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Assume a, b, and ¢ are the only tables in the domain in a given world ». The plural morpheme triggers the operation PL, which yields a set of pluralities, formed on the basis of the extension of the singular form. The set of pluralities of singular tables forms the extension of the plural form tables. Putting the two together, we get a join semi-lattice, the atoms of which correspond to the elements of the set of singularities. Aetlwwe At this point we can turn back to nouns. The type of structure in (14) has been proven to be useful to represent the extension of nouns. In this respect I will mostly follow Chierchia (1995), who builds on work by Link (1983) and Landman (1989,1991).'* Singular count nouns, Chierchia states, have as their extension a set of singularities. The extension of a singular count noun such as “abe corresponds to the set of singular tables in the domain of denotation. The plural count noun “ables corresponds to the set of pluralities that can be formed on the basis of the singular tables. Chierchia illustrates this by (15) (his (21)):

Figure 6 Assume a, b, and ¢ are the only tables in the domain in a given world ». The plural morpheme triggers the operation PL, which yields a set of pluralities, formed on the basis of the extension of the singular form. The set of pluralities of singular tables forms the extension of the plural form tables. Putting the two together, we get a join semi-lattice, the atoms of which correspond to the elements of the set of singularities. Aetlwwe At this point we can turn back to nouns. The type of structure in (14) has been proven to be useful to represent the extension of nouns. In this respect I will mostly follow Chierchia (1995), who builds on work by Link (1983) and Landman (1989,1991).'* Singular count nouns, Chierchia states, have as their extension a set of singularities. The extension of a singular count noun such as “abe corresponds to the set of singular tables in the domain of denotation. The plural count noun “ables corresponds to the set of pluralities that can be formed on the basis of the singular tables. Chierchia illustrates this by (15) (his (21)):

Related Figures (24)

I aa A Ma aI my a a aa aI a al to the level of the maximal projection. The different theta relations have in common that they are possible under sisterhood only (Higginbotham 1985). In the rest of this section I will present evidence for a third type of theta saturation, which is a variant of theta identification, and which I will call SATURATION THOUGH IDENTIFICATION. I will argue that an adjunct, which normally enters into a theta identification relation with its host, can be saturated itself, which results in saturation of the corresponding open position in the host. This process is different from theta binding because it does not involve a head complement structure. It is different from theta marking, because the category containing the saturated position is not an argument but an adjunct.
I aa A Ma aI my a a aa aI a al to the level of the maximal projection. The different theta relations have in common that they are possible under sisterhood only (Higginbotham 1985). In the rest of this section I will present evidence for a third type of theta saturation, which is a variant of theta identification, and which I will call SATURATION THOUGH IDENTIFICATION. I will argue that an adjunct, which normally enters into a theta identification relation with its host, can be saturated itself, which results in saturation of the corresponding open position in the host. This process is different from theta binding because it does not involve a head complement structure. It is different from theta marking, because the category containing the saturated position is not an argument but an adjunct.
