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Table A. 1. Page 1 of reading list

Table 41 A. 1. Page 1 of reading list

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CHAPTER 4 COMPARISON OF THREE CONSONANTS OF JAPANESE
CHAPTER 4 COMPARISON OF THREE CONSONANTS OF JAPANESE
(1.4) Debuccalization in Kagoshima Japanese (Trigo 1988: 34-5, based on Haraguchi 1984)° Trigo postulates that 1) high vowel deletion in word final position and ii) debuccalization of the inal consonant (i.e., [?] if oral, and [N] if nasal) apply in that order. She assumes that plac The second argument that Japanese /N/ is a placeless nasal is from Kagoshima Japanese.
(1.4) Debuccalization in Kagoshima Japanese (Trigo 1988: 34-5, based on Haraguchi 1984)° Trigo postulates that 1) high vowel deletion in word final position and ii) debuccalization of the inal consonant (i.e., [?] if oral, and [N] if nasal) apply in that order. She assumes that plac The second argument that Japanese /N/ is a placeless nasal is from Kagoshima Japanese.
As in the lefthand side, debuccalization is expressed through the deletion of the place node. However, /N/ is often velarized, and the question to ask is why it has to be velarized.
As in the lefthand side, debuccalization is expressed through the deletion of the place node. However, /N/ is often velarized, and the question to ask is why it has to be velarized.
(1.7) [consonantal] distinction between velars and glottals (Trigo 1988: 49)
(1.7) [consonantal] distinction between velars and glottals (Trigo 1988: 49)
First, debuccalization deletes the place feature from the consonant, leaving [+cons] behind. Then in order to interpret the [+cons] segment, place is acquired either via assimilation to the adjacent
First, debuccalization deletes the place feature from the consonant, leaving [+cons] behind. Then in order to interpret the [+cons] segment, place is acquired either via assimilation to the adjacent
Figure 1.2. Nasal flow in [nid] ‘need’ in English (adapted from Cohn (1990: 148)) for the example of [nid] ‘need’ in English.
Figure 1.2. Nasal flow in [nid] ‘need’ in English (adapted from Cohn (1990: 148)) for the example of [nid] ‘need’ in English.
Figure 1.3. Nasal flow in French Leon [le3] /le3/ ‘Leon’ (adapted from Cohn (1990: 101)) flow appears with a stable discrete flat line or plateau shape.
Figure 1.3. Nasal flow in French Leon [le3] /le3/ ‘Leon’ (adapted from Cohn (1990: 101)) flow appears with a stable discrete flat line or plateau shape.
(1.12) Placeless view (No oral constriction target) ° Thanks to Douglas Pulleyblank for sharing the idea of the diagrams and the discussion with me. constriction positions of a moraic nasal, a vowel, and a voiceless velar stop respectively.
(1.12) Placeless view (No oral constriction target) ° Thanks to Douglas Pulleyblank for sharing the idea of the diagrams and the discussion with me. constriction positions of a moraic nasal, a vowel, and a voiceless velar stop respectively.
(1.13) Place hypotheses In (1.13a), the velar view, /N/ should completely overlap with k. In (1.13b) the uvular
(1.13) Place hypotheses In (1.13a), the velar view, /N/ should completely overlap with k. In (1.13b) the uvular
(1.14) Non-placeless glottal hypothesis
(1.14) Non-placeless glottal hypothesis
This is shown below.
This is shown below.
(1.17) Phonological place as place at output of phonology
(1.17) Phonological place as place at output of phonology
(1.18) Correspondence between output of phonology and output of phonetics from the output of phonetics, and vice versa. Since the experimental results are products at the
(1.18) Correspondence between output of phonology and output of phonetics from the output of phonetics, and vice versa. Since the experimental results are products at the
specification in phonology. [N] is different from small capital [N] which is the uvular nasal. Note
specification in phonology. [N] is different from small capital [N] which is the uvular nasal. Note
(1.24) Debuccalization in Sino-Japanese (cf. Heffernan 2007: 62) As seen above, in Middle Japanese, only [n] is debuccalized to [N]. Interestingly, the original loanwords (see Heffernan 2007, Frellesvig 1989).
(1.24) Debuccalization in Sino-Japanese (cf. Heffernan 2007: 62) As seen above, in Middle Japanese, only [n] is debuccalized to [N]. Interestingly, the original loanwords (see Heffernan 2007, Frellesvig 1989).
