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This IR strategy underlies 16% of the Covid memes in the corpus. Two major types of frame-based incongruity can be isolated in this IR strategy. Firstly, some memes puzzle the user by showing images that clash with the user’s background information regarding these images, together with the mentally stored visual syntax associated with them (Yus 2009). The accompanying text may also aid in directing the user in the intended inferential direction towards incongruity. Crucially, the resolution to the incongruity detected at the visual level can only be reconciled by retrieving some pandemic-specific information. Some examples are provided in Figure 5. Figure 5. Memes that exploit the user’s stored background information on images and their “syntax.”

Figure 5 This IR strategy underlies 16% of the Covid memes in the corpus. Two major types of frame-based incongruity can be isolated in this IR strategy. Firstly, some memes puzzle the user by showing images that clash with the user’s background information regarding these images, together with the mentally stored visual syntax associated with them (Yus 2009). The accompanying text may also aid in directing the user in the intended inferential direction towards incongruity. Crucially, the resolution to the incongruity detected at the visual level can only be reconciled by retrieving some pandemic-specific information. Some examples are provided in Figure 5. Figure 5. Memes that exploit the user’s stored background information on images and their “syntax.”

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types of IR patterns, some of which more or less resembled the qualities of some of the twelve cases of IR proposed for verbal jokes, while other types were more meme-specific due to the multimodal semiotic configuration of these discourses. Specifically, the two types of incongruity (discourse- and frame-based) suggested for verbal jokes were also at work in memes, plus a third combinatory pattern arising from a humour-triggering combination of the text and the image in the meme: discourse-image incongruity —which involves an inferential clash when obtaining an interpretation of the meme that demands a convergence between the partial meanings of the text and the image. The role performed by the image in the meme yielded three major cases: (a) image plays no role in IR; (b) image aids in IR; and (c) image is essential in IR. The cases ensuing from the combination of such parameters yielded the seven patterns collected in Table 2, which also shows the percent occurrence rate corresponding to these types in the corpus of 150 memes. Predictably, the most frequent IR pattern was the one in which the parallel interpretations of text and image in the meme clash for humorous purposes (near 40%). Apart from that type, others were isolated depending on the main source of incongruity (frame vs. discourse-based) and the role of the image in the correct humorous interpretation of the meme: no role, aiding role and essential role. Besides, as can be seen in Table 2, only 8.66% of the memes did not exhibit a humorous IR pattern, often because they were not meant to be humorous in the first place. Some explanation and examples of the seven types is provided below.
types of IR patterns, some of which more or less resembled the qualities of some of the twelve cases of IR proposed for verbal jokes, while other types were more meme-specific due to the multimodal semiotic configuration of these discourses. Specifically, the two types of incongruity (discourse- and frame-based) suggested for verbal jokes were also at work in memes, plus a third combinatory pattern arising from a humour-triggering combination of the text and the image in the meme: discourse-image incongruity —which involves an inferential clash when obtaining an interpretation of the meme that demands a convergence between the partial meanings of the text and the image. The role performed by the image in the meme yielded three major cases: (a) image plays no role in IR; (b) image aids in IR; and (c) image is essential in IR. The cases ensuing from the combination of such parameters yielded the seven patterns collected in Table 2, which also shows the percent occurrence rate corresponding to these types in the corpus of 150 memes. Predictably, the most frequent IR pattern was the one in which the parallel interpretations of text and image in the meme clash for humorous purposes (near 40%). Apart from that type, others were isolated depending on the main source of incongruity (frame vs. discourse-based) and the role of the image in the correct humorous interpretation of the meme: no role, aiding role and essential role. Besides, as can be seen in Table 2, only 8.66% of the memes did not exhibit a humorous IR pattern, often because they were not meant to be humorous in the first place. Some explanation and examples of the seven types is provided below.