The impossibility of (13a) as a wh-counterpart of John is so ill follows if how is generated in the head of the DegP. The DegP cannot be extracted leaving the AP containing 7// behind, because this AP is part of the DegP. The fact that how badly can be extracted shows that bad/y cannot be generated in the Deg position, and hence is evidence for an adjunction analysis of badly. Zwatts follows Corver, and badly ill is analysed as in (14):? There must be an alternative derivation possible in which the DegP containing ow forms a constituent with badly. Evidence is Corvet’s extraction example in (13b), where /ow is extracted together with the degree modifier badly. Given the possibility of (13b) the structure of how badly ill cannot correspond to (15), which would not allow for extraction of how badly. The structure in (16) is in accordance with the facts: the DegP forms a phrase together with the degree modifier and the extraction facts can be accounted for:
The impossibility of (13a) as a wh-counterpart of John is so ill follows if how is generated in the head of the DegP. The DegP cannot be extracted leaving the AP containing 7// behind, because this AP is part of the DegP. The fact that how badly can be extracted shows that bad/y cannot be generated in the Deg position, and hence is evidence for an adjunction analysis of badly. Zwatts follows Corver, and badly ill is analysed as in (14):? There must be an alternative derivation possible in which the DegP containing ow forms a constituent with badly. Evidence is Corvet’s extraction example in (13b), where /ow is extracted together with the degree modifier badly. Given the possibility of (13b) the structure of how badly ill cannot correspond to (15), which would not allow for extraction of how badly. The structure in (16) is in accordance with the facts: the DegP forms a phrase together with the degree modifier and the extraction facts can be accounted for:
count noun sfof is always feminine and cannot mean ‘dust particle’. In the leftmost column of (13) the original mass noun is given, in the middle column the corresponding count noun, with its plural ending between brackets, and in the rightmost column the diminutive form. Compounds are only added in case they are not derived from the simple count form. The schema does not include jargon. The examples in (13) show that the possible interpretations of derived count forms vaty quite seriously. Certain types of meaning show up frequently: a piece/a serving of N,,, and a type of N,,. In general, the diminutive refers to a small piece/ serving of Noo while the bare noun form refers to the Ape of No yoss teading. However, we cannot predict which forms are possible and which meanings are allowed. As I showed above, the count “pe of N,,,,,, reading is not always available. In the pvece or object of N,,,,, teading, we do not know what kind of object the count version of the mass noun tefers to. Fen glas ot een glaage ‘a (piece of) glass’ can be used for a drinking glass, the chimney of an oil-lamp or a spectacle-glass, but not for a glass vase or a fragment of broken glass. Alongside the unpredictable meanings, there are several unpredictable gaps in the paradigm. The mass nouns s/aap and boter
count noun sfof is always feminine and cannot mean ‘dust particle’. In the leftmost column of (13) the original mass noun is given, in the middle column the corresponding count noun, with its plural ending between brackets, and in the rightmost column the diminutive form. Compounds are only added in case they are not derived from the simple count form. The schema does not include jargon. The examples in (13) show that the possible interpretations of derived count forms vaty quite seriously. Certain types of meaning show up frequently: a piece/a serving of N,,, and a type of N,,. In general, the diminutive refers to a small piece/ serving of Noo while the bare noun form refers to the Ape of No yoss teading. However, we cannot predict which forms are possible and which meanings are allowed. As I showed above, the count “pe of N,,,,,, reading is not always available. In the pvece or object of N,,,,, teading, we do not know what kind of object the count version of the mass noun tefers to. Fen glas ot een glaage ‘a (piece of) glass’ can be used for a drinking glass, the chimney of an oil-lamp or a spectacle-glass, but not for a glass vase or a fragment of broken glass. Alongside the unpredictable meanings, there are several unpredictable gaps in the paradigm. The mass nouns s/aap and boter
An example of a join semi-lattice is given in (14):"°
An example of a join semi-lattice is given in (14):"°