(ii) Modern Japanese: Debuccalization of /N/ and /m/
(ii) Modern Japanese: Debuccalization of /N/ and /m/
dotted line. In Middle Japanese, due to the high ranking of FAITH[LAB], /m/ does not get
dotted line. In Middle Japanese, due to the high ranking of FAITH[LAB], /m/ does not get
The position of v in [tavi] should be somewhere between [a] and [i], v in [seveN] should be close (1.32) Various predicted positions of /N/ in avi, eve, eva, ovo to [e], v in [revai] should be between [e] and [a], and v in [hovo] should be close to [o]. As a
The position of v in [tavi] should be somewhere between [a] and [i], v in [seveN] should be close (1.32) Various predicted positions of /N/ in avi, eve, eva, ovo to [e], v in [revai] should be between [e] and [a], and v in [hovo] should be close to [o]. As a
(1.35) Intervocalic moraic nasal: 3 kinds of nasalized vowel (Uemura 1997a: 218) The patterns above can be derived with the following three rules: (1.36) Three nasalized vowels as intervocalic /N/ based on Uemura (1997a)
(1.35) Intervocalic moraic nasal: 3 kinds of nasalized vowel (Uemura 1997a: 218) The patterns above can be derived with the following three rules: (1.36) Three nasalized vowels as intervocalic /N/ based on Uemura (1997a)
(1.45) Phoneme inventory of Japanese The “Q” beside the table above is traditionally used in Japanese linguistics. The symbol is called
(1.45) Phoneme inventory of Japanese The “Q” beside the table above is traditionally used in Japanese linguistics. The symbol is called
Figure 1.5. Procedures to find place for segments
Figure 1.5. Procedures to find place for segments
is shown in Figure 2.1, then the overall line for /N/ should appear between the lines for al and
is shown in Figure 2.1, then the overall line for /N/ should appear between the lines for al and
Figure 2.2. Predicted place-specified /N/ in output of phonetics: when V1=V2
Figure 2.2. Predicted place-specified /N/ in output of phonetics: when V1=V2
Figure 2.4. Predicted place-specified /N/ in output of phonetics: assimilation to one V V1 (as in Figure 2.4(a)) or V2 (as in Figure 2.4(b)). those cases is assimilation to the V on either side, as below. /N/ appears to be identical to eiths
Figure 2.4. Predicted place-specified /N/ in output of phonetics: assimilation to one V V1 (as in Figure 2.4(a)) or V2 (as in Figure 2.4(b)). those cases is assimilation to the V on either side, as below. /N/ appears to be identical to eiths
Figure 2.5. Predicted place-specified /N/ in output of phonetics: Assimilation to both Vs difference, as in Figure 2.5.
Figure 2.5. Predicted place-specified /N/ in output of phonetics: Assimilation to both Vs difference, as in Figure 2.5.
2.3) Phonological representations based on significant differences in phonetics Since the current experiment uses words where V1 and V2 are phonologically the same, the /7-81, Ni Chiosain & Padgett 2001; see Archangeli & Pulleyblank 2007 for issues of locality).
2.3) Phonological representations based on significant differences in phonetics Since the current experiment uses words where V1 and V2 are phonologically the same, the /7-81, Ni Chiosain & Padgett 2001; see Archangeli & Pulleyblank 2007 for issues of locality).
the duration of /x/. in [2] below) during /x/, while the latter shows the steady state of F2 (as in [3] below) throughout
the duration of /x/. in [2] below) during /x/, while the latter shows the steady state of F2 (as in [3] below) throughout
V2” (Browman & Goldstein 1994: 41). Below is the average tracing for /aNi/ for talker TT.
V2” (Browman & Goldstein 1994: 41). Below is the average tracing for /aNi/ for talker TT.
Figure 2.8. Measurement points in EdgeTrak The tongue surface traced by EdgeTrak appears in red dots below.
