hands may have been rejected by the Board at Woolwich, and therefore would not have been subject to the Privy Council orders, the extent of Wealden involvement in the merchant trade is not possible to measure. Clearly, there were a few who cast specifically for this market. Output at Ashburnham continued to include guns for at least two campaigns after they had ceased to supply either the Board or the East India Company.”” Withothers, like Fuller and the Harrisons, their involvement was largely incidental to their main business of casting for the Board. In 1757, Harrisons’ were requested, by the Board, to supply some half pounder guns they hadcast for the merchant fleet. Harrisons’ were concerned that the guns would not withstand the Board’s proof; an indication of the higher standard of casting which the gunfounders lavished on the more highly priced work they did for the Board. The wartime control of coastal shipping was lifted in 1763, after which movements of ordnance for the merchant trade are harder to trace.
Other prominent shot founders who operated out of blast furnaces, rather than air furnaces, included Robert Morgan and William Ford. Wealden furnaces, concentrating on ordnance, do not figure greatly among the suppliers of shot or shells. Eade & Wilton supplied over 1000 tons to the Board during this period, but it is unclear what their source was. Neither the Fullers nor the Crowleys supplied the Board at all, although shot moulds were made at Ashburnham. Harrisons’ only cast just over 250 tons, despite the exclusive use that John Legas had made of Waldron furnace for casting shot in the late 1740s.°* Some of their output, somewhat experimentally, was in shells for mortars and howitzers, as was some of Edward Raby’s. Shells were more specialized, being cast hollow, and attracted a significantly higher price (£15/ton, as against about £11/ton for round shot).*? Harrisons’ experienced some problems in casting shells, theirs being singled out as over-repaired, with voids in the iron needing filling.** Trucks, the wheels of gun carriages, were produced by both blast furnaces and air furnaces and were, like shot and shells, cast in greatest numbers in the London foundries. Again, only Harrisons’ and Raby cast trucks inthe Weald, indicating, perhaps, a particular expertise in box casting.
Other prominent shot founders who operated out of blast furnaces, rather than air furnaces, included Robert Morgan and William Ford. Wealden furnaces, concentrating on ordnance, do not figure greatly among the suppliers of shot or shells. Eade & Wilton supplied over 1000 tons to the Board during this period, but it is unclear what their source was. Neither the Fullers nor the Crowleys supplied the Board at all, although shot moulds were made at Ashburnham. Harrisons’ only cast just over 250 tons, despite the exclusive use that John Legas had made of Waldron furnace for casting shot in the late 1740s.°* Some of their output, somewhat experimentally, was in shells for mortars and howitzers, as was some of Edward Raby’s. Shells were more specialized, being cast hollow, and attracted a significantly higher price (£15/ton, as against about £11/ton for round shot).*? Harrisons’ experienced some problems in casting shells, theirs being singled out as over-repaired, with voids in the iron needing filling.** Trucks, the wheels of gun carriages, were produced by both blast furnaces and air furnaces and were, like shot and shells, cast in greatest numbers in the London foundries. Again, only Harrisons’ and Raby cast trucks inthe Weald, indicating, perhaps, a particular expertise in box casting.
At Robertsbridge, the only figures given are those supplied in letters to prospective lessees, in which the estimate was between 1000 and 2000 loads of charcoal to achieve between seven and eleven tons of iron a week at the furnace, with a further seventeen hundredweight of bar iron at the forge. At Ashburnham the expenditure accounts are more detailed and a quantity for each campaign can be calculated. Wood was purchased in a variety of ways and the prices reflecting that diversity require some analysis for comparisons to be made. At Ashburnham there seemed to be little variation between costs during and after the war period. Wood was sold by the cord, cut or uncut, the variation lying in the quality of the wood; topwood, sprays, runts, coppicewood, spillwood. Over this was the cost of cutting, cording, teaming, and the many individual costs incurred by the colliers; cleaving, stacking, coaling, filling sacks. Prices at Robertsbridge and Ashburnham compare closely, those at the former not changing between 1747 and 1768. On top of these costs were those of carriage, ‘trespass’ over neighbouring land, and the occasional establishment of lodges to house the colliers. Carriage was the determining factor as in it jay the greatest variation; distance.