Hoekstra extends the SC structure he assumes for resultatives to case: where no overt SC predicate is present. According to him, the ‘direc internal argument’ of an accomplishment is actually the subject of ar abstract predicate. The sentence John washed his hands should be seen as Joh washed [his hands |clean]] where the position of can is left empty. Withit the SC analysis the otherwise mysterious relation between the direct interna argument and the endpoint of the event makes sense; the transition point which is the moment when the subject of the resultative has reached thx state described by the SC predicate, corresponds to the endpoint of thi event. The delimiting force comes from the presence of a SC tha introduces the endpoint of the event. In case the content of the SC predicate is ‘recoverable’, or the default result of the action, the predicat position can be left empty.” . 1 rH 1° 1 lan al i = . 1 . | nore 1
Hoekstra extends the SC structure he assumes for resultatives to case: where no overt SC predicate is present. According to him, the ‘direc internal argument’ of an accomplishment is actually the subject of ar abstract predicate. The sentence John washed his hands should be seen as Joh washed [his hands |clean]] where the position of can is left empty. Withit the SC analysis the otherwise mysterious relation between the direct interna argument and the endpoint of the event makes sense; the transition point which is the moment when the subject of the resultative has reached thx state described by the SC predicate, corresponds to the endpoint of thi event. The delimiting force comes from the presence of a SC tha introduces the endpoint of the event. In case the content of the SC predicate is ‘recoverable’, or the default result of the action, the predicat position can be left empty.” . 1 rH 1° 1 lan al i = . 1 . | nore 1
Hoekstra uses this mechanism to derive the bounded interpretation of resultatives. SCs do not contain an independent tense operator, and Hoekstra argues that the binder of the open e-position in the predicate of a resultative SC is provided by the matrix verb. Verbs such as #0 wash denote dynamic processes that go on over a certain time period. In that sense, they ate associated with a tense scale as illustrated in (14):
Hoekstra uses this mechanism to derive the bounded interpretation of resultatives. SCs do not contain an independent tense operator, and Hoekstra argues that the binder of the open e-position in the predicate of a resultative SC is provided by the matrix verb. Verbs such as #0 wash denote dynamic processes that go on over a certain time period. In that sense, they ate associated with a tense scale as illustrated in (14):
The e-position in the SC predicate PRED does not play a role in the relation between the matrix verb and the SC. I assume that it is saturated by the inchoative in the same way as in sentences such as John got tired where the inchoative is overt. The inchoative auxiliary which I will argue to be present in resultative SCs introduces an event position corresponding to the transition that occurs when the subject of the SC gets into the state corresponding to the SC predicate P (henceforth —P/P transition). I assume that the SC is thematically licensed because the event-position in the thematic grid of the inchoative auxiliary is identified with the event variable in the grid of the matrix verb. This analysis has several advantages over Hoekstra’s tense linking analysis, even though Hoekstra’s analysis is at first sight more attractive as it does not postulate an empty inchoative auxiliary. I will show below that the information introduced by the inchoative auxiliary is necessary, and that tense linking does not give the information we need in order to account for certain phenomena. re - ww , a ° ° . SA I\ rH am
The e-position in the SC predicate PRED does not play a role in the relation between the matrix verb and the SC. I assume that it is saturated by the inchoative in the same way as in sentences such as John got tired where the inchoative is overt. The inchoative auxiliary which I will argue to be present in resultative SCs introduces an event position corresponding to the transition that occurs when the subject of the SC gets into the state corresponding to the SC predicate P (henceforth —P/P transition). I assume that the SC is thematically licensed because the event-position in the thematic grid of the inchoative auxiliary is identified with the event variable in the grid of the matrix verb. This analysis has several advantages over Hoekstra’s tense linking analysis, even though Hoekstra’s analysis is at first sight more attractive as it does not postulate an empty inchoative auxiliary. I will show below that the information introduced by the inchoative auxiliary is necessary, and that tense linking does not give the information we need in order to account for certain phenomena. re - ww , a ° ° . SA I\ rH am
