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painted. On the wall behind the throne-base there were “traces de deux lions rouges af frontés” (TDD, 68). Because the decoration in the equivalent position in other throne rooms showed the king in worship, apparently before the god Ashur (Frankfort 1939 205-214) though there have been other recondite suggestions, these lions were probabl: animals supporting a deity. Elsewhere in the throne-room there were more substantia remains of formal narrative painting of the dernier style featuring the royal bodyguar« (TDD, Pl. LHI). These extensive redecorations were probably made around the time that Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal were organising a series of campaigns into Egypt. Maybe a king or prince sometimes stayed at Til-Barsib while the campaigns were in progress, residing in persor in the palace, so that the excavators’ description of the northern suite as /’apartement royai (TDD, 52) is, for the period of the dernier style paintings, correct after all. Given Esar- haddon’s notorious concern for his health and safety, this would help explain the im- proved security. On the other hand the provincial administration still had to function, and a seventh-century archive of documents from the lower town offers a flavour of local officialdom and commercial activities (Dalley 1997). Binallvy 9 number of cecondaryv walle in Conrt BR cnoocest that the nalace cantinned tc

Figure 8 painted. On the wall behind the throne-base there were “traces de deux lions rouges af frontés” (TDD, 68). Because the decoration in the equivalent position in other throne rooms showed the king in worship, apparently before the god Ashur (Frankfort 1939 205-214) though there have been other recondite suggestions, these lions were probabl: animals supporting a deity. Elsewhere in the throne-room there were more substantia remains of formal narrative painting of the dernier style featuring the royal bodyguar« (TDD, Pl. LHI). These extensive redecorations were probably made around the time that Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal were organising a series of campaigns into Egypt. Maybe a king or prince sometimes stayed at Til-Barsib while the campaigns were in progress, residing in persor in the palace, so that the excavators’ description of the northern suite as /’apartement royai (TDD, 52) is, for the period of the dernier style paintings, correct after all. Given Esar- haddon’s notorious concern for his health and safety, this would help explain the im- proved security. On the other hand the provincial administration still had to function, and a seventh-century archive of documents from the lower town offers a flavour of local officialdom and commercial activities (Dalley 1997). Binallvy 9 number of cecondaryv walle in Conrt BR cnoocest that the nalace cantinned tc

Related Figures (14)

A black-and-white line-drawing was identified in a layer of wall-plaster in Room 22 (TDD, 62, fig. facing p. 72) (Fig. 2). It seems to represent five naked caryatids on a moulded plinth, recalling the south porch of the Erechtheum at Athens: the figures, which are also reminiscent of some on ivory handles, were presumably associated with a god- dess. It is careful work (at least in the modern field copy). Syrian ivory figures like this have not been securely dated, but are broadly ninth- or eighth-century. The painting oc- cupies part of a significant space at the end of the room, to one side of the throne-base. Unless the lines representing the caryatids were an unfinished sketch, they must have been guidelines for part of an elaborate composition, the final coloured surface of which was completely removed. If this composition was symmetrical and connected the entire end of the room, like the wall-panels in the equivalent position in the North-West Palace, then there will originally have been on either side of a central motif, such as a larger divine image or symbol, that was located on the wall directly behind the throne-base itself. image or symbol, that was located on the wall directly behind the throne-base itself.
A black-and-white line-drawing was identified in a layer of wall-plaster in Room 22 (TDD, 62, fig. facing p. 72) (Fig. 2). It seems to represent five naked caryatids on a moulded plinth, recalling the south porch of the Erechtheum at Athens: the figures, which are also reminiscent of some on ivory handles, were presumably associated with a god- dess. It is careful work (at least in the modern field copy). Syrian ivory figures like this have not been securely dated, but are broadly ninth- or eighth-century. The painting oc- cupies part of a significant space at the end of the room, to one side of the throne-base. Unless the lines representing the caryatids were an unfinished sketch, they must have been guidelines for part of an elaborate composition, the final coloured surface of which was completely removed. If this composition was symmetrical and connected the entire end of the room, like the wall-panels in the equivalent position in the North-West Palace, then there will originally have been on either side of a central motif, such as a larger divine image or symbol, that was located on the wall directly behind the throne-base itself. image or symbol, that was located on the wall directly behind the throne-base itself.