At Robertsbridge, the only figures given are those supplied in letters to prospective lessees, in which the estimate was between 1000 and 2000 loads of charcoal to achieve between seven and eleven tons of iron a week at the furnace, with a further seventeen hundredweight of bar iron at the forge. At Ashburnham the expenditure accounts are more detailed and a quantity for each campaign can be calculated. Wood was purchased in a variety of ways and the prices reflecting that diversity require some analysis for comparisons to be made. At Ashburnham there seemed to be little variation between costs during and after the war period. Wood was sold by the cord, cut or uncut, the variation lying in the quality of the wood; topwood, sprays, runts, coppicewood, spillwood. Over this was the cost of cutting, cording, teaming, and the many individual costs incurred by the colliers; cleaving, stacking, coaling, filling sacks. Prices at Robertsbridge and Ashburnham compare closely, those at the former not changing between 1747 and 1768. On top of these costs were those of carriage, ‘trespass’ over neighbouring land, and the occasional establishment of lodges to house the colliers. Carriage was the determining factor as in it jay the greatest variation; distance.
Ordnance Purchases 1750-70 (Sources) The decline in the Weald’s share of the government’s contracts for ordnance closely followed the end of the Seven Years’ War. The disintegration of the Country Partnership, and the fate of individuals, such as William Bowen and Edward Raby who both died in 1771, meant that gunfounding furnaces and, to a lesser extent, forges became unexpectedly vacant at a time when there was little in the markets to attract new tenants. Gunfounding in the Weald was to be revived again early in the 1770s, when the Carron Company’s products failed dramatically, but it was short-lived. The period of the Seven Years’ Warhad seen the final demonstration of the strength of a regional industry to prolong the viability of its specialist production.
Ordnance Purchases 1750-70 (Sources) The decline in the Weald’s share of the government’s contracts for ordnance closely followed the end of the Seven Years’ War. The disintegration of the Country Partnership, and the fate of individuals, such as William Bowen and Edward Raby who both died in 1771, meant that gunfounding furnaces and, to a lesser extent, forges became unexpectedly vacant at a time when there was little in the markets to attract new tenants. Gunfounding in the Weald was to be revived again early in the 1770s, when the Carron Company’s products failed dramatically, but it was short-lived. The period of the Seven Years’ Warhad seen the final demonstration of the strength of a regional industry to prolong the viability of its specialist production.
had an air furnace, probably at his foundry at Marigold Stairs, Upper Ground, in Christchurch parish, Southwark, which he leased from the Edward Edwardes Charity in 1722, renewing the lease for 31 years in 1748.'® Bowen continued to contract for orders after the general lowering of prices to £14 per ton, instigated by the Carron Co. in late 1764. He also cast in bronze, probably at Southwark. Bowen was a friend of Samuel Remnant and was mentioned as such in the latter’s will.’? Bowen, who was described as of Tonbridge, died in 1771.° Triinninn Marke: \A/ R
had an air furnace, probably at his foundry at Marigold Stairs, Upper Ground, in Christchurch parish, Southwark, which he leased from the Edward Edwardes Charity in 1722, renewing the lease for 31 years in 1748.'® Bowen continued to contract for orders after the general lowering of prices to £14 per ton, instigated by the Carron Co. in late 1764. He also cast in bronze, probably at Southwark. Bowen was a friend of Samuel Remnant and was mentioned as such in the latter’s will.’? Bowen, who was described as of Tonbridge, died in 1771.° Triinninn Marke: \A/ R