In the previous chapter I introduced the notion of g-position. The ¢- position is a syntactic realization of the boundedness properties of the event. In case the event is unbounded, the g-position is scalar, in case it is not, the g-position is non-scalar. Through identification of the ¢-position in the matrix verb ae and the e-position in the inchoative auxiliary, the eating event and the event corresponding to the 4P/P transition correspond to the same time scale so that they share their initial point and their endpoint. If the SC defines a bounded event, the g-position of the SC is non-scalar. The g-position in the grid of the verb az is, initially, a scalar position, given that ate is a cumulative predicate. By identification of the eposition in the SC and the e-position in the grid of the verb a/e, the endpoint of the inchoative event representing the 4P/P transition becomes also the endpoint of the eating event. As a result we have a bounded eating event, and the g-position associated with this unbounded eating event must be non-scalar. Through mapping of the e-positions in the matrix verb and in the inchoative auxiliary in the SC, the g-positions associated with these e¢-positions become identical as well. This suggests that e-identification, as in (43), entails identification of the g-positions associated with the identified e-positions, which I assume to be the case. As illustrated by the sentences in (42). the reference properties of the
In the previous chapter I introduced the notion of g-position. The ¢- position is a syntactic realization of the boundedness properties of the event. In case the event is unbounded, the g-position is scalar, in case it is not, the g-position is non-scalar. Through identification of the ¢-position in the matrix verb ae and the e-position in the inchoative auxiliary, the eating event and the event corresponding to the 4P/P transition correspond to the same time scale so that they share their initial point and their endpoint. If the SC defines a bounded event, the g-position of the SC is non-scalar. The g-position in the grid of the verb az is, initially, a scalar position, given that ate is a cumulative predicate. By identification of the eposition in the SC and the e-position in the grid of the verb a/e, the endpoint of the inchoative event representing the 4P/P transition becomes also the endpoint of the eating event. As a result we have a bounded eating event, and the g-position associated with this unbounded eating event must be non-scalar. Through mapping of the e-positions in the matrix verb and in the inchoative auxiliary in the SC, the g-positions associated with these e¢-positions become identical as well. This suggests that e-identification, as in (43), entails identification of the g-positions associated with the identified e-positions, which I assume to be the case. As illustrated by the sentences in (42). the reference properties of the
The default interpretation of the adjectival DQ is found in the context of an empty Deg. The idea that more and most are the comparative and superlative forms of much is quite commonly accepted in traditional grammar, and adopted within a generative framework by Selkirk (1970) and Bresnan (1973). I will treat more and most as amalgams consisting of a DegP and an incorporated adjectival DQ (cf. (8b) and (14)). From a syntactic point of view, these DQs are complex, on a par with so much. The analysis will be extended to some other forms, which are morphologically less transparent than more and most. The structure I adopt for complex DQs is given in (15) and corresponds to the structure for ¢a/er in (8b):
The default interpretation of the adjectival DQ is found in the context of an empty Deg. The idea that more and most are the comparative and superlative forms of much is quite commonly accepted in traditional grammar, and adopted within a generative framework by Selkirk (1970) and Bresnan (1973). I will treat more and most as amalgams consisting of a DegP and an incorporated adjectival DQ (cf. (8b) and (14)). From a syntactic point of view, these DQs are complex, on a par with so much. The analysis will be extended to some other forms, which are morphologically less transparent than more and most. The structure I adopt for complex DQs is given in (15) and corresponds to the structure for ¢a/er in (8b):
According to Jackendoff (1977) Bresnan’s split degree system is mistaken. According to him all degree words are DegPs, and occupy the specifier position of AP.'’ His main argument is that adjectives usually do not combine with Qs. Bresnan’s empty Qs are, according to him, non-existent. Jackendoff assumes that words such as more and “ess occupy the same position as foo or as, and that these are not formed by combining a degree expression and a Q. a split system. In her view, there is a difference between quantifiers (Qs) such as much on the one hand, and degree terms such as as and foo and the comparative suffix —er on the other. The latter function as determiners of Q, and correspond roughly to the set of Deg-heads. The comparative form more 1s the result of combining the Det —er with the Q much (cf. also Selkirk 1970). Bresnan assumes that the Det and the Q positions are always present, but that either position can remain empty. For her, so cntelligent and as intelligent contain an empty Q position. French pew intelligent ‘little/not very intelligent’ would be a case of an empty Det. The example in (26) illustrates Bresnan’s proposal:
According to Jackendoff (1977) Bresnan’s split degree system is mistaken. According to him all degree words are DegPs, and occupy the specifier position of AP.'’ His main argument is that adjectives usually do not combine with Qs. Bresnan’s empty Qs are, according to him, non-existent. Jackendoff assumes that words such as more and “ess occupy the same position as foo or as, and that these are not formed by combining a degree expression and a Q. a split system. In her view, there is a difference between quantifiers (Qs) such as much on the one hand, and degree terms such as as and foo and the comparative suffix —er on the other. The latter function as determiners of Q, and correspond roughly to the set of Deg-heads. The comparative form more 1s the result of combining the Det —er with the Q much (cf. also Selkirk 1970). Bresnan assumes that the Det and the Q positions are always present, but that either position can remain empty. For her, so cntelligent and as intelligent contain an empty Q position. French pew intelligent ‘little/not very intelligent’ would be a case of an empty Det. The example in (26) illustrates Bresnan’s proposal:
The less specific the context, the more languages use a DQ to express neutral high degree. The most specific elements, ¢rés and very, only combine with APs containing a g-position. The Dutch high degree adverb evg is not sensitive to categorial properties of its host, but it does depend on the presence of a g-position. DQs, finally, are only sensitive to a scalar position, and therefore can be used in all three contexts unless a more specific form is available. Two neutral high degree forms may have the same distribution if they are equally specific (e.g. a dot and much), as in that case the Elsewhere Condition does not apply. EI In this subsection I gave further evidence for the idea that the distinctior between g-positions and scalar g-positions is relevant for selection. The g Dosition is found in adjectives, psych verbs and a small set of stage-leve vetbs while scalar g-positions are introduced by eventive verbal predicate: and NPs with a mass or plural interpretation. High degree adverbs onh combine with expressions containing a g-position, while DQs are in principl. sensitive to the distinction between g and g. In Dutch there is « complementary distribution between high degree adverbs and high degre DQs, which I attributed to the Elsewhere Condition. The overlapping distribution of high degree adverbs and high degree DQs in French anc Portuguese correlates with the lack of a maximally neutral high degre adverb in these languages. Mis Loe elite se) ck Ce ees Sees J ee YT CUCL Okke. DT ke heck: oo Me Sete me | 6OCLf ss
The less specific the context, the more languages use a DQ to express neutral high degree. The most specific elements, ¢rés and very, only combine with APs containing a g-position. The Dutch high degree adverb evg is not sensitive to categorial properties of its host, but it does depend on the presence of a g-position. DQs, finally, are only sensitive to a scalar position, and therefore can be used in all three contexts unless a more specific form is available. Two neutral high degree forms may have the same distribution if they are equally specific (e.g. a dot and much), as in that case the Elsewhere Condition does not apply. EI In this subsection I gave further evidence for the idea that the distinctior between g-positions and scalar g-positions is relevant for selection. The g Dosition is found in adjectives, psych verbs and a small set of stage-leve vetbs while scalar g-positions are introduced by eventive verbal predicate: and NPs with a mass or plural interpretation. High degree adverbs onh combine with expressions containing a g-position, while DQs are in principl. sensitive to the distinction between g and g. In Dutch there is « complementary distribution between high degree adverbs and high degre DQs, which I attributed to the Elsewhere Condition. The overlapping distribution of high degree adverbs and high degree DQs in French anc Portuguese correlates with the lack of a maximally neutral high degre adverb in these languages. Mis Loe elite se) ck Ce ees Sees J ee YT CUCL Okke. DT ke heck: oo Me Sete me | 6OCLf ss
The question raised by this structure is why the DQ adjoins to NumP and not to NP. As for the ungrammatical sentences in (12b) and (12c), the impossibility of adjoining the DQ to the NP may be understood if we assume that all adjectives have to be within the scope of the DQ. The DQ specifies the relative quantity of pleasant individuals who at a certain time in the past were professors, and hence must have scope over all the adjectives, including ancien ‘former’. One could say that the position of the adjectives forces the DQ to adjoin to a higher functional position. A similar explanation does not account, however, for the ungrammaticality of (14b) and (15b), as these examples only contain an adjective which is adjoined to According to several linguists the opposition between prenominal and postnominal adjectives has to be explained by N(oun) movement to the head of a Num(ber)P dominating the NP (cf. Valois 1991, Bernstein 1993 and Cinque 1994). If this view is correct, we have to assume that the DQ does not adjoin to NP but to NumP, as in the structure in (13). In this structure I abstract away from the position of de ‘of, which will be discussed in the next subsection, and also from the status of the prenominal adjective ancien ‘former’:
The question raised by this structure is why the DQ adjoins to NumP and not to NP. As for the ungrammatical sentences in (12b) and (12c), the impossibility of adjoining the DQ to the NP may be understood if we assume that all adjectives have to be within the scope of the DQ. The DQ specifies the relative quantity of pleasant individuals who at a certain time in the past were professors, and hence must have scope over all the adjectives, including ancien ‘former’. One could say that the position of the adjectives forces the DQ to adjoin to a higher functional position. A similar explanation does not account, however, for the ungrammaticality of (14b) and (15b), as these examples only contain an adjective which is adjoined to According to several linguists the opposition between prenominal and postnominal adjectives has to be explained by N(oun) movement to the head of a Num(ber)P dominating the NP (cf. Valois 1991, Bernstein 1993 and Cinque 1994). If this view is correct, we have to assume that the DQ does not adjoin to NP but to NumP, as in the structure in (13). In this structure I abstract away from the position of de ‘of, which will be discussed in the next subsection, and also from the status of the prenominal adjective ancien ‘former’:
accept both left and right adjunction. Right adjunction, as mentioned in the chapter 1, is banned within the Antisymmetry framework of Kayne (1994). An interesting alternative to right adjunction has been developed by Barbiers (1995) (cf. section 5.1.2, where this theory was used to derive postverbal adverbial DQs). Within Barbiers’ framework an XP which seems at first sight right-adjoined to YP is derived by left adjunction to YP and subsequent movement of YP to the specifier of XP. Making use of Barbiers’ theory, the right scope relations, based on hierarchical structure, and the right word order of (21) can be derived. The deep structure, in which the scope telations are established, is given in (23a) and the resulting surface structure in (23b): adjunct is the need to establish what he calls a qualification relation, whicl
accept both left and right adjunction. Right adjunction, as mentioned in the chapter 1, is banned within the Antisymmetry framework of Kayne (1994). An interesting alternative to right adjunction has been developed by Barbiers (1995) (cf. section 5.1.2, where this theory was used to derive postverbal adverbial DQs). Within Barbiers’ framework an XP which seems at first sight right-adjoined to YP is derived by left adjunction to YP and subsequent movement of YP to the specifier of XP. Making use of Barbiers’ theory, the right scope relations, based on hierarchical structure, and the right word order of (21) can be derived. The deep structure, in which the scope telations are established, is given in (23a) and the resulting surface structure in (23b): adjunct is the need to establish what he calls a qualification relation, whicl
the structure in (24) the XP functions as a ‘qualifier’ or a predicate of YP: When used prenominally, these adjectives have an interpretation which does not involve theta identification (cf. Higginbotham 1985:566). An old church is both a church and old as compared to other churches, a simple-minded soldier is both a soldier and a simple-minded individual, but a mere soldier is not a soldier and a mere individual. (cf. section 1.2). Let us assume that the configuration in (24) indicates theta identification. In that case the non- intersective interpretation of prenominal ancien and simple, which does not involve theta identification, corresponds to the absence of the configuration in (24) at all levels, ic. also at LF. If the configuration is established, theta identification must take place, and the adjectives must be interpreted as ‘old’ and ‘simple-minded’, respectively. As the postnominal position is the result of the configuration in (24), these adjectives can never be interpreted as ‘former’ and ‘mere’ when used postnominally. The examples in (22) showed that ancien in the sense of ‘former’ resists
the structure in (24) the XP functions as a ‘qualifier’ or a predicate of YP: When used prenominally, these adjectives have an interpretation which does not involve theta identification (cf. Higginbotham 1985:566). An old church is both a church and old as compared to other churches, a simple-minded soldier is both a soldier and a simple-minded individual, but a mere soldier is not a soldier and a mere individual. (cf. section 1.2). Let us assume that the configuration in (24) indicates theta identification. In that case the non- intersective interpretation of prenominal ancien and simple, which does not involve theta identification, corresponds to the absence of the configuration in (24) at all levels, ic. also at LF. If the configuration is established, theta identification must take place, and the adjectives must be interpreted as ‘old’ and ‘simple-minded’, respectively. As the postnominal position is the result of the configuration in (24), these adjectives can never be interpreted as ‘former’ and ‘mere’ when used postnominally. The examples in (22) showed that ancien in the sense of ‘former’ resists