Figure 2.8. Measurement points in EdgeTrak The tongue surface traced by EdgeTrak appears in red dots below.
significant difference between two lines starts and ends. An example is given below.
significant difference between two lines starts and ends. An example is given below.
difference while the right-hand side does not. without significant difference (on the right); note the intersection of the fine red and gray dotted inserted manually where the significant difference starts: The left-hand side shows a significar
difference while the right-hand side does not. without significant difference (on the right); note the intersection of the fine red and gray dotted inserted manually where the significant difference starts: The left-hand side shows a significar
Figure 2.11. Average tracing: aNa
Figure 2.11. Average tracing: aNa
In speaker YS’s production of /aNa/, shown above, the dorsum is raised about 10 mm in
In speaker YS’s production of /aNa/, shown above, the dorsum is raised about 10 mm in
the case where they are not identical (thus significantly different).
the case where they are not identical (thus significantly different).
between any pair of segments. The P-value indicates /h/ is not so different from /a/ on both sides.
between any pair of segments. The P-value indicates /h/ is not so different from /a/ on both sides.
In speaker HS’s production of /ahha/, shown above, there is a significant difference
In speaker HS’s production of /ahha/, shown above, there is a significant difference
Table 3.1. T-test results (unpaired): constriction degree of al, h, a2 of ahha (P-values) The results show that speakers can be roughly categorized into three groups:
Table 3.1. T-test results (unpaired): constriction degree of al, h, a2 of ahha (P-values) The results show that speakers can be roughly categorized into three groups:
In speaker AM’s production of /ahha/, shown above, there is no significant differenc
In speaker AM’s production of /ahha/, shown above, there is no significant differenc
Figure 3.18. Boxplots of constriction location: HS ahha
Figure 3.18. Boxplots of constriction location: HS ahha
In speaker TT’s production of /ahha/, shown above, there is no significant difference
In speaker TT’s production of /ahha/, shown above, there is no significant difference
Figure 3.20. Boxplots of constriction location: YS ahha
Figure 3.20. Boxplots of constriction location: YS ahha
In speaker KK’s production of /ahha/, shown above, there is no significant difference between any of the pairs. The mean values show that the tongue peak of /h/ is 3.49 mm farther back than that of al, and the tongue peak of a2 goes 1.3 mm farther back than that of /h/. In this
In speaker KK’s production of /ahha/, shown above, there is no significant difference between any of the pairs. The mean values show that the tongue peak of /h/ is 3.49 mm farther back than that of al, and the tongue peak of a2 goes 1.3 mm farther back than that of /h/. In this
Table 3.2. T-test (unpaired) of constriction location for al, h, a2 of ahha (P-values) shows, none of the speakers show the pattern for the targeted CL (constriction location). The Whether the CL is significantly different from that of al or a2 was examined on t-tests. attested patterns are the two groups in (3.5):
Table 3.2. T-test (unpaired) of constriction location for al, h, a2 of ahha (P-values) shows, none of the speakers show the pattern for the targeted CL (constriction location). The Whether the CL is significantly different from that of al or a2 was examined on t-tests. attested patterns are the two groups in (3.5):
Table 3.3. Combined results of SS-ANOVA and boxplots: ahha [The green cells suggest that there are significant differences both between /h/ and al a1
Table 3.3. Combined results of SS-ANOVA and boxplots: ahha [The green cells suggest that there are significant differences both between /h/ and al a1
given below. The SS-ANOVA of this assimilation-type which is observed in AM’s and YS’s speech is can be taken as phonological assimilation. interpreted as either dorso-pharyngeal or pharyngeal, and I show some reasons.
given below. The SS-ANOVA of this assimilation-type which is observed in AM’s and YS’s speech is can be taken as phonological assimilation. interpreted as either dorso-pharyngeal or pharyngeal, and I show some reasons.