Figure 1. Memes with congruity between top-text and image but not with bottom text (Yus 2021b). Two main varieties may be distinguished in this category. On the one hand, some instances show that the referent of the image is compatible with the top text but not with the bottom text; on the other hand, other memes are compatible with the bottom text but not with the top text. The former increases the potential effectiveness of the incongruity, since the initial interpretation selected for the top text is corroborated by the validating interpretation of the image in the meme. Three examples of this variety can be found in Figure 1, where the image of an angry-looking woman (meme on the left and right) and of a hippy-looking girl (centre) is fully compatible with the top text, but the bottom text becomes incongruous with both the top text and the image, thus creating an incongruity.
Figure 1. Memes with congruity between top-text and image but not with bottom text (Yus 2021b). Two main varieties may be distinguished in this category. On the one hand, some instances show that the referent of the image is compatible with the top text but not with the bottom text; on the other hand, other memes are compatible with the bottom text but not with the top text. The former increases the potential effectiveness of the incongruity, since the initial interpretation selected for the top text is corroborated by the validating interpretation of the image in the meme. Three examples of this variety can be found in Figure 1, where the image of an angry-looking woman (meme on the left and right) and of a hippy-looking girl (centre) is fully compatible with the top text, but the bottom text becomes incongruous with both the top text and the image, thus creating an incongruity.
Figure 2. Memes with incongruity between text and image (Yus 2021b). With this type, meme creators exploit the interrelation of the partial text and image meanings when brought together in a single discourse for humorous purposes. A commonly used strategy is a direct contrast between the meaning provided by the text and that of the image. Some examples are provided in Figure 2, with a sharp contrast portrayed in the meme in the middle between the expectations of the Marine job provided in the top and bottom text and the actual activity performed by a Marine. The memes on the left and right of the Figure generate incongruity by relating an intense nonverbal gesture (the act of crying) to the trivial situations described by the top and bottom text. 3.5 Discourse-based incongruity where the image plays no role in the IR strategy
Figure 2. Memes with incongruity between text and image (Yus 2021b). With this type, meme creators exploit the interrelation of the partial text and image meanings when brought together in a single discourse for humorous purposes. A commonly used strategy is a direct contrast between the meaning provided by the text and that of the image. Some examples are provided in Figure 2, with a sharp contrast portrayed in the meme in the middle between the expectations of the Marine job provided in the top and bottom text and the actual activity performed by a Marine. The memes on the left and right of the Figure generate incongruity by relating an intense nonverbal gesture (the act of crying) to the trivial situations described by the top and bottom text. 3.5 Discourse-based incongruity where the image plays no role in the IR strategy
Figure 3. Memes with discourse-based incongruity, with essential role of the image (Yus 2021b). Another possibility is one single interpretation for the top text, and the image is essential in forcing the audience to entertain simultaneously two meanings of a word or phrase in the bottom text, as happens with cabinet in (15) below, which is interpreted as “piece of furniture” due to the top text of the meme and also as “committee of senior ministers responsible for controlling government policy” due to the image of the politician:
Figure 3. Memes with discourse-based incongruity, with essential role of the image (Yus 2021b). Another possibility is one single interpretation for the top text, and the image is essential in forcing the audience to entertain simultaneously two meanings of a word or phrase in the bottom text, as happens with cabinet in (15) below, which is interpreted as “piece of furniture” due to the top text of the meme and also as “committee of senior ministers responsible for controlling government policy” due to the image of the politician:
Figure 6. Clashes between text and image with critical implications. SS a ee rr 7 v7 oO 1. Text-image incompatibility generates critical implications. In this category, the user is forced to infer information from the text and the image, both being incompatible and generating incongruity. The resolution necessarily entails the derivation of implicated conclusions tainted with criticism regarding the pandemic and how it has been managed by the authorities. Figure 6 reproduces some of these examples. All of them exhibit incongruities between the information provided by the text and the information from the prototypical referent of the image. The text of the meme on the left provides information about the user being fine despite the lockdown and about his new hobby of making crafts (Sixth day stuck at home and everything ok. I started making crafts with ropes), which clashes with the picture of a lace typically used to kill people (or to kill oneself, as the meme seems to suggest). The implicated conclusion would be a critical standpoint regarding the suffering condition of people under lockdown. Also critical is the meme in the middle with the text Work starts in Spain to build a hospital to treat the virus, which plays with the stereotype of the lazy Spaniards, most of them unwilling to work and watching while others do the job. An effective text-image incongruity demands from the user access to specific contextual
Figure 6. Clashes between text and image with critical implications. SS a ee rr 7 v7 oO 1. Text-image incompatibility generates critical implications. In this category, the user is forced to infer information from the text and the image, both being incompatible and generating incongruity. The resolution necessarily entails the derivation of implicated conclusions tainted with criticism regarding the pandemic and how it has been managed by the authorities. Figure 6 reproduces some of these examples. All of them exhibit incongruities between the information provided by the text and the information from the prototypical referent of the image. The text of the meme on the left provides information about the user being fine despite the lockdown and about his new hobby of making crafts (Sixth day stuck at home and everything ok. I started making crafts with ropes), which clashes with the picture of a lace typically used to kill people (or to kill oneself, as the meme seems to suggest). The implicated conclusion would be a critical standpoint regarding the suffering condition of people under lockdown. Also critical is the meme in the middle with the text Work starts in Spain to build a hospital to treat the virus, which plays with the stereotype of the lazy Spaniards, most of them unwilling to work and watching while others do the job. An effective text-image incongruity demands from the user access to specific contextual
Figure 7. Text-image combinations with text imposing a new reading of the image. going out) forces a new pandemic-related reading of the referent of the image. The bottom-middle meme portrays the famous painting Las Meninas by Velazquez with a new title: Brawl to see who gets the dog out. Again, this new reading of the painting resonates with events during lockdown, specifically regarding taking dogs out for a walk, one of the few reasons why people were allowed to leave their homes. Finally, the meme on the right is a typical example of metaphorization of an otherwise explicit reading of an image, turning it into a multimodal metaphor (see Forceville and Urios-Aparisi 2009). Two stills from the famous film Titanic are given new labels. The sinking ship is now metaphorically connoted as Mankind in 2020 and the band playing on the deck is labelled as Teachers giving lessons online, another metaphorization of the image with a number of critical implications.
Figure 7. Text-image combinations with text imposing a new reading of the image. going out) forces a new pandemic-related reading of the referent of the image. The bottom-middle meme portrays the famous painting Las Meninas by Velazquez with a new title: Brawl to see who gets the dog out. Again, this new reading of the painting resonates with events during lockdown, specifically regarding taking dogs out for a walk, one of the few reasons why people were allowed to leave their homes. Finally, the meme on the right is a typical example of metaphorization of an otherwise explicit reading of an image, turning it into a multimodal metaphor (see Forceville and Urios-Aparisi 2009). Two stills from the famous film Titanic are given new labels. The sinking ship is now metaphorically connoted as Mankind in 2020 and the band playing on the deck is labelled as Teachers giving lessons online, another metaphorization of the image with a number of critical implications.