i ~~ a —_———— OO ee gf (d’enfants in (34b)) is now filled by a phonologically empty NP. Evidence for the presence of a second NP in the partitive construction comes from the fact that in some cases a visible pronominal element shows up. In French wm is present in the partitive constructions gue/ques *(uns) de ces livres ‘some of these books’ and chacun/*chaque de ces livres ‘each of these books’. The analysis allows us to assume that also in partitive constructions, the DQ binds a g-position, which is contained in the empty NP. The function of the partitive PP is to specify the domain of which the set denoted by the NP is a part. In (35), the set corresponding to [beaucoup e| is a subset of the set consisting of ces dvres these books. Given the observation that partitive PPs are found in the context of most Qs and indenendently of their DQ statis it is plausible that their presence identify the scalar position in the DP ces enfants ‘the children’, but determine: that an important subset of ces enfants ‘the children’ is in the garden. This i: particularly clear when we consider pew ‘few; little’. In pew de ces enfants son dans le jardin ‘few of the children are in the garden’ the DP ces enfants may refer to a group consisting of a lot of children, provided that few of therr are in the garden. The second option, in which the partitive NP does no occupy the same position as other phrases modified by the DQ, makes i possible to maintain that the DQ is interpreted by saturating a scala: position in an XP in the partittve construction as well. Given the aim tc keep the lexical specification of DQs as simple as possible, this seconc option is preferable. In order to apply the general analysis of DQs in the context of the partitive construction, we have to assume that the partitive construction contains an empty NP with an open g-position, and that thi: empty NP is the host of the DQ. 1 1 fr 1 171 n~ et SA IKFIQN \
i ~~ a —_———— OO ee gf (d’enfants in (34b)) is now filled by a phonologically empty NP. Evidence for the presence of a second NP in the partitive construction comes from the fact that in some cases a visible pronominal element shows up. In French wm is present in the partitive constructions gue/ques *(uns) de ces livres ‘some of these books’ and chacun/*chaque de ces livres ‘each of these books’. The analysis allows us to assume that also in partitive constructions, the DQ binds a g-position, which is contained in the empty NP. The function of the partitive PP is to specify the domain of which the set denoted by the NP is a part. In (35), the set corresponding to [beaucoup e| is a subset of the set consisting of ces dvres these books. Given the observation that partitive PPs are found in the context of most Qs and indenendently of their DQ statis it is plausible that their presence identify the scalar position in the DP ces enfants ‘the children’, but determine: that an important subset of ces enfants ‘the children’ is in the garden. This i: particularly clear when we consider pew ‘few; little’. In pew de ces enfants son dans le jardin ‘few of the children are in the garden’ the DP ces enfants may refer to a group consisting of a lot of children, provided that few of therr are in the garden. The second option, in which the partitive NP does no occupy the same position as other phrases modified by the DQ, makes i possible to maintain that the DQ is interpreted by saturating a scala: position in an XP in the partittve construction as well. Given the aim tc keep the lexical specification of DQs as simple as possible, this seconc option is preferable. In order to apply the general analysis of DQs in the context of the partitive construction, we have to assume that the partitive construction contains an empty NP with an open g-position, and that thi: empty NP is the host of the DQ. 1 1 fr 1 171 n~ et SA IKFIQN \
The g-position associated to the inchoative auxiliary percolates up to the AuxP heading this auxiliary. This position is theta-identified with the g- position in the SC subject, and percolates up to the level of the SC. The g- position in the SC is identified with the one in the matrix V. If the g- position in the DP (the subject of the SC) is saturated, all g-positions will be saturated, including the one in the VP. This is so, because identification of a saturated and an open position always yields a saturated position (cf. 1.2). In case the g-position in VP is saturated, modification by a DQ is excluded as it is not - possible to identify two saturated positions. Prt. . . 7... se | w= Men, op Me . “ETH acc rr ©) i ie 7 chapter 3 that a ‘direct internal argument’ which measures out the event is actually the subject of a SC with a silent inchoative auxiliary and an overt ot covert predicate which indicates the state attained by the SC subject by the end of the event. The g-position of the SC-subject and the g-position of the inchoative event are identified, and the resulting position is identified with the g-position in the matrix verb. The different identification relations ate illustrated by the structure in (13):