Figure 3.24. Identity between /h/ and a2: Trigger is a2 this is correct, the output representation would look like this:
Figure 3.24. Identity between /h/ and a2: Trigger is a2 this is correct, the output representation would look like this:
Figure 3.25. Identity between /h/ and a2: Trigger is /h/ /h/. This is shown below. In the figure above, it is assumed that [dor] under a2 gets delinked (the derivational process is
Figure 3.25. Identity between /h/ and a2: Trigger is /h/ /h/. This is shown below. In the figure above, it is assumed that [dor] under a2 gets delinked (the derivational process is
In TT’s speech, the retraction area is observed in a region of the back part of the tongue
In TT’s speech, the retraction area is observed in a region of the back part of the tongue
This /h/ can be considered as pharyngealized. In HS’s speech, /h/ is identical to 11, but is retracted relative to 12. (A bit of the tongue
This /h/ can be considered as pharyngealized. In HS’s speech, /h/ is identical to 11, but is retracted relative to 12. (A bit of the tongue
Figure 3.28. Representations of three types of /h/ which feature [a] and [§] stand for. The symbols [a] and [f§] denote some feature. In the discussion in this section, it does not matt
Figure 3.28. Representations of three types of /h/ which feature [a] and [§] stand for. The symbols [a] and [f§] denote some feature. In the discussion in this section, it does not matt
Figure 3.29. Line drawing based on MRI images of Japanese /a/ of Zhu and Hatano (2010) the base line to the beginning of the velum. Now we see the oral tract is divided into three blocks
Figure 3.29. Line drawing based on MRI images of Japanese /a/ of Zhu and Hatano (2010) the base line to the beginning of the velum. Now we see the oral tract is divided into three blocks
were measured, and the average from the two speakers was taken. >” Based on the averaged angle, The boundary of the velar and uvular areas is drawn at the midpoint of the velar zone and angle B (from the left side of the base line to the beginning of the velum) from each speaker
were measured, and the average from the two speakers was taken. >” Based on the averaged angle, The boundary of the velar and uvular areas is drawn at the midpoint of the velar zone and angle B (from the left side of the base line to the beginning of the velum) from each speaker
(3.7) Constriction location of /h/ relative to al and a2: TT, HS, MK both al and a2, which categorize them as pharyngeal-type /h/. But this situation does not hold for
(3.7) Constriction location of /h/ relative to al and a2: TT, HS, MK both al and a2, which categorize them as pharyngeal-type /h/. But this situation does not hold for
Figure 3.32. Application of the template to /h/: AM, YS /h/ vs. a2 is omitted here, as they are identical because of assimilation.
Figure 3.32. Application of the template to /h/: AM, YS /h/ vs. a2 is omitted here, as they are identical because of assimilation.
equivalent to uvular (HS, TT). The former ‘assimilation-type’ /h/s (AM, YS) are no longer
equivalent to uvular (HS, TT). The former ‘assimilation-type’ /h/s (AM, YS) are no longer
Figure 4.1. Boxplots of constriction degree: AM: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.1. Boxplots of constriction degree: AM: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.2. Boxplots of constriction degree: HS: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.2. Boxplots of constriction degree: HS: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.3. Boxplots of constriction degree: TT: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.3. Boxplots of constriction degree: TT: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.4. Boxplots of constriction degree: YS: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.4. Boxplots of constriction degree: YS: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.5. Boxplots of constriction degree: KK: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.5. Boxplots of constriction degree: KK: ahha, aNa, akka
is 8.4 mm, and /k/ is higher than /N/ by 4.36 mm. T-tests found a significant difference betweer
is 8.4 mm, and /k/ is higher than /N/ by 4.36 mm. T-tests found a significant difference betweer
Table 4.2. Standard deviations of constriction degree for ahha, aNa, and akka The ranking is not uniform across speakers. /N/ > /k/ > /h/ holds for TT and MK only. For AM, :
Table 4.2. Standard deviations of constriction degree for ahha, aNa, and akka The ranking is not uniform across speakers. /N/ > /k/ > /h/ holds for TT and MK only. For AM, :
Table 4.1. T-test results (unpaired) for ahha, aNa, and akka To determine the variability of peak CD, SD and IQR were calculated. Both measures among /N/ vs. /k/, /N/ vs. /h/ and /h/ vs. /k/ is confirmed using t-tests, as summarized in Table 4.1
Table 4.1. T-test results (unpaired) for ahha, aNa, and akka To determine the variability of peak CD, SD and IQR were calculated. Both measures among /N/ vs. /k/, /N/ vs. /h/ and /h/ vs. /k/ is confirmed using t-tests, as summarized in Table 4.1
Table 4.3. IQR of constriction degree for ahha, aNa, and akka But here again, the ranking is not uniform across speakers. The ranking /N/ > /k/ > /h/ holds for In both SD and IQR, HS conspicuously raises the overall average of /N/. This suggests
Table 4.3. IQR of constriction degree for ahha, aNa, and akka But here again, the ranking is not uniform across speakers. The ranking /N/ > /k/ > /h/ holds for In both SD and IQR, HS conspicuously raises the overall average of /N/. This suggests
Table 4.4. F-tests of variance for ahha, aNa, and akka (P-values) none of /h/, /N/ and /k/ shows significantly higher variability than any of the others.