An ascription of the caryatids to the ninth century requires a caveat. On the other side of the throne-base in Room 22 there are more black-and-white line-drawings that clearly show Assyrian horsemen riding at speed; they are in the eighth-century premier style (TDD, 69f.) (Fig. 3). Presumably the king was once illustrated in front of them. Again, either these were unfinished sketches or the final coloured layer covering them had been completely removed. The two sets of line-drawings, caryatids and horsemen, are sepa- rated by the space behind the throne, where no early painting survives. It seems most unlikely but not impossible that they belong to a single composition. The only finished paintings observed in Room 22 were on other walls and were in the seventh-century der- nier style. paintings observed in Room 22 were on other walls and were in the seventh-century der- unlikely but not impossible that they belong to a single composition. The only finished A second possible addition to the ninth-century palace architecture consists of an early version of Corridor 29. The situation is that in the eighth century Court C could be ap- proached in two ways, besides through the throne-room suite itself. One way, suitable for visitors of status, was through Corridor 21 from Court B. Someone could also have en- tered Court C from Court A, by passing through Room 19, the western end of Corridor 49, and Corridor 29; this latter was presumably the service entrance. It will have been a sensible arrangement. It therefore seems likely that an earlier version of Corridor 29 was originally built by Shalmaneser III, and that it was then incorporated like Corridor 21 and Rooms 22-23 into the later architecture without much change. A lwnand<=; fe. cha wimethk Aavtinkxs theese Basnet Kaces Kaeaw aenctad Am tha waeeth *+ha asate aval
An ascription of the caryatids to the ninth century requires a caveat. On the other side of the throne-base in Room 22 there are more black-and-white line-drawings that clearly show Assyrian horsemen riding at speed; they are in the eighth-century premier style (TDD, 69f.) (Fig. 3). Presumably the king was once illustrated in front of them. Again, either these were unfinished sketches or the final coloured layer covering them had been completely removed. The two sets of line-drawings, caryatids and horsemen, are sepa- rated by the space behind the throne, where no early painting survives. It seems most unlikely but not impossible that they belong to a single composition. The only finished paintings observed in Room 22 were on other walls and were in the seventh-century der- nier style. paintings observed in Room 22 were on other walls and were in the seventh-century der- unlikely but not impossible that they belong to a single composition. The only finished A second possible addition to the ninth-century palace architecture consists of an early version of Corridor 29. The situation is that in the eighth century Court C could be ap- proached in two ways, besides through the throne-room suite itself. One way, suitable for visitors of status, was through Corridor 21 from Court B. Someone could also have en- tered Court C from Court A, by passing through Room 19, the western end of Corridor 49, and Corridor 29; this latter was presumably the service entrance. It will have been a sensible arrangement. It therefore seems likely that an earlier version of Corridor 29 was originally built by Shalmaneser III, and that it was then incorporated like Corridor 21 and Rooms 22-23 into the later architecture without much change. A lwnand<=; fe. cha wimethk Aavtinkxs theese Basnet Kaces Kaeaw aenctad Am tha waeeth *+ha asate aval
An explanation for the anomalies in Room 24 would be that there was a change of lan. Originally there was to be no door in the west wall. The room was to be arranged ike Rooms 45 and 47, with the head of the room and place for a throne at the end to the eft of the entrance, together with hearth-stones and drip-stone (Fig. 4). So the suite com- yrised only Rooms 24—27 and 30, all perhaps decorated with the frieze of wild goats which yartly survived in Rooms 25—27 (TDD, 58-59, Pls. XLHI.4; XLVI, middle) and which he excavators assigned to the premier style. If so the west wall of the suite had once ormed the east wall of a corridor which occupied much the same position as the eventual “orridor 29.
An explanation for the anomalies in Room 24 would be that there was a change of lan. Originally there was to be no door in the west wall. The room was to be arranged ike Rooms 45 and 47, with the head of the room and place for a throne at the end to the eft of the entrance, together with hearth-stones and drip-stone (Fig. 4). So the suite com- yrised only Rooms 24—27 and 30, all perhaps decorated with the frieze of wild goats which yartly survived in Rooms 25—27 (TDD, 58-59, Pls. XLHI.4; XLVI, middle) and which he excavators assigned to the premier style. If so the west wall of the suite had once ormed the east wall of a corridor which occupied much the same position as the eventual “orridor 29.
Fig. 5. Making an oath (above) and the consequences of breaking one (below). Paintings in Room 24. After Thureau-Dangin & Dunand (1936, Pls. L-LD.
Fig. 5. Making an oath (above) and the consequences of breaking one (below). Paintings in Room 24. After Thureau-Dangin & Dunand (1936, Pls. L-LD.