The g-position associated to the inchoative auxiliary percolates up to the AuxP heading this auxiliary. This position is theta-identified with the g- position in the SC subject, and percolates up to the level of the SC. The g- position in the SC is identified with the one in the matrix V. If the g- position in the DP (the subject of the SC) is saturated, all g-positions will be saturated, including the one in the VP. This is so, because identification of a saturated and an open position always yields a saturated position (cf. 1.2). In case the g-position in VP is saturated, modification by a DQ is excluded as it is not - possible to identify two saturated positions. Prt. . . 7... se | w= Men, op Me . “ETH acc rr ©) i ie 7 chapter 3 that a ‘direct internal argument’ which measures out the event is actually the subject of a SC with a silent inchoative auxiliary and an overt ot covert predicate which indicates the state attained by the SC subject by the end of the event. The g-position of the SC-subject and the g-position of the inchoative event are identified, and the resulting position is identified with the g-position in the matrix verb. The different identification relations ate illustrated by the structure in (13):
ea, S aa In the preceding chapter I discussed the interaction of DQs and measuring out. According to the analysis of measuring out given in chapter 3, the argument which measures out the event (the ‘direct internal argument’) is taken to be the subject of a resultative SC. The resultative SC contains a silent inchoative auxiliary and a predicate which can be either overt or covert. The reference properties of the SC subject determine the reference properties of the event as a whole because the g-position in the SC subject is theta identified with the g-position associated to the event argument of the inchoative auxiliary. This g-position undergoes theta identification with the g-position in the matrix V. The g-identification processes are represented in the tree in (23):
ea, S aa In the preceding chapter I discussed the interaction of DQs and measuring out. According to the analysis of measuring out given in chapter 3, the argument which measures out the event (the ‘direct internal argument’) is taken to be the subject of a resultative SC. The resultative SC contains a silent inchoative auxiliary and a predicate which can be either overt or covert. The reference properties of the SC subject determine the reference properties of the event as a whole because the g-position in the SC subject is theta identified with the g-position associated to the event argument of the inchoative auxiliary. This g-position undergoes theta identification with the g-position in the matrix V. The g-identification processes are represented in the tree in (23):
Taking into account the identification relations between the different g- positions as in (24) makes it possible to account for the facts in (22) without losing the generalizations captured by the VQH. The DQ is purely adverbial and saturates the g-position in the VP, but as this position is the result of an (indirect) identification relation between the g-position in V and the g-position in the de NP, the quantity of water, oil and beer in the examples in (22) has direct implications for the quantity corresponding to the event. itself is the result of identification of a verbal and a nominal g-position: Let us assume that the de NP in the QAD construction contains an open g-position. This position is identified, via the SC, with the open position in V. Adding the DQ results in saturation of the g-position in the VP, which itself is the result of identification of a verbal and a nominal g-position:
Taking into account the identification relations between the different g- positions as in (24) makes it possible to account for the facts in (22) without losing the generalizations captured by the VQH. The DQ is purely adverbial and saturates the g-position in the VP, but as this position is the result of an (indirect) identification relation between the g-position in V and the g-position in the de NP, the quantity of water, oil and beer in the examples in (22) has direct implications for the quantity corresponding to the event. itself is the result of identification of a verbal and a nominal g-position: Let us assume that the de NP in the QAD construction contains an open g-position. This position is identified, via the SC, with the open position in V. Adding the DQ results in saturation of the g-position in the VP, which itself is the result of identification of a verbal and a nominal g-position:
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