William Clutton, of Horsted Keynes, cast guns at Gravetye (West Hoathly) from 1761 until bankruptcy in August 1762. He also had Howbourne Forge (Buxted) and Maresfield Forge. He did not sell directly to the Board but seems to have sub- contracted for Eade & Wilton, who had guns, presumably cast for them, carried to Woolwich by Robert Knight, after the bankruptcy. Thereafter, Clutton’s Churchill, of Hints, Staffordshire, had leases of Rushall Furnace, Hints Forge and Bromwich Forge, in the same county; an earlier lessee at Rushall was a James Bourne (Riden 1987: 19). After initial correspondence with Sir Whistler Webster, he took a lease of Robertsbridge Furnace and Forge (Salehurst) in 1754 (Whittick 1992: 56-62), where he reinstated the second finery hearth at the forge, and in 1755, together with his son, John, he offered to cast guns for the Board from 1756. Initially offering to cast 200 tons, he increased to 400 tons the following year, suggesting he had greater furnace capacity, perhaps through operating Darwell Furnace (Mountfield).?° He also cast for the merchant trade,’ but was bankrupt in August 1767.78 He subcontracted for Robert Morgan, gunfounder at Carmarthen, in 1761, having lost the Board’s contracts himself that year (Williams 1959: 42).?? In early 1764 he reported to the Board that his works had blown up.*” Although he had accepted £14 per ton for guns delivered late, Churchill did not continue to offer to cast for the Board after the general lowering of prices to that level, instigated by the Carron Co. in late 1764. He died between August and October of 1767 and his business, both in Staffordshire and Sussex, was inherited by his son, who sold, or did not renew their respective leases in 1768.°"
William Clutton, of Horsted Keynes, cast guns at Gravetye (West Hoathly) from 1761 until bankruptcy in August 1762. He also had Howbourne Forge (Buxted) and Maresfield Forge. He did not sell directly to the Board but seems to have sub- contracted for Eade & Wilton, who had guns, presumably cast for them, carried to Woolwich by Robert Knight, after the bankruptcy. Thereafter, Clutton’s Churchill, of Hints, Staffordshire, had leases of Rushall Furnace, Hints Forge and Bromwich Forge, in the same county; an earlier lessee at Rushall was a James Bourne (Riden 1987: 19). After initial correspondence with Sir Whistler Webster, he took a lease of Robertsbridge Furnace and Forge (Salehurst) in 1754 (Whittick 1992: 56-62), where he reinstated the second finery hearth at the forge, and in 1755, together with his son, John, he offered to cast guns for the Board from 1756. Initially offering to cast 200 tons, he increased to 400 tons the following year, suggesting he had greater furnace capacity, perhaps through operating Darwell Furnace (Mountfield).?° He also cast for the merchant trade,’ but was bankrupt in August 1767.78 He subcontracted for Robert Morgan, gunfounder at Carmarthen, in 1761, having lost the Board’s contracts himself that year (Williams 1959: 42).?? In early 1764 he reported to the Board that his works had blown up.*” Although he had accepted £14 per ton for guns delivered late, Churchill did not continue to offer to cast for the Board after the general lowering of prices to that level, instigated by the Carron Co. in late 1764. He died between August and October of 1767 and his business, both in Staffordshire and Sussex, was inherited by his son, who sold, or did not renew their respective leases in 1768.°"
(1757-77), although Stephen retained overall control of the ironworks after Rose’s return from Jamaica in 1757. They sub-contracted work to Harrison’s and the Jukes brothers on occasions, offered to assist Rev Sone & son (Sowley Furnace, Hants.) with contracts, were invited to cast guns for John Butler in 1738, and sold rejected ones to William Bowen in 1751 and to Eade & Wilton in 1754. They also ran Burwash Forge until 1803, and it is reported that there was an air furnace at Goodsoal Farm, Burwash Weald, though the Fuller papers make no mention of one (Lower 1849: 207). They supplied the Board with guns until 1765, also the Kingdom of Sardinia in 1753, and the Kingdom of Naples and the Two Sicilies in 1755 (the latter order containing guns of French bore, and thus harder to dispose of, or replace, if they failed the proof). Another contract, with Austria in 1752, was not completed. They continued to cast intermittently until 1793 or 4. The forge ceased to work in 1803 (Crossley & Saville 1991). for the merchant trade.*® Eade may have worked with John Butler, suggesting that, after Clutton’s bankruptcy, Northpark Furnace was Eade & Wilton’s chief source of ordnance. In one source Eade is described as a founder (Coote 1763). Eade also manufactured gunpowder, traded with Africa, and was a director of an insurance firm (West 1991: 144).