Table 4.4. F-tests of variance for ahha, aNa, and akka (P-values) none of /h/, /N/ and /k/ shows significantly higher variability than any of the others.
Figure 4.7. Boxplots of constriction location: AM: ahha, aNa, akka the location of /N/ relative to /h/ and /k/ is different across speakers.
Figure 4.7. Boxplots of constriction location: AM: ahha, aNa, akka the location of /N/ relative to /h/ and /k/ is different across speakers.
Figure 4.9. Boxplots of constriction location: TT: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.9. Boxplots of constriction location: TT: ahha, aNa, akka
Figure 4.10. Boxplots of constriction location: YS: ahha, aNa, akka In YS’s speech, /h/ has the largest IQR and SD. T-tests found a significant differenc
Figure 4.10. Boxplots of constriction location: YS: ahha, aNa, akka In YS’s speech, /h/ has the largest IQR and SD. T-tests found a significant differenc
Figure 4.12. Boxplots of constriction location: MK: ahha, aNa, akka In MK’s speech, /N/ has the largest IQR but /k/ has the largest SD. T-tests found <
Figure 4.12. Boxplots of constriction location: MK: ahha, aNa, akka In MK’s speech, /N/ has the largest IQR but /k/ has the largest SD. T-tests found <
Table 4.5. T-test results (unpaired) for ahha, aNa, and akka (P-values)
Table 4.5. T-test results (unpaired) for ahha, aNa, and akka (P-values)
Table 4.6. Peak location of /N/ relative to /h, k/ The variation can be divided into three types: (a) /N/ as pre-/k/, where /N/ is more front than /h/
Table 4.6. Peak location of /N/ relative to /h, k/ The variation can be divided into three types: (a) /N/ as pre-/k/, where /N/ is more front than /h/
Figure 4.13. Highest point of /h, N, k/ in average tracings: All speakers
Figure 4.13. Highest point of /h, N, k/ in average tracings: All speakers
Table 4.7. Standard deviations of constriction location for ahha, aNa, and akka The Standard Deviation (SD) for /h, N, k/ is listed below.
Table 4.7. Standard deviations of constriction location for ahha, aNa, and akka The Standard Deviation (SD) for /h, N, k/ is listed below.
Table 4.8. IQR of constriction location for ahha, aNa, and akka The IQR ranking within a talker is parallel with the ranking of SD, except MK. For MK, IQR [QR of x values at peak CL was also compared as below.
Table 4.8. IQR of constriction location for ahha, aNa, and akka The IQR ranking within a talker is parallel with the ranking of SD, except MK. For MK, IQR [QR of x values at peak CL was also compared as below.
Table 4.9. F-tests of variance for ahha, aNa, and akka (P-values) that of /k/ for all speakers. For the variance of /N/, F-tests were made as below.
Table 4.9. F-tests of variance for ahha, aNa, and akka (P-values) that of /k/ for all speakers. For the variance of /N/, F-tests were made as below.
Figure 4.14. Elaborated template of place of articulation prepalatal and palatal. This is shown below. the alveolar zone has subzones of alveolar and postalveolar, and the palatal zone has subzones of The following shows the outcomes of the application of the template above. The template
Figure 4.14. Elaborated template of place of articulation prepalatal and palatal. This is shown below. the alveolar zone has subzones of alveolar and postalveolar, and the palatal zone has subzones of The following shows the outcomes of the application of the template above. The template
(4.2) Constriction location of /N/ relative to al and a2: all speakers
(4.2) Constriction location of /N/ relative to al and a2: all speakers
(4.3) Constriction location of /N/ relative to al and a2 The next thing we should ask is where the maximum constriction of /k/ is. This question
(4.3) Constriction location of /N/ relative to al and a2 The next thing we should ask is where the maximum constriction of /k/ is. This question
A violet line indicates constriction in the prepalatal subzone, blue indicates constriction in the
A violet line indicates constriction in the prepalatal subzone, blue indicates constriction in the
(4.4) Constriction location of /k/ relative to al and a2 result from (ii) match with each other.
(4.4) Constriction location of /k/ relative to al and a2 result from (ii) match with each other.
