Academia.eduAcademia.edu

Figure 3 – uploaded by Mark W. Post

See full PDFdownloadDownload figure
Table 3 - Noun phrase referential/relational markers cognate in Milang and other Tani languages Turning to predicate morphology, we find that several characteristically Tani predicate suffixes also occur in Milang, albeit in slightly different forms in some cases (the form of the Stative suffix in particular is difficult to explain, but may owe to an earlier fusion of the Stative suffix with another, unknown form). Again here, with the exception of the Perfective, most of these forms are also well-attested elsewhere in Tibeto-Burman (Table 4).

Table 3 - Noun phrase referential/relational markers cognate in Milang and other Tani languages Turning to predicate morphology, we find that several characteristically Tani predicate suffixes also occur in Milang, albeit in slightly different forms in some cases (the form of the Stative suffix in particular is difficult to explain, but may owe to an earlier fusion of the Stative suffix with another, unknown form). Again here, with the exception of the Perfective, most of these forms are also well-attested elsewhere in Tibeto-Burman (Table 4).

Related Figures (11)

Figure 1 - North East India, showing the Tani cultural-linguistic area and the approximate location of the Milang area (see Figure 2)
Figure 1 - North East India, showing the Tani cultural-linguistic area and the approximate location of the Milang area (see Figure 2)
Figure 2 - Detail of the Milang area, with Idu area to right and Eastern Tani tribes/subtribes in other directions. Extracted from declassified US JOG (Joint Operations Graphic) map NH 46-16, 1:250,000 scale
Figure 2 - Detail of the Milang area, with Idu area to right and Eastern Tani tribes/subtribes in other directions. Extracted from declassified US JOG (Joint Operations Graphic) map NH 46-16, 1:250,000 scale
Figure 3 - Provisional Tani stammbaum, Sun (1993: §3.5)
Figure 3 - Provisional Tani stammbaum, Sun (1993: §3.5)
Table 4 - Predicate suffixes cognate in Milang and other Tan: However, we also find that a fair number of Milang functors do not correspond well with their counterparts in other Tani languages. To begin with the noun phrase, Table 5 looks first at the personal pronoun inventories attested for Galo, Minyong and Milang, together with their Proto-Tani and, where possible, PTB sources. Note in particular the close correspondence among the PTB first person singular form and its Milang reflex, which quite clearly pre-dates the hypothesized PTB — PT *a — %*o change. Correspondence among the third person forms are less straightforward, but plausibly reflect palatal sympathy changes (i.e., remaining agnostic as to whether the initial consonant or rhyme was the palatalization trigger). However, if the Milang third person singular form is indeed PTB-cognate, then again it would pre-date the more common Tani form.
Table 4 - Predicate suffixes cognate in Milang and other Tan: However, we also find that a fair number of Milang functors do not correspond well with their counterparts in other Tani languages. To begin with the noun phrase, Table 5 looks first at the personal pronoun inventories attested for Galo, Minyong and Milang, together with their Proto-Tani and, where possible, PTB sources. Note in particular the close correspondence among the PTB first person singular form and its Milang reflex, which quite clearly pre-dates the hypothesized PTB — PT *a — %*o change. Correspondence among the third person forms are less straightforward, but plausibly reflect palatal sympathy changes (i.e., remaining agnostic as to whether the initial consonant or rhyme was the palatalization trigger). However, if the Milang third person singular form is indeed PTB-cognate, then again it would pre-date the more common Tani form.
greater antiquity than both the Galo and Minyong plural forms, and the Milang dual forms (which appear to be compositionally derived from the simplex forms plus the numeral na ‘two’). But most importantly here is the very existence of an inclusive plural form, and that too seemingly built on a vowel lengthening rule which is otherwise unattested in Tani languages. All of this is suggestive of considerable antiquity.
greater antiquity than both the Galo and Minyong plural forms, and the Milang dual forms (which appear to be compositionally derived from the simplex forms plus the numeral na ‘two’). But most importantly here is the very existence of an inclusive plural form, and that too seemingly built on a vowel lengthening rule which is otherwise unattested in Tani languages. All of this is suggestive of considerable antiquity.
Table 6 - Topographical-deictic demonstrative formatives in PT, Galo, Minyong, Milang, Idu and Yamphu (Kiranti, Nepal) (Ebert 2003) Similar disharmony among Milang and other Tani forms is found in non-topographical noun phrase referential markers. While it remains difficult to reconstruct a full set to PT due to an ongoing lack of adequate descriptive materials, we can at least reconstruct a Proximate demonstrative and an Identifiability article (often with additional definiteness, topic-marking and/or copula functions) on the basis of Western/Eastern branch correspondences. A (non-topographical) speech-act-participant- distal demonstrative with definiteness functionality do is seemingly unattested in Western Tani, and so its status at the PT stage remains uncertain. The set of categories found in Milang more closely resemble the Eastern Tani categories than the attested Western Tani categories; however, the forms themselves do not correspond well (note that Milang /u/ is expected to reflect
Table 6 - Topographical-deictic demonstrative formatives in PT, Galo, Minyong, Milang, Idu and Yamphu (Kiranti, Nepal) (Ebert 2003) Similar disharmony among Milang and other Tani forms is found in non-topographical noun phrase referential markers. While it remains difficult to reconstruct a full set to PT due to an ongoing lack of adequate descriptive materials, we can at least reconstruct a Proximate demonstrative and an Identifiability article (often with additional definiteness, topic-marking and/or copula functions) on the basis of Western/Eastern branch correspondences. A (non-topographical) speech-act-participant- distal demonstrative with definiteness functionality do is seemingly unattested in Western Tani, and so its status at the PT stage remains uncertain. The set of categories found in Milang more closely resemble the Eastern Tani categories than the attested Western Tani categories; however, the forms themselves do not correspond well (note that Milang /u/ is expected to reflect
5. Summary overview Table 8 - Non-cognate predicate morphology in PTB, PT, Apatani, Galo, Minyong and Milang (A patani data from Abraham (1985))
5. Summary overview Table 8 - Non-cognate predicate morphology in PTB, PT, Apatani, Galo, Minyong and Milang (A patani data from Abraham (1985))
580 California St., Suite 400
San Francisco, CA, 94104
© 2025 Academia. All rights reserved