(1757-77), although Stephen retained overall control of the ironworks after Rose’s return from Jamaica in 1757. They sub-contracted work to Harrison’s and the Jukes brothers on occasions, offered to assist Rev Sone & son (Sowley Furnace, Hants.) with contracts, were invited to cast guns for John Butler in 1738, and sold rejected ones to William Bowen in 1751 and to Eade & Wilton in 1754. They also ran Burwash Forge until 1803, and it is reported that there was an air furnace at Goodsoal Farm, Burwash Weald, though the Fuller papers make no mention of one (Lower 1849: 207). They supplied the Board with guns until 1765, also the Kingdom of Sardinia in 1753, and the Kingdom of Naples and the Two Sicilies in 1755 (the latter order containing guns of French bore, and thus harder to dispose of, or replace, if they failed the proof). Another contract, with Austria in 1752, was not completed. They continued to cast intermittently until 1793 or 4. The forge ceased to work in 1803 (Crossley & Saville 1991). for the merchant trade.*® Eade may have worked with John Butler, suggesting that, after Clutton’s bankruptcy, Northpark Furnace was Eade & Wilton’s chief source of ordnance. In one source Eade is described as a founder (Coote 1763). Eade also manufactured gunpowder, traded with Africa, and was a director of an insurance firm (West 1991: 144).
William and George Jukes (or Jewkes) had Robertsbridge Furnace, firstly in partnership with William Harrison (from 1734), and then separately (from 1747). From 1737, they were sole lessees of the forge, where they constructed an air furnace. Both leases terminated in 1754 (Whittick 1992: 45-7, 52-5). They cast forthe Board and as subcontractors for John Fuller. The latter arrangement broke down in acrimony in 1749 (Crossley & Saville 1991: 250-1). They ceased to cast guns for the Board in 1748, although they continued to supply shot until 1750, by which time William Jukes was dead. They were also tenants of Burningfold Furnace and Forge (Dunsfold) for which there is evidence of gun and shot casting. Burningfold had been sold by the executors of John Tanner, who d.1751, to Viscount Montague c.1756 (Kenyon 1952, p.239 n.7). In the Militia returns for Dunsfold in 1758, William Gardiner is referred to as a “furnaceman”.°° Burningfold Furnace is not shown on Rocque’s map of Surrey (1762) so probably had ceased working by then. George, Thomas and James Jukes, who were based at 10, Alhallows Lane, close to the Steelyard, off Thames Street in London, shipped ordnance out of Sowley Furnace, Hants, in 1756, and out of Rye in 1757, as agents or merchants rather than as founders.” They bought refused guns from the Fullers the same year.” In the 1720s William Jukes & Co. of London had purchased pots and kettles from Coalbrookdale (Raistrick 1953: 55). In 1754-5 Jukes and Co. of Southwark sold pig iron to south Yorkshire furnaces, and a year earlier had purchased iron from Carburton Forge, Notts. (Hopkinson 1961: 145-6).
William and George Jukes (or Jewkes) had Robertsbridge Furnace, firstly in partnership with William Harrison (from 1734), and then separately (from 1747). From 1737, they were sole lessees of the forge, where they constructed an air furnace. Both leases terminated in 1754 (Whittick 1992: 45-7, 52-5). They cast forthe Board and as subcontractors for John Fuller. The latter arrangement broke down in acrimony in 1749 (Crossley & Saville 1991: 250-1). They ceased to cast guns for the Board in 1748, although they continued to supply shot until 1750, by which time William Jukes was dead. They were also tenants of Burningfold Furnace and Forge (Dunsfold) for which there is evidence of gun and shot casting. Burningfold had been sold by the executors of John Tanner, who d.1751, to Viscount Montague c.1756 (Kenyon 1952, p.239 n.7). In the Militia returns for Dunsfold in 1758, William Gardiner is referred to as a “furnaceman”.°° Burningfold Furnace is not shown on Rocque’s map of Surrey (1762) so probably had ceased working by then. George, Thomas and James Jukes, who were based at 10, Alhallows Lane, close to the Steelyard, off Thames Street in London, shipped ordnance out of Sowley Furnace, Hants, in 1756, and out of Rye in 1757, as agents or merchants rather than as founders.” They bought refused guns from the Fullers the same year.” In the 1720s William Jukes & Co. of London had purchased pots and kettles from Coalbrookdale (Raistrick 1953: 55). In 1754-5 Jukes and Co. of Southwark sold pig iron to south Yorkshire furnaces, and a year earlier had purchased iron from Carburton Forge, Notts. (Hopkinson 1961: 145-6).
Table 1. WEALDEN IRON WORKING SITES AND THEIR TENANTS 1750-70 (see Fig. 11)
Table 1. WEALDEN IRON WORKING SITES AND THEIR TENANTS 1750-70 (see Fig. 11)
1750 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 TOTAI
1750 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 TOTAI
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Iron and Steel (History)Wealden Iron Industry
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