The purpose of reviewing the symbols is not to propose new ones, but to pose questions
The purpose of reviewing the symbols is not to propose new ones, but to pose questions
Figure 4.21. Boxplots of constriction degree: YS: VhhV, VNV, and VkkV
Figure 4.21. Boxplots of constriction degree: YS: VhhV, VNV, and VkkV
In KK’s speech with a dorsal/placeless /h/, the CD of /k/ is farther upward compared to
In KK’s speech with a dorsal/placeless /h/, the CD of /k/ is farther upward compared to
to /h/ and /N/, and the relative ranking of the constriction degree based on the mean is /k/ > /N/>
to /h/ and /N/, and the relative ranking of the constriction degree based on the mean is /k/ > /N/>
Table 4.11. Standard deviations of constriction degree for VhhV, VNV, and VkkV two tables below. the average of IQR show the same result: The ranking of variability is /h/ > /N/ > /k/, as in the the most variable, and the rankings of /N/ and /k/ have some variation. But the average of SD an
Table 4.11. Standard deviations of constriction degree for VhhV, VNV, and VkkV two tables below. the average of IQR show the same result: The ranking of variability is /h/ > /N/ > /k/, as in the the most variable, and the rankings of /N/ and /k/ have some variation. But the average of SD an
Table 4.12. IQR of constriction degree for VhhV, VNV, and VkkV
Table 4.12. IQR of constriction degree for VhhV, VNV, and VkkV
Table 4.13. F-tests of variance of constriction degree for VhhV, VNV, and VkkV (P-values)
Table 4.13. F-tests of variance of constriction degree for VhhV, VNV, and VkkV (P-values)
Figure 4.28. Boxplots of constriction location: KK: VhhV, VNV, and VkkV
Figure 4.28. Boxplots of constriction location: KK: VhhV, VNV, and VkkV
Figure 4.29. Boxplots of constriction location: MK: VhhV, VNV, and VkkV
Figure 4.29. Boxplots of constriction location: MK: VhhV, VNV, and VkkV
Table 4.14. T-test (unpaired) of constriction location for VhhV, VNV, and VkkV (P-values) For the purpose of measuring the variability of CL, Standard Deviation (SD) and IQR of
Table 4.14. T-test (unpaired) of constriction location for VhhV, VNV, and VkkV (P-values) For the purpose of measuring the variability of CL, Standard Deviation (SD) and IQR of
Table 4.15. Standard deviations of constriction location for VAhV, VNV, and VkkV (P-values) Table 4.16. IQR of constriction location for VAhV, VNV, and VkkV
Table 4.15. Standard deviations of constriction location for VAhV, VNV, and VkkV (P-values) Table 4.16. IQR of constriction location for VAhV, VNV, and VkkV
For SD, every speaker has the same ranking, /h/ > /N/ > /k/. For IQR, 5 out of 6 speakers
For SD, every speaker has the same ranking, /h/ > /N/ > /k/. For IQR, 5 out of 6 speakers
Table 4.17. F-tests of variance of constriction location for VihV, VNV, and VkkV (P-values) The most conspicuous result here is that the variance of /h/ vs. /k/ is significantly A significant difference was also found in the variance of /h/ vs. /N/ for HS (and possibly
Table 4.17. F-tests of variance of constriction location for VihV, VNV, and VkkV (P-values) The most conspicuous result here is that the variance of /h/ vs. /k/ is significantly A significant difference was also found in the variance of /h/ vs. /N/ for HS (and possibly
Table 4.18. Average of SD: CD and CL in /a/ context Table 4.19. Average of IQR: CD and CL in /a/ context
Table 4.18. Average of SD: CD and CL in /a/ context Table 4.19. Average of IQR: CD and CL in /a/ context
Table 4.20. Average of SD: CD and CL in multiple contexts averages of all speakers from Table 4.11 and Table 4.15 are repeated and combined below.
Table 4.20. Average of SD: CD and CL in multiple contexts averages of all speakers from Table 4.11 and Table 4.15 are repeated and combined below.
(4.7) Possible combinations for /N, h/ (4.71) shows the case where /N/ is pharyngeal, while (4.711) shows the case where /N/ is uvular. combinations of /N/ and /h/. (The featural structures of segments are based on Rose 1996.)
(4.7) Possible combinations for /N, h/ (4.71) shows the case where /N/ is pharyngeal, while (4.711) shows the case where /N/ is uvular. combinations of /N/ and /h/. (The featural structures of segments are based on Rose 1996.)