One of the main objectives of this chapter is to assess to what extent IR strategies in Covid memes differ from those at work in normal humorous memes, together with an account of in which way the IR strategies outlined above are used in similar or different ways. Our analysis does indeed yield differences between these two types of humorous meme (normal vs. Covid), as shown when comparing the percentages of both types regarding the IR strategy, as provided in Table 3. Memes) ana ON We Ment CLOVIA MeMes), UIese MCMes CANIDIL SCVETAL CIICTCNCes. 1. As already pointed out, a higher percentage of Covid memes (29.30%) does not exhibit an IR strategy, compared to normal memes (8.66%). The main source of humour mainly lies in the collective mutuality of information regarding the pandemic (and in the collective awareness of this mutuality), together with the humorous exploitation of imposed behaviour under lockdown. This strategy resonates with a long tradition of humour to cope with tragedies (disaster jokes) and collective stress. Indeed, during the pandemic humour helped Spanish society to alleviate stress, reduce suffering, and dissipate feelings of anxiety, with people being granted a sense of power and control in this helpless situation (Blaber et al. 2021). a of ee ee ee 7 1 4
One of the main objectives of this chapter is to assess to what extent IR strategies in Covid memes differ from those at work in normal humorous memes, together with an account of in which way the IR strategies outlined above are used in similar or different ways. Our analysis does indeed yield differences between these two types of humorous meme (normal vs. Covid), as shown when comparing the percentages of both types regarding the IR strategy, as provided in Table 3. Memes) ana ON We Ment CLOVIA MeMes), UIese MCMes CANIDIL SCVETAL CIICTCNCes. 1. As already pointed out, a higher percentage of Covid memes (29.30%) does not exhibit an IR strategy, compared to normal memes (8.66%). The main source of humour mainly lies in the collective mutuality of information regarding the pandemic (and in the collective awareness of this mutuality), together with the humorous exploitation of imposed behaviour under lockdown. This strategy resonates with a long tradition of humour to cope with tragedies (disaster jokes) and collective stress. Indeed, during the pandemic humour helped Spanish society to alleviate stress, reduce suffering, and dissipate feelings of anxiety, with people being granted a sense of power and control in this helpless situation (Blaber et al. 2021). a of ee ee ee 7 1 4
Figure 8. Covid-meme humour alleviating collective suffering during a stressful situation. the ftw he BWM, 4 ADAGE AEE Deda | A A Se SRA et OF: GRR Met Mi Rg ot RR A Mil Re Ee te. Three examples are presented in Figure 8. The meme on the left, with the text change of plans for Easter, humorously refers to the collective frustration at being unable o travel or having to cancel scheduled travelling due to the pandemic lockdown. The neme in the middle effectively portrays the mutual awareness of collective suffering due o the pandemic. The text, Here, painting a mandala to relax a bit, paired with the image, unningly conveys the negative psychological state that many people were in during ockdown. Finally, the meme on the right humorously criticises the oxymoron of normal ife and lockdown as depicted in the criticisable slogan by the government: Stay at home ut conduct normal lives. 2. Crucially, many Covid memes rely on frame incongruities, more so than on discursive incongruities, with the image also playing a lesser role in these Covid memes. A possible explanation lies in the fact that humour often stems from the mutual awareness of shared information that successful meme interpretation foregrounds and makes more prominent, not needing additional discursive IR strategies. The mental construction of a frame associated with pandemic-related information clashes with background frames about what life should (or used to) be like, and from this clash some collective mutuality of information i is generated, made mutually manifest and tainted with humour. ee, ee eee ene, FG ee EE Fe ky ee ae ee Se ee ee. a ee | ee ee eee
Figure 8. Covid-meme humour alleviating collective suffering during a stressful situation. the ftw he BWM, 4 ADAGE AEE Deda | A A Se SRA et OF: GRR Met Mi Rg ot RR A Mil Re Ee te. Three examples are presented in Figure 8. The meme on the left, with the text change of plans for Easter, humorously refers to the collective frustration at being unable o travel or having to cancel scheduled travelling due to the pandemic lockdown. The neme in the middle effectively portrays the mutual awareness of collective suffering due o the pandemic. The text, Here, painting a mandala to relax a bit, paired with the image, unningly conveys the negative psychological state that many people were in during ockdown. Finally, the meme on the right humorously criticises the oxymoron of normal ife and lockdown as depicted in the criticisable slogan by the government: Stay at home ut conduct normal lives. 2. Crucially, many Covid memes rely on frame incongruities, more so than on discursive incongruities, with the image also playing a lesser role in these Covid memes. A possible explanation lies in the fact that humour often stems from the mutual awareness of shared information that successful meme interpretation foregrounds and makes more prominent, not needing additional discursive IR strategies. The mental construction of a frame associated with pandemic-related information clashes with background frames about what life should (or used to) be like, and from this clash some collective mutuality of information i is generated, made mutually manifest and tainted with humour. ee, ee eee ene, FG ee EE Fe ky ee ae ee Se ee ee. a ee | ee ee eee
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