Fig. 8. The city gates of Khorsabad: alternative listings. Sargon therefore records the existence of an additional gate on the north-west stretch. The line of this part of the wall was interrupted by the projecting platform on which the royal palace stood inside the citadel. Place did not record a gate through the city-wall in this area, but in fact there is ample space for unidentified features all around the eroded edge of the platform. The most likely position for a gate is probably on its south-western side.
Fig. 8. The city gates of Khorsabad: alternative listings. Sargon therefore records the existence of an additional gate on the north-west stretch. The line of this part of the wall was interrupted by the projecting platform on which the royal palace stood inside the citadel. Place did not record a gate through the city-wall in this area, but in fact there is ample space for unidentified features all around the eroded edge of the platform. The most likely position for a gate is probably on its south-western side.
famous Sasanian canal in the south. These terms imply use for irrigation, but not neces- sarily in antiquity. We need merely presume that Sargon changed the existing watercourse so that it could be controlled more efficiently. Bagg notes that he did not give it a preten- tious title as Ashurnasirpal had done for his own more massive new canal at Nimrud. The natural method of controlling the water, as noted with reference to the Khosr by Jones (1855, 312), would have been by a series of dams or weirs much like the one at Shallalat closer to Nineveh (Reade 1978, 65, Fig. 8). That one is ascribed to Sennacherib, who was even more interested in the management of water resources. There could have been a series of dams along this Khorsabad stream, both above and below the city. he Abies oe 1TFJANNO AOLYS. sae teste Beall eer wees oc A eee pee Lie 34st hc km eee a weeds sarily in antiquity. We need merely presume that Sargon changed the existing watercourse
famous Sasanian canal in the south. These terms imply use for irrigation, but not neces- sarily in antiquity. We need merely presume that Sargon changed the existing watercourse so that it could be controlled more efficiently. Bagg notes that he did not give it a preten- tious title as Ashurnasirpal had done for his own more massive new canal at Nimrud. The natural method of controlling the water, as noted with reference to the Khosr by Jones (1855, 312), would have been by a series of dams or weirs much like the one at Shallalat closer to Nineveh (Reade 1978, 65, Fig. 8). That one is ascribed to Sennacherib, who was even more interested in the management of water resources. There could have been a series of dams along this Khorsabad stream, both above and below the city. he Abies oe 1TFJANNO AOLYS. sae teste Beall eer wees oc A eee pee Lie 34st hc km eee a weeds sarily in antiquity. We need merely presume that Sargon changed the existing watercourse
tig. 11. Khorsabad palace, Room VII, Panels 12—13, lower register. Drawn in 1843-44 (Botta & Flandin 1849-50, II, Pl. 114).
tig. 11. Khorsabad palace, Room VII, Panels 12—13, lower register. Drawn in 1843-44 (Botta & Flandin 1849-50, II, Pl. 114).
Fig. 12. Khorsabad palace, Room VII, Panels 12-13. A11255. Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.
Fig. 12. Khorsabad palace, Room VII, Panels 12-13. A11255. Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.
Fig. 13. Detail of pipes and water-levels. A11255. Courtesy of the Oriental Institute. Photo Kirsten Neumann Fig. 13. Detail of pipes and water-levels. A11255. Courtesy of the Oriental Institute. Photo Kirsten Neumann. because they must have relied on guidelines or instructions from whoever was in charge of the composition, but there must have been scope for carelessness or flexibility. Fish are Swimming in the upper pool; two empty boats are floating in the lower one. To the left there is a third area of water, partly obscured by a man’s leg. It is triangular; the wavy lines representing water slant down to the left and include a spiral at the bottom.
Fig. 13. Detail of pipes and water-levels. A11255. Courtesy of the Oriental Institute. Photo Kirsten Neumann Fig. 13. Detail of pipes and water-levels. A11255. Courtesy of the Oriental Institute. Photo Kirsten Neumann. because they must have relied on guidelines or instructions from whoever was in charge of the composition, but there must have been scope for carelessness or flexibility. Fish are Swimming in the upper pool; two empty boats are floating in the lower one. To the left there is a third area of water, partly obscured by a man’s leg. It is triangular; the wavy lines representing water slant down to the left and include a spiral at the bottom.
Fig. 14. Detail of pipe with interlocking segments. A11255. Courtesy of the Oriental Institute. Photo Kirsten Neumann.
Fig. 14. Detail of pipe with interlocking segments. A11255. Courtesy of the Oriental Institute. Photo Kirsten Neumann.
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