(4.9) Relation between PoA of /N/ and PoA of /h/
(4.9) Relation between PoA of /N/ and PoA of /h/
In contrast, combinations such as (4.81) pharyngeal nasal and placeless laryngeal, (4.811) uvul
In contrast, combinations such as (4.81) pharyngeal nasal and placeless laryngeal, (4.811) uvul
(5.2) Three Types of Placelessness in a Derivational Framework
(5.2) Three Types of Placelessness in a Derivational Framework
This illustration shows that both coronal and velar are derived from one underlyingly placeless representation. At the underlying level, there is a single representation that has a bare node
This illustration shows that both coronal and velar are derived from one underlyingly placeless representation. At the underlying level, there is a single representation that has a bare node
(5.4) Segments in Glottal Column In the current IPA chart, voiced plosive, the row of glottal nasal, and the row of glottal the ‘glottal nasal stop’ [N]. Below, the two segments are added to the current IPA chart.
(5.4) Segments in Glottal Column In the current IPA chart, voiced plosive, the row of glottal nasal, and the row of glottal the ‘glottal nasal stop’ [N]. Below, the two segments are added to the current IPA chart.
Table A. 3. Page 3 of reading list Table A. 2. Page 2 of reading list
Table A. 3. Page 3 of reading list Table A. 2. Page 2 of reading list
Table A. 4. Page 4 of reading list
Table A. 4. Page 4 of reading list
Figure B. 1. Average Tracings: thhi, iNi, ikki (blue=h, red=N, green=k
Figure B. 1. Average Tracings: thhi, iNi, ikki (blue=h, red=N, green=k
Figure B. 2. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: AM: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (11) aNa vs. akka
Figure B. 2. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: AM: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (11) aNa vs. akka
Figure B. 3. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: HS: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (11) aNa vs. akka
Figure B. 3. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: HS: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (11) aNa vs. akka
Figure B. 4. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: TT: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (ii) aNa vs. akka
Figure B. 4. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: TT: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (ii) aNa vs. akka
Figure B. 5. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: YS: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (11) aNa vs. akka
Figure B. 5. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: YS: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (11) aNa vs. akka
Figure B. 6. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: KK: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (ii) aNa vs. akka
Figure B. 6. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: KK: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (ii) aNa vs. akka
Figure B. 7. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: MK: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (11) aNa vs. akka a
Figure B. 7. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: MK: (i) aNa vs. ahha, (11) aNa vs. akka a
Figure B. 8. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: AM: (i) ahha vs. ihhi, (ii) aNa vs. iNi, (iii)
Figure B. 8. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: AM: (i) ahha vs. ihhi, (ii) aNa vs. iNi, (iii)
Figure B. 9. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: HS: (i) ahha vs. ihhi, (11) aNa vs. iNi, (iii)
Figure B. 9. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: HS: (i) ahha vs. ihhi, (11) aNa vs. iNi, (iii)
Figure B. 12. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: KK: (i) ahha vs. ihhi, (11) aNa vs. iNi, (ii)
Figure B. 12. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: KK: (i) ahha vs. ihhi, (11) aNa vs. iNi, (ii)
Figure B. 13. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: MK: (i) ahha vs. ihhi, (ii) aNa vs. iNi,
Figure B. 13. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: MK: (i) ahha vs. ihhi, (ii) aNa vs. iNi,
Figure B. 15. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: AM: (i) akka vs. akka, (11) akka vs. akka
Figure B. 15. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: AM: (i) akka vs. akka, (11) akka vs. akka
Figure B. 17. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: TT: (1) akka vs. akka, (ii) akka vs. akka
Figure B. 17. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: TT: (1) akka vs. akka, (ii) akka vs. akka
Figure B. 18. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: YS: (i) akka vs. akka, (11) akka vs. akka
Figure B. 18. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: YS: (i) akka vs. akka, (11) akka vs. akka
Figure B. 19. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: KK: (1) akka vs. akka, (i1) akka vs. akka
Figure B. 19. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: KK: (1) akka vs. akka, (i1) akka vs. akka
Figure B. 20. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: MK: (i) akka vs. akka, (11) akka vs. akka
Figure B. 20. SS-ANOVA tongue-contour graphs: MK: (i) akka vs. akka, (11) akka vs. akka
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